i 


* 


,,  Ji«O 

11 


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•^ 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE  REIGN  OF 

FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA, 

THE  CATHOLIC. 


BY    WILLIAM    H.    PRESCOTT. 


Quse  surgere  regna 
Oonjugio  tali ! 

Virgil.  JEneid.  iv.  47. 

Crevere  vires,  famaque  et  import 
Porrecta  majestas  ab  Kuro 
Soils  ad  Occiduum  cubile. 

Ilorat.  Carm.  iv.  15. 


IN    THREE    VOLUMES.— VOL.  III. 
TWELFTH    EDITION. 


BOSTON: 

PHILLIPS,   SAMPSON,   AND    COMPANY. 
1856. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1837,  by 

WILLIAM   H.    PRESCOTT, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


CONTENTS 


OF 


VOLUME    THIRD. 


PART    SECOND. 

THE  PERIOD  WHEN,  THE  INTERIOR  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
MONARCHY  HAVING  BEEN  COMPLETED,  THE  SPANISH  NA- 
TION'ENTERED  ON  ITS  SCHEMES  OF  DISCOVERY  AND  CON- 
QUEST; OR  THE  PERIOD  ILLUSTRATING  MORE  PARTICU- 
LARLY THE  FOREIGN  POLICY  OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 
(CONTINUED.) 

I?' 

CHAPTER  X. 

i  V*gf 

ITALIAN   WARS.  —  PARTITION   OF  NAPLES.  —  GONSALVO 

OVERRUNS  CALABRIA        ....      .v  ......       •  3 

Louis  XII.'s  Designs  on  Italy            ......  4 

Politics  of  that  Country »•=-?«*?  4 

The  French  conquer  Milan 5 

Alarm  of  the  Spanish  Court                   0 

Remonstrance  to  the  Pope 7 

Boldness  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega         •        .        .        .        .  7 

Negotiations  with  Venice  and  the  Emperor      ....  8 

Louis  openly  menaces  Naples 9 

Views  of  Ferdinand          ....                 ...  10 

Fleet  fitted  out  under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova           ...  12 

Partition  of  Naples 13 

Ground  of  Ferdinand's  Claim 14 

Gonsalvo  sails  against  the  Turks  ...                 .  16 

Storming  of  St.  George 17 

Honors  paid  to  Gonsalvo 18 

The  Pope  confirms  the  Partition 19 

Astonishment  of  Italy 20 

Success  and  Cruelties  of  the  French 21 

Fate  of  Frederic   .  22 


2037620 


vi  CONTENTS 

Pag« 

Gonsalvo  invades  Calabria        .  24 

Invests  Tarento     ....•••••25 

Discontents  in  the  Array   ••••••••26 

Munificence  of  Gonsalvo       •••••••27 

He  punishes  a  Mutiny      .        .        •        •        .        •        •        .28) 

Bolder  Plan  of  Attack 29 

Tarento  surrenders •        .    30 

Perjury  of  Gonsalvo 32 


CHAPTER  XI. 

ITALIAN   WARS.  —  RUPTURE  WITH  FRANCE.  —  GONSALVO 

BESIEGED  IN  BARLETA  34 

Mutual  Distrust  of  the  French  and  Spaniards        .        •        •        34 

Cause  of  Rupture 35 

The  French  begin  Hostilities 37 

The  Italians  favor  them 38 

The  French  Army 40 

Inferiority  of  the  Spaniards     •....••41 

Gonsalvo  retires  to  Barleta 42 

Siege  of  Canosa     .........44 

Chivalrous  Character  of  the  War 45 

Tournament  near  Trani   .         .         .        .        .        •        .        .46 

Duel  between  Bayard  and  Sotomayor 47 

Distress  of  the  Spaniards 49 

Spirit  of  Gonsalvo ,,.50 

The  French  reduce  Calabria .    51 

Constancy  of  the  Spaniards .51 

Nemours  defies  the  Spaniards          .        .        .        .        .        .52 

Rout  of  the  French  Rear-guard  ...,,.        53 
Arrival  of  Supplies  ....,.,.54 

Design  on  Ruvo  .........55 

Gonsalvo  storms  and  takes  it.        .        .        .        .        ,        .56 

His  Treatment  of  the  Prisoners     ......        58 

Prepares  to  leave  Barleta .    59 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ITALIAN  WARS.  —  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  FRANCE.  —  VICTO- 
RY OF  CERIGNOLA.  —  SURRENDER  OF  NAPLES     .        .  61 

Birth  of  Charles  V. 61 

Philip  and  Joanna  visit  Spain        ......  62 


CONTENTS.  vn 

Page 

Recognised  by  Cortes      ....                                 .  64 

Philip's  Discontent 65 

Leaves  Spain  for  France .67 

Negotiates  a  Treaty  with  Louis  XIL    .....  68 

Treaty  of  Lyons .  68 

The  Great  Captain  refuses  to  comply  with  it        .        .  70 

Marches  out  of  Barleta 71 

Distress  of  the  Troops 72 

Encamps  before  Cerignola 73 

Nemours  pursues  .........74 

The  Spanish  Forces 75 

The  French  Forces 75 

Battle  of  Cerignola 76 

Death  of  Nemours 76 

Rout  of  the  French   ...               77 

Their  Loss     ....                78 

Pursuit  of  the  Enemy 79 

D'Aubigny  defeated 80 

Submission  of  Naples 81 

Triumphant  Entry  of  Gonsalvo 82 

Fortresses  of  Naples 83 

Castel  Nuovo  stormed  * 84 

Nearly  all  the  Kingdom  reduced      ......  85 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  FRANCE,  —  UNSUCCESSFUL  INVASION 

OF  SPAIN.  —  TRUCE 87 

Treaty  of  Lyons 87 

Rejected  by  Ferdinand 88 

His  Policy  examined 89 

Joanna's  Despondency 92 

First  Symptoms  of  her  Insanity 94 

The  Queen  hastens  to  her 94 

Isabella's  Distress 95 

Her  Illness  and  Fortitude 96 

The  French  invade  Spain .97 

Siege  of  Salsas .        .        99 ' 

Isabella's  Exertions 99 

Ferdinand's  Successes 101 

Truce  with  France 103 

Reflections  on  the  Campaign 104 

Impediments  to  Historic  Accuracy  .        .        .        .        .        .104 

Speculative  Writers 106 


vui  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Page 
ITALIAN  WARS.  —  CONDITION   OF  ITALY.  —  FRENCH  AND 

SPANISH  ARMIES  ON  THE  GARIGLIANO     .       .       .  108 

Melancholy  Condition  of  Italy 108 

Views  of  the  Italian  States 112 

Of  the  Emperor      ....•••••  113 

•    Great  Preparations  of  Louis  XII 114 

Death  of  Alexander  VI 115 

Electioneering  Intrigues      .......  117 

Julius  II. 118 

Gonsalvo  repulsed  before  Gaeta 119 

Strength  of  his  Forces 120 

Occupies  San  Germano 122 

The  French  encamp  on  the  Garigliano 123 

Passage  of  the  Bridge                  .                 ....  124 

Desperate  Resistance      ...*....  125 

The  French  resume  their  Quarters     .....  127 

Anxious  Expectation  of  Italy 127 

Gonsalvo  strengthens  his  Position       .....  128 

Great  Distress  of  the  Army    ...*....  129 

Gonsalvo's  Resolution          .......  130 

Remarkable  Instance  of  it. 130 

Patience  of  the  Spaniards    .        .        .        .        .        .        .  132 

Situation  of  the  French   ......*.  132 

Their  Insubordination  ...                         ...  133 

Saluzzo  takes  the  Command    .......  133 

Heroism  of  Paredes  and  Bayard  ......  134 

CHAPTER   XV. 

ITALIAN  WARS.  —  ROUT  OF  THE  GARIGLIANO.  —  TREATY 

WITH  FRANCE.  —  GONSALVO'S  MILITARY  CONDUCT  137 

Gonsalvo  secures  the  Orsini 137 

Assumes  the  Offensive          .        .        .        .        .        .    •   .  138 

Plan  of  Attack 139 

Consternation  of  the  French 140 

They  retreat  on  Gaeta 141 

Action  at  the  Bridge  of  Mola 142- 

Hotly  contested 143 

Arrival  of  the  Spanish  Rear         .        .  ;    V       .        .        .  143 

The  French  routed 144 


CONTENTS  W 

Page 

Their  Loss 145 

Gallantry  of  their  Chivalry       .        .                         ...  146 

Capitulation  of  Gaeta •        .        .  147 

Gonsalvo's  Courtesy .  149 

Chagrin  of  Louis  XII.           .......  149 

Sufferings  of  the  French 150 

The  Spaniards  occupy  Gaeta 151 

Public  Enthusiasm 153 

Extortions  of  the  Spanish  Troops 153 

Gonsalvo's  Liberality  to  his  Officers        .        .        .        .        .  154 

Apprehensions  of  Louis  XII 155 

Treaty  with  France 156 

Gallantry  of  Louis  d'Ars 157 

Causes  of  the  French  Failures 158 

Review  of  Gonsalvo's  Conduct 160 

His  Reform  of  the  Service .  161 

Influence  over  the  Army 162 

His  Confidence  in  their  Character 163 

Position  of  the  Army .  165 

Results  of  the  Campaigns .165 

Memoirs  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova 166 

French  Chronicles   ...                        ...  167 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA.  —  HER  CHARACTER  169 

Decline  of  the  Queen's  Health                169 

Mad  Conduct  of  Joanna       .......  171 

The  Queen  seized  with  a  Fever 171 

Retains  her  Energies 172 

Alarm  of  the  Nation 174 

Her  Testament 174 

Settles  the  Succession 175 

Ferdinand  named  Regent 176 

Provision  for  him 177 

Her  Codicil 178 

She  fails  rapidly 180 

Her  Resignation  and  Death 181 

Her  Remains  transported  to  Granada 182 

Laid  in  the  Alhambra 183 

Isabella's  Person 183 

Her  Manners 184 

Her  Magnanimity     ......                .        .  186 

VOL.   III.  6 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

Her  Piety 187 

Her  Bigotry 188 

Common  to  her  Age 189 

And  later  Times 190 

Her  Strength  of  Principle 191 

Her  Practical  Sense •        •  192 

Her  unwearied  Activity  •••,»*•••  193 

Her  Courage ...»  195 

Her  Sensibility 197 

Parallel  with  Queen  Elizabeth 198 

Universal  Homage  to  her  Virtues 204 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

FERDINAND  REGENT.  —  His  SECOND  MARRIAGE.  —  DISSEN- 
SIONS WITH  PHILIP.  —  RESIGNATION  OP  THE  REGENCY  206 

Philip  and  Joanna  proclaimed 206 

Discontent  of  the  Nobles 209 

Don  Juan  Manuel         ......                .  209 

Philip's  Pretensions .  210 

His  Party  increases 211 

He  tampers  with  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova    .....  212 

Ferdinand's  Perplexities       ...         ....  213 

Proposals  for  a  second  Marriage 215 

Policy  of  Louis  XII 216 

Treaty  with  France           .                 ......  217 

Its  Impolicy 218 

Concord  of  Salamanca 220 

Philip  and  Joanna  embark     ...                 ...  221 

Reach  Corufia 222 

Philip  joined  by  the  Nobles  .......  223 

His  Character 225 

Ferdinand  unpopular 226 

Interview  with  Philip         ....                 .        .        •  227 

Courteous  Deportment  of  Ferdinand     .....  228 

Philip's  Distrust 228 

Ferdinand  resigns  the  Regency  ....         .  230 

His  private  Protest ...  23C 

His  Motives          ...            ' 231 

Second  Interview     . 232 

Departure  of  Ferdinand       .......  233 

Authorities  for  the  Account  of  Philip 234 


CONTENTS.  Xl 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

CoLuirfBus.  —  His  RETURN  TO  SPAIN. —  His  DEATH  235 

Columbus's  last  Voyage 235 

He  learns  Isabella's  Death 236 

His  Illness 237 

He  visits  the  Court      .                238 

Ferdinand's  unjust  Treatment  of  him 239 

He  declines  in  Health  and  Spirits        .        •        •        •        .  240 

His  Death ....  241 

His  Person  and  Habits 242 

His  Enthusiasm ,  243 

His  lofty  Character 244 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

REIGN  AND  DEATH  OP  PHILIP  I.  —  PROCEEDINGS  IN  CAS- 
TILE.—  FERDINAND  VISITS  NAPLES    .      .               .  246 

Philip  and  Joanna 246 

Philip's  arbitrary  Government 247 

Reckless  Extravagance 248 

Troubles  from  the  Inquisition 249 

Ferdinand's  Distrust  of  Gonsalvo 250 

He  sails  for  Naples 252 

Gonsalvo's  Loyalty 253 

Death  of  Philip          ........  255 

His  Character 256 

Provisional  Government 259 

Joanna's  Condition .  260 

Convocation  of  Cortes 261 

Ferdinand  received  with  Enthusiasm     .....  262 

His  Entry  into  Naples 263 

Restores  the  Angevins 265 

General  Dissatisfaction  266 


CHAPTER  XX. 

FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY.  —  GONSALVO'S  HON- 
ORS AND  RETIREMENT 267 

Meeting  of  Cortes 267 

Joanna's  insane  Conduct 267 


il  CONTENTS. 

V»e» 

She  changes  her  Ministers       ..•••••  270 

Disorderly  State  of  Castile  .        .        .        .                .        .  .  271 

Distress  of  the  Kingdom          .......  272 

Ferdinand's  politic  Behaviour       •        •        •        •                •'  273 

He  leaves  Naples ;      *   '  ••                •  274 

Gonsalvo  do  Cordova •  275 

Grief  of  the  Neapolitans .  278 

Brilliant  Interview  of  Ferdinand  and  Louis      •--+•">  v>  ;  -  .  278 

Compliments  to  Gonsalvo        .        .        .        .  ••••;;•»'•'•            .  281 

The  King's  Reception  in  Castile          .        .        *  -•  r1      .  282 

Joanna's  Retirement .  283 

Irregularity  of  Ferdinand's  Proceedings     .        •        .        .  284 

General  Amnesty 286 

He  establishes  a  Guard 286 

His  excessive  Severity  ........  288 

Disgust  of  the  Nobles 290 

Gonsalvo's  Progress  through  the  Country       ....  290 

Ferdinand  breaks  his  Word        .        .        .        ....  291 

The  Queen's  Coolness 292 

Gonsalvo  withdraws  from  Court,         .        .        .        .        .  293 

Splendor  of  his  Retirement     ...                ...  294 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

XIMENES.  —  CONQUESTS   IN   AFRICA. —  UNIVERSITY   OF 

ALCALA. —  POLYGLOT  BIBLE           ....  296 

Policy  of  Ferdinand's  Severity       ...         ...  296 

Enthusiasm  of  Ximenes 297 

His  Designs  against  Oran        .......  299 

His  warlike  Preparations     .        .        .        •        •'    '    +'•'•  :  V '  300 

His  Perseverance            .        .        .        .        .        ..        .  301 

Sends  an  Army  to  Africa            ...                 *  '     .  301 

Addresses  the  Troops .  302 

The  Command  left  to  Navarre    .        .        .        •       .  :^  '  *  303 

Battle  before  Oran 304 

The  City  stormed 305 

Moorish  Loss         .         ,    -"'  ,!• ! '.'*'!,',  ii'.j    ....  306 

Ximenes  enters  Oran 307 

Opposition  of  his  General 'JuS 

His  Distrust  of  Ferdinand 309 

Ximenes  returns  to  Spain      .        .        .        .        .      i-^;.--:  310 

Refuses  public  Honors      .....       V  -'*'"  311 


CONTENTS.  xui 

Page 

Navarro's  African  Conquests                 .        •        •           .        .  312 

College  of  Ximenes  at  Alcala    .        •        •        •        »        •  315 

Its  Magnificence     .        .        .        *        *        •,..*,;.•        •  316 

Provisions  for  Education      .        «,..._..*    ... ,»...,.  ,«,,'.. •.*>>      •  317 

The  King  visits  the  University       •«••••  320 

Polyglot  Edition  of  the  Bible      ......  321 

Difficulties  of  the  Task 323 

Grand  Projects  of  Ximenes 326 

CHAPTER  XXIL 

WARS   AND   POLITICS   OP   ITALY 329 

Projects  against  Venice       •••••••  330 

League  of  Cambray        .*......  330 

Its  Origin            331 

Louis  XII.  invades  Italy           .                333 

Resolution  of  Venice          .        .        .        .        .        .        .  334 

Alarm  of  Ferdinand       .        •        .        ,        .        .        .        .  335 

Investiture  of  Naples .  336 

Holy  League         .........  337 

Gaston  de  Foix           ........  338 

Battle  of  Ravenna 339 

Death  of  Gaston  de  Foix    .......  340 

His  Character 341 

The  French  retreat 343 

Venice  disgusted 344 

Battle  of  Novara 345 

Of  La  Motta            345 

The  Spaniards  victorious    .......  345 

Daru's  "  Histoire  de  Venise  "...  ,346 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

CONQUEST   OF  NAVARRE 347 

Sovereigns  of  Navarre 347 

Distrust  of  Spain .348 

Negotiations  with  France .  349 

Ferdinand  demands  a  Passage 350 

Navarre  allied  to  France          .......  351 

Invaded  by  Alva 352 

And  conquered 354 

Character  of  Jean  d'Albret  354 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

Pag* 

Discontent  of  the  English       .        .        •                •  .    355 

Discomfiture  of  the  French         .                .        .       •        .  356 

Treaty  of  Orthes .357 

Ferdinand  settles  his  Conquests           •       •        •               •  359 

United  with  Castile 359 

The  King's  Conduct  examined    .        .                •               •  360 

Right  of  Passage 362 

Imprudence  of  Navarre      .......  364 

It  authorizes  War          ......  364 

Gross  Abuse  of  Victory 364 

Authorities  for  the  History  of  Navarre 366 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

DEATH   OF    GONSALVO    DE    CORDOVA.  —  ILLNESS     AND 

DEATH   OF   FERDINAND.  —  His  CHARACTER  .        .  368 

Maximilian's  Pretensions 368 

Gonsalvo  ordered  to  Italy 369 

General  Enthusiasm .  370 

The  King's  Distrust 371 

Gonsalvo  goes  into  Retirement 372 

The  King's  Desire  for  Children 372 

Decline  of  his  Health 373 

Gonsalvo's  Illness  and  Death        ......  375 

Public  Grief 375 

His  Character 377 

His  private  Virtues 379 

His  Want  of  Faith 380 

His  Loyalty             381 

Ferdinand's  Illness  increases      ......  382 

His  Insensibility  to  his  Situation    .        .        .        .        .        .  383 

His  last  Hours 384 

His  Death  and  Testament 386 

His  Body  transported  to  Granada         .        .                .        .  388 

His  Person  and  Character        .......  389 

His  Temperance  and  Economy    ...             •  .       .  390 

His  Bigotry 392 

Accused  of  Hypocrisy          .        .       •       .               .       .  393 

His  Perfidy .        .  394 

His  shrewd  Policy 395 

His  Insensibility 397 

Contrast  with  Isabella  .  398 


CONTENTS.  XT 

Page 

Gloomy  Close  of  his  Life 399 

His  kingly  Qualities 400 

Judgment  of  his  Contemporaries 401 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
ADMINISTRATION,  DEATH,  AND  CHARACTER  OF  CARDINAL 

XlMENES                        404 

Disputes  respecting  the  Regency        .....  404 

Charles  proclaimed  King                  ......  405 

Anecdote  of  Ximenes           .        .        .        .        .        .        .  407 

His  Military  Ordinance 407 

His  domestic  Policy      ........  408 

His  foreign  Policy 408 

Assumes  the  sole  Power 410 

Intimidates  the  Nobles 411 

Public  Discontents 412 

Treaty  of  Noyon 413 

Charles  lands  in  Spain          •••....414 

His  ungrateful  Letter        ........  415 

The  Cardinal's  last  Illness 415 

His  Death 416 

His  Character 418 

His  Versatility  of  Talent 418 

His  despotic  Government 419 

His  moral  Principle 420 

His  Disinterestedness 421 

His  monastic  Austerities        .....                 .  423 

His  Economy  of  Time 424 

His  Person 425 

Parallel  with  Richelieu 426 

Notice  of  Galindez  de  Carbajal ,  426 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

GENERAL    REVIEW    OF   THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   FER- 
DINAND AND  ISABELLA 429 

Policy  of  the  Crown 430 

Depression  of  the  Nobles 431 

Their  great  Power 433 

Treatment  of  the  Church 435 

Care  of  Morals                                                                    .        .  436 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

Page 

State  of  the  Commons 437 

Their  Consideration        .         .......  439 

Royal  Ordinances         ........  441 

Arbitrary  Measures  of  Ferdinand 443 

Advancement  of  Prerogative        ......  445 

Legal  Compilations          ........  447 

Organization  of  Councils      .....*.  450 

Legal  Profession  advanced       .......  452 

Character  of  the  Laws          . 453 

Erroneous  Principles  of  Legislation        .....  556 

Principal  Exports .  458 

Manufactures    ......                ...  459 

Agriculture «.  460 

Economical  Policy   .........  463 

Internal  Improvements          .......  465 

Increase  of  Empire           .        .        .        •'  '•'•'v  >'  »        .        .  466 

Government  of  Naples          ..*....  468 

Revenues  from  the  Indies 469 

Spirit  of  Adventure       ........  471 

Progress  of  Discovery     .        .        .        ••'••••        ..       .  472 

Excesses  of  the  Spaniards           ......  473 

Slavery  in  the  Colonies  ........  475 

Colonial  Administration       .        .        .        .        •        .        .  478 

General  Prosperity           .        ..        ••        .        .        .  479 

Public  Embellishments 482 

Augmentation  of  Revenue 484 

Increase  of  Population      .......  485 

Patriotic  Principle 487 

Chivalrous  Spirit  of  the  People 488 

Spirit  of  Bigotry  .        .        .        . '     •  *   "i    .    .    .        .491 

Beneficent  Impulse    . 492 

The  Period  of  National  Glory       .        .        .        .      •  •;        .  495 


PART    SECOND. 

1493_1517. 

TlIE  PERIOD  WHEN,  THE  INTERIOR  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  MON- 
ARCHY HAVING  BEEN  COMPLETED,  THE  SPANISH  NATION 
ENTERED  ON  ITS  SCHEMES  OF  DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST, 
OR  THE  PERIOD  ILLUSTRATING  MORE  PARTICULARLY  THK 
FOREIGN  POLICY  OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

(CONTINUED.) 


VOL.    III. 


PART    SECOND. 


CHAPTER  X. 

ITALIAN    WARS.  —  PARTITION    OF    NAPLES.  —  GONSALVO 
OVERRUNS   CALABRIA. 

1498  —  1502. 

Louis  XII.'s  Designs  on  Italy.  —  Alarm  of  the  Spanish  Court  — Bold 
Conduct  of  its  Minister  at  Rome.  —  Celebrated  Partition  of  Naples. 
—  Gonsalvo  sails  against  the  Turks.  —  Success  and  Cruelties  of  the 
French.  — Gonsalvo  invades  Calabria.  —  He  punishes  a  Mutiny. — 
His  munificent  Spirit.  —  He  captures  Tarento.  —  Seizes  the  Duke 
of  Calabria. 

DURING  the  last  four  years  of  our  narrative,  in'  CHAPTER 

which  the  unsettled  state  of  the  kingdom  and  the  '- — 

progress  of  foreign  discovery  appeared  to  demand 
the  whole  attention  of  the  sovereigns,  a  most  im- 
portant revolution  was  going  forward  in  the  affairs 
of  Italy.  The  death  of  Charles  the  Eighth  would 
seem  to  have  dissolved  the  relations  recently  arisen 
between  that  country  and  the  rest  of  Europe,  and 
to  have  restored  it  to  its  ancient  independence.  It 
might  naturally  have  been  expected  that  France, 
under  her  new  monarch,  who  had  reached  a  mature 
age,  rendered  still  more  mature  by  the  lessons  he 
had  received  in  the  school  of  adversity,  would  feel 
the  folly  of  reviving  ambitious  schemes,  which  had 


4  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      cost  so  dear  and  ended  so  disastrously.     Italy,  too, 

'. —  it  might  have   been  presumed,  lacerated  and   still 

bleeding  at  every  pore,  would  have  learned  the  fatal 
consequence  of  invoking  foreign  aid  in  her  domestic 
quarrels,  and  of  throwing  open  the  gates  to  a  tor- 
rent, sure  to  sweep  down  friend  and  foe  indiscrim- 
inately in^its  progress.  But  experience,  alas  !  did 
not  bring  wisdom,  and  passion  triumphed  as  usual. 
Louis xii.-s  Louis  the  Twelfth,  on  ascending;  the  throne, 

designs  on 

assumed  the  titles  of  Duke  of  Milan  and  King  of 
Naples,  thus  unequivocally  announcing  his  intention 
of  asserting  his  claims,  derived  through  the  Visconti 
family,  to  the  former,  and  through  the  Angevin 
dynasty,  to  the  latter  state.  His  aspiring  temper 
wras  stimulated  rather  than  satisfied  by  the  martial 
renown  he  had  acquired  in  the  Italian  wars  ;  and 
he  was  urged  on  by  the  great  body  of  the  French 
chivalry,  who,  disgusted  with  a  life  of  inaction, 
longed  for  a  field  where  they  might  win  new  laurels, 
and  indulge  in  the  joyous  license  of  military  adven- 
ture. 

fb°a"cotiury.  Unhappily,  the  court  of  France  found  ready  in- 
struments for  its  purpose  in  the  profligate  politi- 
cians of  Italy.  The  Roman  pontiff,  in  particular, 
Alexander  the  Sixth,  whose  criminal  ambition  as- 
sumes something  respectable  by  contrast  with  the 
low  vices  in  which  he  wras  habitually  steeped,  wil- 
lingly lent  himself  to  a  monarch,  who  could  so 
effectually  serve  his  selfish  schemes  of  building  up 
the  fortunes  of  his  family.  The  ancient  republic 
of  Venice,  departing  from  her  usual  sagacious  poli- 
cy, and  yielding  to  her  hatred  of  Lodovico  Sforza, 


PARTITION  OF   NAPLES. 

and  to  the  lust  of  territorial  acquisition,  consented  to 
unite  her  arms  with  those  of  France  against  Milan,  — 
in  consideration  of  a  share  (not  the  lion's  share)  of 
the  spoils  of  victory.  Florence,  and  many  other 
inferior  powers,  whether  from  fear  or  weakness,  or 
the  shortsighted  hope  of  assistance  in  their  petty 
international  feuds,  consented  either  to  throw  their 
weight  into  the  same  scale,  or  to  remain  neutral.1 

O  ' 

Having  thus  secured  himself  from  molestation  in 
Italy,  Louis  the  Twelfth  entered  into  negotiations 
with  such  other  European  powers,  as  were  most 
likely  to  interfere  with  his  designs.  The  Emperor 
Maximilian,  whose  relations  with  Milan  would 
most  naturally  have  demanded  his  interposition, 
was  deeply  entangled  in  a  war  with  the  Swiss. 
The  neutrality  of  Spain  was  secured  by  the  treaty 
of  Marcoussis,  August  5th,  1498,  which  settled  all 
the  existing  differences  with  that  country.  And  a 
treaty  with  Savoy  in  the  following  year  guarantied 
a  free  passage  through  her  mountain  passes  to  the 
French  army  into  Italy.8 

Having  completed  these  arrangements.  Louis  lost 
no  time  in  mustering  his  forces,  which,  descending 
like  a  torrent  on  the  fair  plains  of  Lombardy,  »ep»- 
effected  the  conquest  of  the  entire  duchy  in  little 
more  than  a  fortnight ;  and,  although  the  prize  was 
snatched  for  a  moment  from  his  grasp,  yet  French 
valor  and  Swiss  perfidy  soon  restored  it.  The 
miserable  Sforza,  the  dupe  of  arts  which  he  had  so 

1  Guicciardini,  Istoria,   torn.  i.  2  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique, 

lib.  4,  p.  214.^ed.  1645.  —  Flassan,  torn.  iii.  pp.  397-400.  —  Flassan, 

Diplomatic  Francaise,  torn.  i.  pp.  Diplomatie  Francaise,  torn.  i.  p. 

275,  277.  279. 


Ian. 


6  ITALIAN  WARS. 

PART      long  practised,  was  transported  into  France,  where 

! he  lingered  out  the  remainder  of  his  dajs  in  doleful 

captivity.     He  had  first  called  the  barbarians  into 
Italy,  and  it  was  a  righteous  retribution  which  made 
him  their  earliest  victim.3 
Aiarm  of  the       By  the  conquest  of  Milan,  France  now  took  her 

Spanish 

court.  place  among  the  Italian  powers.  A  preponderating 
weight  was  thus  thrown  into  the  scale,  which  dis- 
turbed the  ancient  political  balance,  and  which,  if 
the  projects  on  Naples  should  be  realized,  would 
wholly  annihilate  it.  These  consequences,  to  which 
the  Italian  states  seemed  strangely  insensible,  had 
long  been  foreseen  by  the  sagacious  eye  of  Ferdi- 
nand the  Catholic,  who  watched  the  movements  of 
his  powerful  neighbour  with  the  deepest  anxiety. 
He  had  endeavoured,  before  the  invasion  of  Milan, 
to  awaken  the  different  governments  in  Italy  to  a 
sense  of  their  danger,  and  to  stir  them  up  to  some 
efficient  combination  against  it.4  Both  he  and  the 
queen  had  beheld  with  disquietude  the  increasing 

3  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  4,  pp.  dices,  which  clouded  the  optics  of 
250  - 252.  —  Memoires  de  La  Tre-  his  countrymen,  saw  with  deep  re- 
moille,    chap.    19.,   apud   Petitot,  gret   their  coalition  with  France, 
Collection  de  Memoires,  torn.  xiv.  the  fatal  consequences  of  which  he 
—  Buonaccorsi,  Diario  de'  Succes-  predicted  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in 
si  piu  Important!,  (Fiorenza,  1568,)  Venice,    the    former    minister    at 
pp.  26-29.  the  Spanish  court.     "  The  king  of 

4  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  France,"  says  he,  "  after  he  has 
do,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  31.  dined  with  the  duke  of  Milan,  will 

Martyr,  in  a  letter  written  soon  come  and  sup  with  you."    (Epist. 

after  Sforza's  recovery  of  his  capi-  207.)     Daru,  on  the  authority  of 

tal,  says   that   the   Spanish   sove-  Burchard,  refers   this  remarkable 

reigns  "  could  not  conceal  their  joy  prediction,  which  time  so  fully  veri- 

at  the  event,  such  was  their  jeal-  fied,  to  Sforza,  on  his  quitting  his 

ousy  of  France."     (Opus  Epist.,  capital.     (Hist,  de  Venise,  torn.  iii. 

epist.  213.)      The  same  sagacious  p.  326,  2d  ed.)     Martyr's  letter, 

writer,  the  distance  of  whose  resi-  however,   is   dated    some   months 

dence  from  Italy  removed  him  from  previously  to  that  event, 
those  political  factions  and  preju- 


PARTITION   OF  NAPLES.  7 

corruptions  of  the  papal  court,  and  that  shameless   CHAPTER 
cupidity  and  lust  of  power,  which  made  it  the  con-  - 
venient  tool  of  the  French  monarch. 

By  their  orders,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  the  Span-  Remon- 

•f  strance  to 

ish  ambassador,  read  a  letter  from  his  sovereigns  thep°p«- 
in  the  presence  of  his  Holiness,  commenting  on  his 
scandalous  immorality,  his  invasion  of  ecclesiastical 
rights  appertaining  to  the  Spanish  crown,  his 
schemes  of  selfish  aggrandizement,  and  especially 
his  avowed  purpose  of  transferring  his  son,  Caesar  • 

Borgia,  from  a  sacred  to  a  secular  dignity ;  a  cir- 
cumstance that  must  necessarily  make  him,  from 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  conducted,  the 
instrument  of  Louis  the  Twelfth. 5 

This  unsavory  rebuke,  which  probably  lost  noth-  roidnemof 

J  ...  GarcilaMode 

ing  of  its  pungency  from  the  tone  in  which  it  was  laVega 
delivered,  so  incensed  the  pope  that  he  attempted 
to  seize  the  paper  and  tear  it  in  pieces,  giving  vent 
at  the  same  time  to  the  most  indecent  reproaches 
against  the  minister  and  his  sovereigns.  Garcilas- 
so coolly  waited  till  the  storm  had  subsided,  and 
then  replied  undauntedly,  "  That  he  had  uttered  no 
more  than  became  a  loyal  subject  of  Castile ;  that 
he  should  never  shrink  from  declaring  freely  what 
his  sovereigns  commanded,  or  what  he  conceived  to 
be  for  the  good  of  Christendom ;  and,  if  his  Holi- 
ness were  displeased  with  it,  he  could  dismiss  him 

5  Louis  XII.,  for  the  good  offices  erable  force  to  support  him  in  his 

of  the  pope  in  the  affair  of  his  di-  flagitious   enterprises    against    thf» 

vorce  from  the  unfortunate  Jeanne  princes  of   Romagna.      Guicciar- 

of  France,  promised  the  uncardi-  dini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  p.  207. 

nailed  Caesar  Borgia  the  duchy  of  —  Sismondi,  Hist,  des    Franeais, 

Valence  in  Dauphiny,  with  a  rent  torn.  xv.  p.  275.  —  Carta  de  Garci- 

of   20,000   livres,    and    a  consid-  lasso  de  la  Vega,  MS. 


with  Venice 
and  the  em- 
peror. 


ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      from  his  court,  where  he  was  convinced,  indeed,  his 
_ —   residence  could  be  no  longer  useful."6 

Ferdinand  had  no  better  fortune  at  Venice,  where 
his  negotiations  were  conducted  by  Lorenzo  Suarez 
de  la  Vega,  an  adroit  diplomatist,  brother  of  Gar- 
cilasso.7  These  negotiations  were  resumed  after 
the  occupation  of  Milan  by  the  French,  when  the 
minister  availed  himself  of  the  jealousy  occasioned 
by  that  event  to  excite  a  determined  resistance  to 
the  proposed  aggression  on  Naples.  But  the  repub- 
lic was  too  sorely  pressed  by  the  Turkish  war,  — ' 
which  Sforza,  in  the  hope  of  creating  a  diversion  in 
his  own  favor,  had  brought  on  his  country, — to  allow 
leisure  for  other  operations.  Nor  did  the  Spanish 
court  succeed  any  better  at  this  crisis  with  the  em- 
peror Maximilian,  whose  magnificent  pretensions 
were  ridiculously  contrasted  with  his  limited  author- 
ity, and  still  more  limited  revenues,  so  scanty,  in- 
deed, as  to  gain  him  the  contemptuous  epithet  among 
the  Italians  of  pochi  denari,  or  "  the  Moneyless.  " 
He  had  conceived  himself,  indeed,  greatly  injured, 
both  on  the  score  of  his  imperial  rights  and  his  con- 
nexion with  Sforza,  by  the  conquest  of  Milan  ;  but, 


6  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Hey  Hernan-  Castilian,  however,  appears  to  have 

do,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  33.  had  its  effect ;  since  we  find  the  pope 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  seems  to  soon  after  revoking  an  offensive  ec- 

have  possessed  little  of  the  courtly  clesiastical  provision  he  had  made 

and  politic  address  of  a  diploma-  in   Spain,   taking   occasion   at  the 

list.     In  a    subsequent    audience,  same  time  to  eulogize  the  character 

which  the  pope  gave  him  together  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  in  full 

with  a  special  embassy  from  Cas-  consistory.     Ibid.  lib.  3,  cap.   33. 

tile,  his  blunt  expostulation  so  much  35. 

exasperated  his  Holiness,  that  the        7  Oviedo  has  made  this  cavalier 

latter  hinted  it  would  not  cost  him  the  subject  of  one  of  his  dialogues, 

much  to  have  him  thrown  into  the  Quincuagcnas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quino 

Tiber.    The  bold  bearing  of  the  3,  dial.  44. 


i'ARTITlON   OF  NAPLES.  9 

with  the  levity  and  cupidity  essential  to  his  charac-   CHAPTER 

ter,  he  suffered  himself,  notwithstanding  the  remon-  

strances  of  the  Spanish  court,  to  be  bribed  into  a 
truce  with  King  Louis,  which  gave  the  latter  full 
scope  for  his  meditated  enterprise  on  Naples.8 
Thus    disembarrassed    of    the    most   formidable  Lo 

men  aces 

means  of  annoyance,  the  French  monarch  went  Naplei>' 
briskly  forward  with  his  preparations,  the  object 
of  which  he  did  not  affect  to  conceal.  Frederic, 
the  unfortunate  king  of  Naples,  saw  himself  with 
dismay  now  menaced  with  the  loss  of  empire,  be- 
fore he  had  time  to  taste  the  sweets  of  it.  He  knew 
not  where  to  turn  for  refuge,  in  his  desolate  condi- 
tion, from  the  impending  storm.  His  treasury  was 
drained,  and  his  kingdom  wasted,  by  the  late  war. 
His  subjects,  although  attached  to  his  person,  were 
too  familiar  with  revolutions  to  stake  their  lives  or 
fortunes  on  the  cast.  His  countrymen,  the  Italians, 
were  in  the  interest  of  his  enemy  ;  and  his  near- 
est neighbour,  the  pope,  had  drawn  from  personal 
pique  motives  for  the  most  deadly  hostility.9  He 
had  as  little  reliance  on  the  king  of  Spain,  his 
natural  ally  and  kinsman,  who,  he  well  knew,  had 
always  regarded  the  crown  of  Naples  as  his  own 
rightful  inheritance.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to 

8  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  Borgia ;  but  this  was  a  sacrifice  at 
do,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  38,  39. —  which  pride  and  parental  affection 
Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  torn.  iii.  pp.  alike  revolted.     The  slight  was  not 
336,339,347.  —  Muratori,  Anna-  to  be  forgiven  by  the  implacable 
li  d'  Italia,  Milano,  1820,)   torn.  Borgias.     Comp.   Giannone,  Isto- 
xiv.  pp.  9, 10.  —  Guicciardini,  Is-  ria di  Napoli,  lib.  29,  cap.  3.-Guic- 
toria,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  p.  260.  ciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  1.  lib.  4,  p. 

9  Alexander  VI.  had  requested  223.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Her- 
the  hand  of'Carlotta,  daughter  of  nando,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  22. 
king  Frederic,  for  his  son,  Caesar 

VOL.  III.  2 


iO 


ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART 
II. 


Views  of 

Ferdinand. 


apply  at  once  to  the  French  monarch ;  and  he  en- 
deavoured to  propitiate  him  by  the  most  humiliating 
concessions,  —  the  offer  of  an  annual  tribute,  and 
the  surrender  into  his  hands  of  some  of  the  princi- 
pal fortresses  in  the  kingdom.  Finding  these  ad- 
vances coldly  received,  he  invoked,  in  the  extremity 
of  his  distress,  the  aid  of  the  Turkish  sultan,  Baja- 
zet,  the  terror  of  Christendom,  requesting  such 
supplies  of  troops  as  should  enable  him  to  make 
head  against  their  common  foe.  This  desperate 
step  produced  no  other  result  than  that  of  furnish- 
ing the  enemies  of  the  unhappy  prince  with  a  plau- 
sible ground  of  accusation  against  him,  of  which 
they  did  not  fail  to  make  good  use. 10 

The  Spanish  government,  in  the  mean  time,  made 
the  most  vivid  remonstrances  through  its  resident 
minister,  or  agents  expressly  accredited  for  the  pur- 
pose, against  the  proposed  expedition  of  Louis  the 
Twelfth.  It  even  went  so  far  as  to  guaranty  the 
faithful  discharge  of  the  tribute  proffered  by  the 
king  of  Naples.11  But  the  reckless  ambition  of 
the  French  monarch,  overleaping  the  barriers  of 
prudence,  and  indeed  of  common  sense,  disdained 
the  fruits  of  conquest  without  the  name. 

Ferdinand  now  found  himself  apparently  reduced 
to  the  alternative  of  abandoning  the  prize  at  once 
to  the  French  king,  or  of  making  battle  with  him 


Jo  Guieciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,   lib.   1,   p. 

lib.  5,  pp.  265,  266.  —  Giannone,  229.  —  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  torn. 

Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib.  29,  cap.  3.  —  iii.  p.  338. 

Zurita,  Hist,  del  Key  Hernando,  "  Peter  Martyr,  Opus,  Epist., 

torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap    40.  — Giovio,  lib.  14,  epist.  218. 


X. 


PARTITION  OF  NAPLES.  11 

\ 

n  defence  of  his  royal  kinsman.  The  first  of  these  CHAPTER 
measures,  which  would  bring  a  restless  and  power- 
ful rival  on  the  borders  of  his  Sicilian  dominions, 
was  not  to  be  thought  of  for  a  moment.  The 
latter,  which  pledged  him  a  second  time  to  the  sup- 
port of  pretensions  hostile  to  his  own,  was  scarcely 
more  palatable.  A  third  expedient  suggested  itself; 
the  partition  of  the  kingdom,  as  hinted  in  the  nego- 
tiations with  Charles  the  Eighth,12  by  which  means 
the  Spanish  government,  if  it  could  not  rescue  the 
whole  prize  from  the  grasp  of  Louis,  would  at  least 
divide  it  with  him. 

Instructions  were  accordingly  given  to  Gralla,  the 
minister  at  the  court  of  Paris,  to  sound  the  govern- 
ment on  this  head,  bringing  it  forward  as  his  own 
private  suggestion.  Care  was  taken  at  the  same 
time  to  secure  a  party  in  the  French  councils  to  the 
interests  of  Ferdinand.13  The  suggestions  of  the 
Spanish  envoy  received  additional  weight  from  the 
report  of  a  considerable  armament  then  equipping 
in  the  port  of  Malaga.  Its  ostensible  purpose  was 
to  cooperate  with  the  Venetians  in  the  defence  of 
their  possessions  in  the  Levant.  Its  main  object, 
however,  was  to  cover  the  coasts  of  Sicily  in  any 
event  from  the  French,  and  to  afford  means  for 
prompt  action  on  any  point  where  circumstances 
might  require  it.  The  fleet  consisted  of  about  sixty 

!2  See  Part  II.,  Chapter  3,  of  this  gaged  to  him  in  Italy.  (Hist,  del 

History.  Rey  Hernando,  lib.  3,  cap.  40.) 

13  According  to  Zurita,  Ferdi-  Comines  calls  the  same  nobleman 
nand  secured  the  services  of  Guil-  "a  good  sort  of  a  man,  qui  aisement 
laume  dePoictiers,  lord  of  Clerieux  croit,  et  pour  especial  (els  person- 
Bind  governor  of  Paris,  by  the  nages"  meaning  King  Ferdinand, 
promise  of  the  city  of  Cotron,  mort-  Comines,  Memoires,  liv.8,chap.23. 


12  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      sail,  large  and  smaW,  and  carried  forces  amounting 

"'        to  six  hundred  horse  and  four  thousand  foot,  picked 

men,  many  of  them  drawn  from  the  hardy  regions 

of  the  north,  which  had  been  taxed  least  severely 

in  the  Moorish  wars.14 

Fleet  fitted         The  command  of  the  whole  was  intrusted  to  the 

out  under 

cordola? de  Great  Captain,  Gonsalvo  of  Cordova,  who  since  his 
return  home  had  fully  sustained  the  high  reputation, 
which  his  brilliant  military  talents  had  acquired  for 
him  abroad.  Numerous  volunteers,  comprehending 
the  noblest  of  the  young  chivalry  of  Spain,  pressed 
forward  to  serve  under  the  banner  of  this  accom- 
plished and  popular  chieftain.  Among  them  may 
be  particularly  noticed,  Diego  de  Mendoza,  son 
of  the  grand  cardinal,  Pedro  de  la  Paz, 15  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  father  of  the  celebrated  adventurer  of  Peru, 
and  Diego  de  Paredes,  whose  personal  prowess  and 
feats  of  extravagant  daring  furnished  many  an  in- 
credible legend  for  chronicle  and  romance.  With 
this  gallant  armament  the  Great  Captain  weighed 
anchor  in  the  port  of  Malaga,  in  May,  1500,  design- 
ing to  touch  at  Sicily  before  proceeding  against  the 
Turks.16 

14  Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  torn,  mounted,  he  seemed  almost  lost  in 
iii.  lib.  5,  p.  324.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  et  the  high  demipeak  war-saddle  then 
Fatti  dell'  Invitissimo  Imperatore  in  vogue ;   which  led  a  wag,  ac- 
Carlo  V.,(Venetia,  1606,)  fol.  2. —  cording  to  Brantome,  when  asked 
Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  if  he  had  seen  Don  Pedro  de  Paz 
lib.  27,  cap.  7.  —  Giovio,  Vitas  II-  pass  that  way,  to  answer,  that  "  he 
lust.  Virorum,  torn.  i.   p.  226.  —  had  seen  his  horse  and  saddle,  but 
Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernando,  no  rider."  CEuvres,  torn.  i.  disc.  9. 
torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  11.  —  Abarca,        16    Ferreras,   Hist.   d'Espagne, 
Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  torn.    viii.    p.    217.  —  Bernafdez 
cap.  10,  sec.  13.  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.   161 

15  This  cavalier,  one  of  the  most  — Garibay,   Compendio,  torn,   ii 
valiant  captains  in  the  army,  was  lib.  19,  cap.  9. 

HO  diminutive  in  size,  that,  when 


PARTITION   OF   NAPLES.  13 

Meanwhile,  the  negotiations  between  France  and  CHAPTER 

x. 
Spain,  respecting  Naples,  were  brought  to  a  close. 

r°  ,  Partition  of 

by  a  treaty  for  the  equal  partition  of  that  kingdom  Naples. 
between  the  two  powers,  ratified  at  Granada,  No- 
vember llth,  1500.  •  This  extraordinary  document, 
after  enlarging  on  the  unmixed  evils  flowing  from 
war,  and  the  obligation  on  all  Christians  to  preserve 
inviolate  the  blessed  peace  bequeathed  them  by  the 
Saviour,  proceeds  to  state  that  no  other  prince, 
save  the  kings  of  France  and  Aragon,  can  pretend 
to  a  title  to  the  throne  of  Naples ;  and  as  King 
Frederic,  its  present  occupant,  has  seen  fit  to  en- 
danger the  safety  of  all  Christendom  by  bringing 
on  it  its  bitterest  enemy  the  Turks,  the  contracting 
parties,  in  order  to  rescue  it  from  this  imminent 
peril,  and  preserve  inviolate  the  bond  of  peace, 
agree  to  take  possession  of  his  kingdom  and  divide 
it  between  them.  It  is  then  provided,  that  the 
northern  portion,  comprehending  the  Terra  di  La- 
voro  and  Abruzzo,  be  assigned  to  France,  with  the 
title  of  King  of  Naples  and  Jerusalem,  and  the 
southern,  consisting  of  Apulia  and  Calabria,  with 
the  title  of  Duke  of  those  provinces,  to  Spain. 
The  dogana,  an  important  duty  levied  on  the  flocks 
of  the  Capitanate,  was  to  be  collected  by  the 
officers  of  the  Spanish  government,  and  divided 
equally  with  France.  Lastly,  any  inequality  be- 
tween the  respective  territories  was  to  be  so  adjust- 
ed, that  the  revenues  accruing  to  each  of  the  parties 
should  be  precisely  equal.  The  treaty  was  to  be 
kept  profoundly  secret,  until  preparations  were  com- 


14  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      pleted  for  the  simultaneous  occupation  of  the  de- 
voted territory  by  the  combined  powers.17 

Such  were  the  terms  of  this  celebrated  compact, 
by  which  two  European  potentates  coolly  carved 
out  and  divided  between  them  the  entire  dominions 
of  a  third,  who  had  given  no  cause  for  umbrage, 
and  with  whom  they  were  both  at  that  time  in 
perfect  peace  and  amity.  Similar  instances  of  po- 
litical robbery  (to  call  it  by  the  coarse  name  it 
merits)  have  occurred  in  later  times ;  but  never  one 
founded  on  more  flimsy  pretexts,  or  veiled  under  a 
more  detestable  mask  of  hypocrisy.  The  principal 
odium  of  the  transaction  has  attached  to  Ferdinand, 
as  the  kinsman  of  the  unfortunate  king  of  Naples. 
His  conduct,  however,  admits  of  some  palliatory 
considerations,  that  cannot  be  claimed  for  Louis. 
eroumof  The  Aragonese  nation  always  regarded  the  be- 
ciaim.  '  quest  of  Ferdinand's  uncle  Alfonso  the  Fifth  in 
favor  of  his  natural  offspring  as  an  unwarrantable 
and  illegal  act.  The  kingdom  of  Naples  had  been 
won  by  their  own  good  swords,  and,  as  such,  was  the 
rightful  inheritance  of  their  own  princes.  Nothing 
but  the  domestic  troubles  of  his  dominions  had  pre- 
vented John  the  Second  of  Aragon,  on  the  decease 
of  his  brother,  from  asserting  his  claim  by  arms. 
His  son,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  had  hitherto  ac- 
quiesced in  the  usurpation  of  the  bastard  branch  of 
his  house  only  from  similar  causes.  On  the  acces- 
sion of  the  present  monarch,  he  had  made  some 


W  See  the  original  treaty,  apud  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  torn 
ill.  pp.  445,  446. 


X 


PARTITION   OF    NAPLES.  15 

demonstrations  of  vindicating  his  pretensions  to  Na-  CHAPTER 
pies,  which,  however,  the  intelligence  he  received  — 
from  that  kingdom  induced  him  to  defer  to  a  more 
convenient  season.18  But  it  was  deferring,  not  re- 
linquishing his  purpose.  In  the  mean  time,  he 
carefully  avoided  entering  into  such  engagements, 
as  should  compel  him  to  a  different  policy  by  con- 
necting his  own  interests  with  those  of  Frederic ; 
and  with  this  view,  no  doubt,  rejected  the  alliance, 
strongly  solicited  by  the  latter,  of  the  duke  of  Cala- 
bria, heir  apparent  to  the  Neapolitan  crown,  with 
his  third  daughter,  the  infanta  Maria.  Indeed,  this 
disposition  of  Ferdinand,  so  far  from  being  dissem- 
bled, was  well  understood  by  the  court  of  Naples, 
as  is  acknowledged  by  its  own  historians.19 

It  may  be  thought,  that  the  undisturbed  succes- 
sion of  four  princes  to  the  throne  of  Naples,  each 
of  whom  had  received  the  solemn  recognition  of 
the  people,  might  have  healed  any  defects  in  their 
original  title,  however  glaring.  But  it  may  be 
remarked,  in  extenuation  of  both  the  French  and 
Spanish  claims,  that  the  principles  of  monarchical 
succession  were  but  imperfectly  settled  in  that 
day ;  that  oaths  of  allegiance  were  tendered  too 
lightly  by  the  Neapolitans,  to  carry  the  same 
weight  as  in  other  nations ;  and  that  the  pre- 
scriptive right  derived  from  possession,  necessarily 
indeterminate,  was  greatly  weakened  in  this  case 
by  the  comparatively  few  years,  not  more  than 

w  See  Part  II.  Chapter  3,  of  this    lib.  29,  cap.  3.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  del 
History.  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap. 

1*  Uiannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,     32. 


16  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      forty,  during  which  the  bastard  line  of  Aragon  had 

—  occupied  the  throne,  —  a  period  much  shorter  than 

that,  after  which  the  house  of  York  had  in  Eng- 
land, a  few  years  before,  successfully  contested 
the  validity  of  the  Lancastrian  title.  It  should  be 
added,  that  Ferdinand's  views  appear  to  have  per- 
fectly corresponded  with  those  of  the  Spanish  nation 
at  large  ;  not  one  writer  of  the  time,  whom  I  have 
met  with,  intimating  the  slightest  doubt  of  his  title 
to  Naples,  while  not  a  few  insist  on  it  with  unne- 
cessary emphasis.20  It  is  but  fair  to  state,  however, 
That  foreigners,  who  contemplated  the  transaction 
with  a  more  impartial  eye,  condemned  it  as  inflict- 
ing a  deep  stain  on  the  characters  of  both  poten- 
tates. Indeed,  something  like  an  apprehension  of 
this,  in  the  parties  themselves,  may  be  inferred 
from  their  solicitude  to  deprecate  public  censure 
by  masking  their  designs  under  a  pretended  zeal 
for  religion. 
Gonsaivo  Before  the  conferences  respecting  the  treaty 

sails  against 

the  Turks.     Were  brought  to  a  close,  the  Spanish  armada  under 
1500.     Gonsalvo,  after  a  lone  detention  in  Sicily,  where 

Sept.  21.  '.     ,  " 

it  was  reinforced  by  two  thousand  recruits,  who 
had  been  serving  as  mercenaries  in  Italy,  held  its 
course  for  the  Morea.  The  Turkish  squadron, 
lying  before  Napcli  di  Romania,  without  waiting 
Gonsalvo's  approach,  raised  the  siege,  and  retreated 
precipitately  to  Constantinople.  The  Spanish  gen- 
eral, then  uniting  his  forces  with  the  Venetians, 

20  See,  in  particular,  the  Doctor  farious  grounds  of  the  incontrovert- 

Salazar  de  Mendoza,  who  exhausts  ible  title  of  the  house  of  Aragon  to 

the  subject,  —  and  the  reader's  pa-  Naples.     Monarquia,  torn.  i.  lib.  3. 

tience,  —  in  discussing  the  mulri-  cap.  12-15. 


PARTITION    OF   NAPLES.  17 

stationed  at  Corfu,  proceeded  at  once  against  the  CHAPTER 

fortified  place  of  St.  George,  in  Cephalonia,  which  

the  Turks  had  lately  wrested  from  the  republic.21 

The  town  stood  high  on  a  rock,  in  an  impregna- 
ble position,  and  was  garrisoned  by  four  hundred 
Turks,  all  veteran  soldiers,  prepared  to  die  in  its 
defence.  We  have  not  room  for  the  details  of  this 
siege,  in  which  both  parties  displayed  unbounded 
courage  and  resources,  and  which  was  protracted 
nearly  two  months  under  all  the  privations  of  fam- 
ine, and  the  inclemencies  of  a  cold  and  stormy 
winter.22 

At  length,  weary  writh  this  fatal  procrastination, 
Gonsalvo  and  the  Venetian  admiral,  Pesaro,  re- 
solved on  a  simultaneous  attack  on  separate  quar- 
ters of  the  town.  The  ramparts  had  been  already- 
shaken  by  the  mining  operations  of  Pedro  Navarro, 
who,  in  the  Italian  wars,  acquired  such  terrible 
celebrity  in  this  department,  till  then  little  under- 
stood. The  Venetian  cannon,  larger  and  better 
served  than  that  of  the  Spaniards,  had  opened  a 
practicable  breach  in  the  works,  which  the  besieged 
repaired  with  such  temporary  defences,  as  they 
could.  The  signal  being  given  at  the  appointed 
hour,  the  two  armies  made  a  desperate  assault  on 
different  quarters  of  the  town,  under  cover  of  a 
murderous  fire  of  artillery.  The  Turks  sustained 
the  attack  with  dauntless  resolution,  stopping  up 

21  Giovio,  Vitfe  Illust.  Virorum,         "  Giovio,  Vitae  Tllust.  Virorum, 
torn.  i.  p.  226.  —  Chronica  del  Gran     ubi    supra. — Chronica   del   Gran 
Capitan,    cap.    9.  —  Zurita,  Hist.     Capttan,  cap.  14. 
del  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4, 
cap.  19. 

VOL.  III.  3 


18  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART      the  breach  with  the  bodies  of  their  dead  and  dying 

—    comrades,  and  pouring  down  volleys  of  shot,  arrows, 

burning  oil  and  sulphur,  and  missiles  of  every  kind, 
on  the  heads  of  the  assailants.  But  the  desperate 
energy,  as  well  as  numbers  of  the  latter,  proved 
too  strong  for  them.  Some  forced  the  breach, 
others  scaled  the  ramparts ;  and,  after  a  short  and 
deadly  struggle  within  the  walls,  the  brave  garri- 
son, four  fifths  of  whom  with  their  commander  had 
1501.  fallen,  were  overpowered,  and  the  victorious  ban- 
ners of  St.  Jago  and  St.  Mark  were  planted  side 
by  side  triumphantly  on  the  towers.23 

The  capture  of  this  place,  although  accomplished 
at  considerable  loss,  and  after  a  most  gallant  resist- 
ance by  a  mere  handful  of  men,  was  of  great  ser- 
vice to  the  Venetian  cause  ;  since  it  was  the  first 
check  given  to  the  arms  of  Bajazet,  who  had 
filched  one  place  after  another  from  the  republic, 
menacing  its  whole  colonial  territory  in  the  Levant. 
The  promptness  and  efficiency  of  King  Ferdinand's 
succour  to  the  Venetians  gained  him  high  rep- 
utation throughout  Europe,  and  precisely  of  the 
kind  which  he  most  coveted,  that  of  being  the 
zealous  defender  of  the  faith ;  while  it  formed  a 
favorable  contrast  to  the  cold  supineness  of  the 
other  powers  of  Christendom. 
Honors  paid  The  capture  of  St.  George  restored  to  Venice 

to  Gonsalvo. 

the  possession  of  Cephalonia ;  and  the  Great  Cap- 
tain,  having   accomplished  this   important   object, 

23  Giovio,  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  del  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4 
ubi  supra.  —  Chrbnica  del  Gran  cap.  25. —  Bern  aid  ez,  Reyes  Ca- 
Capitan,  cap.  10.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  tolicos,  MS.,  cap.  167. 


PARTITION   OF   NAPLES.  19 

returned   in  the   beginning  of  the  following  year,   CHAPTER 

1501,  to  Sicily.     Soon  after  his  arrival  there,  an  

embassy  waited  on  him  from  the  Venetian  senate, 
to  express  their  grateful  sense  of  his  services ; 
which  they  testified  by  enrolling  his  name  on  the 
golden  book,  as  a  nobleman  of  Venice,  and  by  a 
magnificent  present  of  plate,  curious  silks  and 
velvets,  and  a  stud  of  beautiful  Turkish  horses. 
Gonsalvo  courteously  accepted  the  proffered  honors, 
but  distributed  the  whole  of  the  costly  largess, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  pieces  of  plate,  among 
his  friends  and  soldiers.24 

In  the  mean  while,  Louis  the  Twelfth  having 
completed  his  preparations  for  the  invasion  of  Na- 
ples, an  army,  consisting  of  one  thousand  lances  and 
ten  thousand  Swiss  and  Gascon  foot,  crossed  the  isoi. 
Alps,  and  directed  its  march  towards  the  south.  At 
the  same  time  a  powerful  armament,  under  Philip 
de  Ravenstein,  with  six  thousand  five  hundred  ad- 
ditional troops  on  board,  quitted  Genoa  for  the  Ne- 
apolitan capital.  The  command  of  the  land  forces 
was  given  to  the  Sire  d'Aubigny,  the  same  brave 
and  experienced  officer  who  had  formerly  coped 
with  Gonsalvo  in  the  campaigns  of  Calabria.25 

No  sooner  had  D'Aubigny  crossed  the  papal  bor-  The  pope 

5     J  confirms  the 

ders,  than  the   French   and    Spanish   ambassadors  Partitlon- 
announced  to  Alexander  the  Sixth  and  the  college 

24  Bernaldez,   Reyes   Catolicos,  Louys  XII.,  (Paris,  1622.)  part.l, 
MS.,   cap.    167.  —  Quintana,  Es-  chap.   44,  45,  48.  —  Guicciardini, 
panoles  Ctlehres.   torn.  i.  p.  246.  Istoria,  torn.   i.   p.   265.  —  Sainct 
—  Giovio,   Vitae   IMust.   Virorum,  Gelais,   Histoire    de   Louys  XII., 
p.  228.  —  UHoa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  (Paris,   1622,)  p.  163.  —  Buonac- 
fol.  4.  corsi,  Diario,  p.  46. 

25  Jean  d'Auton,  Histoire    de 


20  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART  of  cardinals  the  existence  of  the  treaty  for  the 
partition  of  the  kingdom  between  the  sovereigns, 
their  masters,  requesting  his  Holiness  to  confirm 
it,  and  grant  them  the  investiture  of  their  respec- 
tive shares.  In  this  very  reasonable  petition  his 
Holiness,  well  drilled  in  the  part  he  was  to  play, 
acquiesced  without  difficulty ;  declaring  himself 
moved  thereto  solely  by  his  consideration  of  the 
pious  intentions  of  the  parties,  and  the  unworthi- 
ness  of  King  Frederic,  whose  treachery  to  the 
Christian  commonwealth  had  forfeited  all  right  (if 
he  ever  possessed  any)  to  the  crown  of  Naples.26 
Astonish-  From  the  moment  that  the  French  forces  had 

mtnt  of 

descended  into  Lombardy,  the  eyes  of  all  Italy 
were  turned  with  breathless  expectation  on  Gon- 
salvo,  and  his  army  in  Sicily.  The  bustling  prepar- 
ations of  the  French  monarch  had  diffused  the 
knowledge  of  his  designs  throughout  Europe. 
Those  of  the  king  of  Spain,  on  the  contrary,  re- 
mained enveloped  in  profound  secrecy.  Few  doubt- 
ed, that  Ferdinand  would  step  forward  to  shield  his 
kinsman  from  the  invasion  which  menaced  him, 
and,  it  might  be,  his  own  dominions  in  Sicily ;  and 
they  looked  to  the  immediate  junction  of  Gonsalvo 
with  King  Frederic,  in  order  that  their  combined 
strength  might  overpower  the  enemy  before  he  had 
gained  a  footing  in  the  kingdom.  Great  was  their 
astonishment,  when  the  scales  dropped  from  their 
eyes,  and  they  beheld  the  movements  of  Spain  in 
perfect  accordance  with  those  of  France,  and  direct- 

*  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Her-    Lanuza,  Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  1 
nando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  43. —    cap.  14. 


PARTITION  OF   NAPLES.  21 

ed   to    crush   their  common  victim  between  them.   CHAPTER 

•jr 

They  could  scarcely  credit,  says  Guicciardini,  that  ' — 

Louis  the  Twelfth  could  be  so  blind  as  to  reject  the 
proffered  vassalage  and  substantial  sovereignty  of 
Naples,  in  order  to  share  it  with  so  artful  and  dan- 
gerous a  rival  as  Ferdinand.27 

The  unfortunate  Frederic,  who  had  been  advised 
for  some  time  past  of  the  unfriendly  dispositions  of 
the  Spanish  government,28  saw  no  refuge  from  the 
dark  tempest  mustering  against  him  on  the  opposite 
quarters  of  his  kingdom.  He  collected  such  troops 
as  he  could,  however,  in  order  to  make  battle 
with  the  nearest  enemy,  before  he  should  cross  the 
threshold.  On  the  28th  of  June,  the  French  army 
resumed  its  march.  Before  quitting  Rome,  a  brawl 
arose  between  some  French  soldiers  and  Spaniards 
resident  in  the  capital ;  each  party  asserting  the 
paramount  right  of  its  own  sovereign  to  the  crown 
of  Naples.  From  words  they  soon  came  to  blows, 
and  many  lives  were  lost  before  the  fray  could  be 
quelled  ;  a  melancholy  augury  for  the  permanence 
of  the  concord  so  unrighteously  established  between 
the  two  governments.29 

On  the  8th  of  July,  the  French  crossed  the  Nea-  succawand 

•*  cruelties  of 

politan  frontier.     Frederic,  who  had  taken  post  at  theFrench- 

27  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  plained  of  the  late  hour  at  which 
lib.   5,   p.   266.  —  Ulloa,   Vita  di  this  intelligence  was  given,  which 
Carlo  V.,  fol.  8.  effectually  prevented  an  accommo- 

28  In   the   month   of   April   the  dation   he    might  otherwise    have 
king  of  Naples  received  letters  from  made  with  King  Louis.     Lanuza, 
his   envoys  in   Spain,  written   by  Historias,  lib.  1,  cap.  14.  —  Zurita, 
command  of  King  Ferdinand,  in-  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i. 
forming  him  that  he  had  nothing  to  lib.  4,  cap.  37. 

expect  from  that  monarch  in  case        29  D'Auton,Hist.  deLouysXII., 
of  an  invasion  of  his  territories  by     part.  1,  chap.  48. 
France.      Frederic    bitterly    com- 


22  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  St.  Germane,  found  himself  so  weak,  that  he  was 
— —  compelled  to  give  way  on  its  approach,  and  retreat 
on  his  capital.  The  invaders  went  forward,  occu- 
pying one  place  after  another  with  little  resistance 
till  they  came  before  Capua,  where  they  received  a 
temporary  check  During  a  parley  for  the  surren- 
der of  that  place,  they  burst  into  the  town,  and  giv- 
ing free  scope  to  their  fiendish  passions,  butchered 
seven  thousand  citizens  in  the  streets,  and  perpe- 
trated outrages  worse  than  death  on  their  defence- 
less wives  and  daughters.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Alexander  the  Sixth's  son,  the  hifamous  Csesai 
Borgia,  selected  forty  of  the  most  beautiful  from  the 
principal  ladies  of  the  place,  and  sent  them  back  tc 
Rome  to  swell  the  complement  of  his  seraglio.  The 
dreadful  doom  of  Capua  intimidated  further  resist- 
ance, but  inspired  such  detestation  of  the  French 
throughout  the  country,  as  proved  of  infinite  preju- 
dice to  their  cause  in  their  subsequent  struggle 
*  with  the  Spaniards.30 

Frederic  King  Frederic,  shocked  at  bringing  such  calami- 

ties on  his  subjects,  resigned  his  capital  without  a 
blow  in  its  defence,  and,  retreating  to  the  isle  of 
1501.    Ischia,    soon    after   embraced   the    counsel    of   the 
ber>     French  admiral  Ravenstein,  to  accept  a  safe-conduct 
into  France,  and  throw  himself  on  the  generosity 
of  Louis  the   Twelfth.     The  latter  received  him 
courteously,  and  assigned  him  the  duchy  of  Anjou 

30  Summonte,  Hist,  di  Napoli,  5,  pp.  268,  269.  —  Zurita,  Hist, 

torn.  iii.  lib.  6,  cap.  4.  — D'Auton,  del  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4, 

Hist.de  Louys  XII.,  part.  1,  chap.  cap.  41.  —  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Na 

51  -  54.  —  TJlloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V. ,  poli,  lib.  29,  cap.  3. 
fol.  8.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib 


PARTITION   OF   NAPLES.  23 

with  an  ample  revenue  for  his  maintenance,  which,    CHAPTER 

to  the  credit  of  the  French  king,  was  continued  

after  he  had  lost  all  hope  of  recovering  the  crown 
of  Naples.31  With  this  show  of  magnanimity,  how- 
ever, he  kept  a  jealous  eye  on  his  royal  guest ;  un- 
der pretence  of  paying  him  the  greatest  respect,  he 
placed  a  guard  over  his  person,  and  thus  detained 
him  in  a  sort  of  honorable  captivity  to  the  day  of 
his  death,  which  occurred  soon  after,  in  1504. 

Frederic  was  the  last  of  the  illegitimate  branch 
of  Aragon,  who  held  the  Neapolitan  sceptre ;  a 
line  of  princes,  who,  whatever  might  be  their  char- 
dcters  in  other  respects,  accorded  that  munificent 
patronage  to  letters  which  sheds  a  ray  of  glory  over 
the  roughest  and  most  turbulent  reign.  It  might 
have  been  expected,  that  an  amiable  and  accom- 
plished prince,  like  Frederic,  would  have  done  still 
more  towards  the  moral  developement  of  his  people, 
by  healing  the  animosities  which  had  so  long  fes- 
tered in  their  bosoms.  His  gentle  character,  how- 
ever, was  ill  suited  to  the  evil  times  on  which  he 
had  fallen  ;  and  it  is  not  improbable,  that  he  found 
greater  contentment  in  the  calm  and  cultivated 
retirement  of  his  latter  years,  sweetened  by  the 
sympathies  of  friendship  which  adversity  had  prov- 
ed,32 than  when  placed  on  the  dazzling  heights 


31  St.   Gelais,   Hist,   de   Louys  ter   forms  so   beautiful  a  contrast 
XII.,  p.  163.  —  D'Auton,  Hist,  de  with  the  conduct  of  Pontano,  and 
Louys  XII.,  part.  l,ch.  56. — Sum-  indeed   of  too   many  of  his   tribe, 
monte,   Hist,  di  Napoli,  torn.   iii.  whose  prralitude  is  of  that  sort  that 
p.  541.  will  only  rise  above  zero  in  the  sun- 

32  The  reader  will  readily  call  to  shine    of   a    court.      His    various 
mind  the  Neapolitan  poet  San naza-  poetical   effusions   afford    a    noble 
TO,  whose  fidelity  to  his  royal  mas-  testimony  to  the  virtues  of  his  un- 


24  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      which  attract  the  admiration  and   envy  of   man- 


—  kind.33 


Early  in  March,  Gonsalvo  of  Cordova  had  re- 
ceived his  first  official  intelligence  of  the  partition 
treaty,  and  of  his  own  appointment  to  the  post 
of  lieutenant-general  of  Calabria  and  Apulia.  He 
felt  natural  regret  at  being  called  to  act  against  a 
prince,  whose  character  he  esteemed,  and  with 
whom  he  had  once  been  placed  in  the  most  intimate 
and  friendly  relations.  In  the  true  spirit  of  chival- 
ry, he  returned  to  Frederic,  before  taking  up  arms 
against  him,  the  duchy  of  St.  Angel  and  the  other 
large  domains,  with  which  that  monarch  had  requit- 
ed his  services  in  the  late  war,  requesting  at  the 
same  time  to  be  released  from  his  obligations  of 
homage  and  fealty.  The  generous  monarch  readily 
complied  with  the  latter  part  of  his  request,  but  in- 
sisted on  his  retaining  the  grant,  which  he  declared 
an  inadequate  compensation,  after  all,  for  the  ben- 
efits the  Great  Captain  had  once  rendered  him. 34 
in.  The  levies  assembled  at  Messina  amounted  to 

ala- 
three  hundred  heavy-armed,   three    hundred   light 

horse,  and  three  thousand  eight  hundred  infantry, 
together  with  a  small  body  of  Spanish  veterans, 
which  the  Castilian  ambassador  had  collected  in 


fortunate  sovereign,  the  more  un-  tunam  constanter  tolerent,  hi  pros- 
suspicious  as  many  of  them  were  pera  inconsulte  utantur."   Tacitus, 
produced  in  the  days  of  his  adver-  Annales,  lib.  6,  sect.  22. 
sity.  34  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan 
33  "  Neque  mala  vel  bona,"  says  do,  torn.  i.   lib.  4,  cap.  35.  —  Gio 
the  philosophic  Roman,  "  quaevul-  vio,  Vitae  Illust,  Virorum,  p.  2SO 
gus  putet ;  multos,  qui  conflictari  — Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  c-*p 
adversis  videantur,  beatos  ;  ac  pie-  21.  —  Lanuza,   Historias,    torn,   i 
rosque,    quamquam     magnas    per  lib.  1,  cap.  14. 
opes,  miserrimos ;  si  illi  gravem  for- 


PARTITION  OF   NAPLES.  25 


Italy.  The  number  of  the  forces  was  inconsidera-  CHAPTER 
ble,  but  they  were  in  excellent  condition,  well  dis- 
ciplined, and  seasoned  to  all  the  toils  and  difficulties 
of  war.  On  the  5th  of  July,  the  Great  Captain 
landed  at  Tropea,  and  commenced  /the  conquest  of 
Calabria,  ordering  the  fleet  to  keep  along  the  coast, 
in  order  to  furnish  whatever  supplies  he  might 
need.  The  ground  was  familiar  to  him,  and  his 
progress  was  facilitated  by  the  old  relations  he  had 
formed  there,  as  well  as  by  the  important  posts 
which  the  Spanish  government  had  retained  in  its 
hands,  as  an  indemnification  for  the  expenses  of  the 
late  war.  Notwithstanding  the  opposition  or  cold- 
ness of  the  great  Angevin  lords  who  resided  in  this 
quarter,  the  entire  occupation  of  the  two  Calabrias, 
with  the  exception  of  Tarento,  was  effected  in  less 
than  a  month.35 

This  city,  remarkable  in   ancient   times  for  its 

J  ' 

defence  against  Hannibal,  was  of  the  last  impor- 
tance. King  Frederic  had  sent  thither  his  eldest 
son,  the  duke  of  Calabria,  a  youth  about  fourteen 
years  of  age,  under  the  care  of  Juan  de  Guevara, 
count  of  Potenza,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops, 
considering  it  the  place  of  greatest  security  in  his 
dominions.  Independently  of  the  strength  of  its 
works,  it  was  rendered  nearly  inaccessible  by  its 
natural  position  ;  having  no  communication  with 
the  main  land  except  by  two  bridges,  at  opposite 


35  Abarca,   Reyes  de   Aragon,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  44.  —  Mariana, 

torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  11,  sec.  8.  —  Hist,  de  Espana,  torn.  ii.  lib.  27, 

Zurita,  Hist,   del   Rey  Hernando,  cap.  9. 

VOL.  I  I.  4 


"26  ITALJAN   WARS. 

PART      quarters  of  the  town,  commanded  by  strong  towers, 
-  While  its  exposure  to  the  sea  made  it  easily  open 
to  supplies  from  abroad. 

Gonsalvo  saw  that  the  only  method  of  reducing 
the  place  must  be  by  blockade.  Disagreeable  as 
the  delay  was,  he  prepared  to  lay  regular  siege 
to  it,  ordering  the  fleet  to  sail  round  the  south- 
ern point  of  Calabria,  arid  blockade  the  port  of 
Tarento,  while  he  threw  up  works  on  the  land 
side,  which  commanded  the  passes  to  the  town, 
and  cut  off  its  communications  with  the  neigh- 
bouring country.  The  place,  however,  was  well 
victualled,  and  the  garrison  prepared  to  maintain 
it  to  the  last.36 

y.  Nothing  tries  more  severely  the  patience  and 
discipline  of  the  soldier,  than  a  life  of  sluggish 
inaction,  unenlivened,  as  in  the  present  instance, 
by  any  of  the  rencontres,  or  feats  of  arms,  which 
keep  up  military  excitement,  and  gratify  the  cu- 
pidity or  ambition  of  the  warrior.  The  Spanish 
troops,  cooped  up  within  their  intrenchments,  and 
disgusted  with  the  languid  monotony  of  their  life, 
cast  many  a  wistful  glance  to  the  stirring  scenes 
of  war  in  the  centre  of  Italy,  where  Caesar  Borgia 
held  out  magnificent  promises  of  pay  and  plunder 
to  all  who  embarked  in  his  adventurous  enter- 
prises. He  courted  the  aid,  in  particular,  of  the 
Spanish  veterans,  whose  worth  he  well  understood, 
for  they  had  often  served  under  his  banner,  in  his 

36  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,     poli,  lib.   29,  cap.    3.  —  Chronica 
p.  231.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,     del  Gran  Capitan,  cap.  31. 
fol.  9.  —  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Na- 


PARTITION   OF  NAPLES  27 

feuds  with  the  Italian  princes.     In  consequence  of   CHAPTER 

y 

these  inducements,  some  of  Gonsalvo's  men  were  

found  to  desert  every  day ;  while  those  who  re- 
mained were  becoming  hourly  more  discontented, 
from  the  large  arrears  due  from  the  government ; 
for  Ferdinand,  as  already  remarked,  conducted  his 
operations  with  a  stinted  economy,  very  different 
'rom  the  prompt  and  liberal  expenditure  of  the 
queen,  always  competent  to  its  object.37 

A  trivial  incident,  at  this  time,  swelled  the  pop-  Munmcenco 

r  ofGonsalva 

ular  discontent  into  mutiny.  The  French  fleet, 
after  the  capture  of  Naples,  was  ordered  to  the 
Levant  to  assist,  the  Venetians  against  the  Turks. 
Ravenstein,  anrbitious  of  eclipsing  the  exploits  of 
the  Great  Captain,  turned  his  arms  against  Miti- 
lene,  with  the  design  of  recovering  it  for  the 
republic.  He  totally  failed  in  the  attack,  and  his 
fleet  was  soon  after  scattered  by  a  tempest,  and 
his  own  ship  wrecked  on  the  isle  of  Cerigo.  He 
subsequently  found  his  way,  with  several  of  his 
principal  officers,  to  the  shores  of  Calabria,  where 
he  landed  in  the  most  forlorn  and  desperate  plight. 
Gonsalvo,  touched  with  his  misfortunes,  no  sooner 
learned  his  necessities,  than  he  sent  him  abundant 
supplies  of  provisions,  adding  a  service  of  plate, 
and  a  variety  of  elegant  apparel  for  himself  and 
followers ;  consulting  his  own  munificent  spirit 


37  Don  Juan  Manuel,  the  Span-  from  Spain,  that  it  was  as  much 
ish  minister  at  Vienna,  seems  to  money  as  would  suffice  King  Fer- 
have  been  fully  sensible  of  this  dinand  for  the  conquest,  not  merely 
trait  of  his  master.  He  told  the  of  Italy,  but  Africa  into  the  bar- 
emperor  Maximilian,  who  had  re-  gain.  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Her 
quested  the  loan  of  300,000  ducats  nando,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  42. 


28  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      in  this,   much  more  than  the  limited  state  of  his 
-  finances.38 


He  punishes       This   excessive  liberality  was  very  inopportune. 

a  mutiny .  »  •? 

The  soldiers  loudly  complained  that  their  general 
found  treasures  to  squander  on  foreigners,  while 
his  own  troops  were  defrauded  of  their  pay.  The 
Biscayans,  a  people  of  whom  Gonsalvo  used  to  say, 
"  he  had  rather  be  a  lion-keeper,  than  undertake  to 
govern  them,"  took  the  lead  in  the  tumult.  It 
soon  swelled  into  open  insurrection  ;  and  the  men, 
forming  themselves  into  regular  companies,  marched 
to  the  general's  quarters  and  demanded  payment 
of  their  arrears.  One  fellow,  more  insolent  than 
the  rest,  levelled  a  pike  at  his  breast  with  the  most 
angry  and  menacing  looks.  Gonsalvo,  however, 
retaining  his  self-possession,  gently  put  it  aside, 
saying,  with  a  good-natured  smile,  "  Higher,  you 
careless  knave,  lift  your  lance  higher,  or  you  will 
run  me  through  in  your  jesting."  As  he  was 
reiterating  his  assurances  of  the  want  of  funds, 
and  his  confident  expectation  of  speedily  obtaining 
them,  a  Biscayan  captain  called  out,  "  Send  your 
daughter  to  the  brothel,  and  that  will  soon  put  you 
in  funds !  "  This  was  a  favorite  daughter  named 
Elvira,  whom  Gonsalvo  loved  so  tenderly,  that  he 
would  not  part  with  her,  even  in  his  campaigns. 
Although  stung  to  the  heart  by  this  audacious 
taunt,  he  made  no  reply  ;  but,  without  changing  a 
muscle  of  his  countenance,  continued,  in  the  same 
tone  as  before,  to  expostulate  with  the  insurgents 

38  Bembo,IstoriaViniziana,tom.     Illust.  Virorum,  p.  232.  —  D'Au 
iii.  lib.  G,  p.  368.  —  Giovio,    Vitse    ton,  part.l,chap.  71,72 


PARTITION   OF   NAPLES.  2& 

who  at  length  were  prevailed  on  to  draw  off,  and    CHAPTER 
disperse  to  their  quarters.     The  next  morning,  the  - 
appalling  spectacle  of  the  lifeless  body  of  the  Bis- 
cayan,  hanging  by  the  neck  from  a  window  of  the 
house  in  which  he  had  been  quartered,  admonished 
the  army  that  there  were  limits   to  the  general's 
forbearance  it  was  not  prudent  to  overstep.89 

An  unexpected  event,  which  took  place  at  this 
juncture,  contributed  even  more  than  this  monitory 
lesson  to  restore  subordination  to  the  army.  This 
was  the  capture  of  a  Genoese  galleon  with  a  valu- 
able freight,  chiefly  iron,  bound  to  some  Turkish 
port,  as  it  was  said,  in  the  Levant,  which  Gonsalvo, 
moved  no  doubt  by  his  zeal  for  the  Christian  cause, 
ordered  to  be  seized  by  the  Spanish  cruisers ;  and 
the  cargo  to  be  disposed  of  for  the  satisfaction  of  his 
troops.  Giovio  charitably  excuses  this  act  of  hos- 
tility against  a  friendly  power  with  the  remark,  that 
"  when  the  Great  Captain  did  any  thing  contrary  to 
law,  he  was  wont  to  say,  '  A  general  must  secure 
the  victory  at  all  hazards,  right  or  wrong;  and,  when 
he  has  done  this,  he  can  compensate  those  whom 
he  has  injured  with  tenfold  benefits.'"40 

The  unexpected  length  of  the  siege  of  Tarento,  Boidwpian 

7    of  attack. 

determined  Gonsalvo,  at  length,  to  adopt  bolder 
measures  for  quickening  its  termination.  The  city, 
whose  insulated  position  has  been  noticed,  was 
bounded  on  the  north  by  a  lake,  or  rather  arm  of 

39  Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan,        4°  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi, 
cap.    34.  —  Quintana,    Espafioles    lib.  1,  p.  233. 
Cilebres,  torn.   i.    pp.    252,   253. 
—  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  p. 
232.  —  Carta  de  Gonzalo,  MS. 


30  ITALIAN    WARS. 


PART      the  sea,  forming  an  excellent  interior  harbour,  about 
ii. 


eighteen  miles  in  circumference.  The  inhabitants, 
trusting  to  the  natural  defences  of  this  quarter,  had 
omitted  to  protect  it  by  fortifications,  and  the  houses 
rose  abruptly  from  the  margin  of  the  basin.  Into 
this  reservoir,  the  Spanish  commander  resolved  to 
transport  such  of  his  vessels  then  riding  in  the  outer 
bay,  as  from  their  size  could  be  conveyed  across  the 
narrow  isthmus,  which  divided  it  from  the  inner. 

After  incredible  toil,  twenty  of  the  smallest  craft 
were  moved  on  huge  cars  and  rollers  across  the  in 
tervening  land,  and  safely  launched  on  the  bosom 
of  the  lake.  The  whole  operation  was  performed 
amid  the  exciting  accompaniments  of  discharges  of 
ordnance,  strains  of  martial  music,  and  loud  acclam- 
ations of  the  soldiery.  The  inhabitants  of  Tarentc 
saw  with  consternation  the  fleet  so  lately  floating  in 
the  open  ocean  under  their  impregnable  walls,  now 
quitting  its  native  element,  and  moving,  as  it  were 
by  magic,  across  the  land,  to  assault  them  on  the 
quarter  where  they  were  the  least  defended.41 

The  Neapolitan  commander  perceived  it  would 
be  impossible  to  hold  out  longer,  without  compro- 
mising the  personal  safety  of  the  young  prince 
under  his  care.  He  accordingly  entered  into  nego- 
tiations for  a  truce  with  the  Great  Captain,  during 
which  articles  of  capitulation  were  arranged,  guar- 
antying to  the  duke  of  Calabria  and  his  followers 
the  right  of  evacuating  the  place  and*  going  where- 
ever  they  listed.  The  Spanish  general,  in  order  to 

41  Gonsalvo  took  the  hint  for  this,  doubtless,  from  Hannibal's  similar 
expedient.     See  Polybiua,  lib.  8. 


PARTITION   OF  NAPLES.  31 

give  greater  solemnity  to  these  engagements,  bound   CHAPTER 

himself  to  observe  them  by  an  oath  on  the  sacra- 

me  nt.42 

On  the  1st  of  March,  1502,  the  Spanish  army 
took  possession,  according  to  agreement,  of  the  city 
of  Tarento  ;  and  the  duke  of  Calabria  with  his 
suite  was  permitted  to  leave  it,  in  order  to  rejoin 
his  father  in  France.  In  the  mean  time,  advices 
were  received  from  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  in- 
structing Gonsalvo  on  no  account  to  suffer  the 
young  prince  to  escape  from  his  hands,  as  he  was 
a  pledge  of  too  great  importance  for  the  Spanish 
government  to  relinquish.  The  general  in  conse- 
quence sent  after  the  duke,  who  had  proceeded  in 
company  with  the  count  of  Potenza  as  far  as  Biton- 
to,  on  his  way  to  the  north,  and  commanded  him 
to  be  arrested  and  brought  back  to  Tarento.  Not 
long  after,  he  caused  him  to  be  conveyed  on  board 

* 

one  of  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbour,  and,  in  con- 
tempt of  his  solemn  engagements,  sent  a  prisoner 
to  Spain.43 

42  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Ilernan-  43  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan- 

do,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  52,  53. —  do,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  56.  —  Abar- 

Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  ca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey 

p.    270.  —  Giannine,     Istoria    di  30,  cap.  11,  sec.  10-12. —  Ulloa, 

Napoli,  lib.  29,  cap.  3.  —  Murato-  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  9.  —  Lanuza, 

ri,  Annali  d'  Italia,   torn.  xiv.   p.  Historias,  lib.  1,  cap.  14. 

14.  Martyr,  who  was  present  on  the 

The  various  authorities  differ  young  prince's  arrival  at  court, 
more  irreconcilably  than  usual  in  where  he  experienced  the  most 
the  details  of  the  siege.  I  have  honorable  reception,  speaks  of  him 
followed  Paolo  Giovio,  a  contem-  in  the  highest  terms.  "  Adoles- 
porary,  and  personally  acquainted  cens  namque  est  et  regno  et  re- 
wit  h  the  principal  actors.  All  agree  gio  sanguine  dignus,  mirae  indolis, 
in  the  only  fact,  in  which  one  would  forma  egregius.''  (See Opus  Epist., 
williiitrly  see  some  discrepancy,  epist.  252.)  He  survived  to  the 
Gonsalvo's  breach  of  faith  to  the  year  1550,  but  without  ever  quit- 
young  duke  of  Calabria.  ting  Spain,  contrary  to  the  fond 


32  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART          The  national  writers  have  made  many  awkward 
attempts  to  varnish  over  this  atrocious  act  of  per- 


Ron"aiyvo.f  fidy  in  their  favorite  hero.  Zurita  vindicates  it  by 
a  letter  from  the  Neapolitan  prince  to  Gonsalvo, 
requesting  the  latter  to  take  this  step,  since  he  pre- 
ferred a  residence  in  Spain  to  one  in  France,  but 
could  not  with  decency  appear  to  act  in  opposition 
to  his  father's  wishes  on  the  subject.  If  such  a 
letter,  however,  were  really  obtained  from  the 
prince,  his  tender  years  would  entitle  it  to  little 
weight,  and  of  course  it  would  afford  no  substantial 
ground  for  justification.  Another  explanation  is 
offered  by  Paolo  Giovio,  who  states  that  the  Great 
Captain,  undetermined  what  course  to  adopt,  took 
the  opinion  of  certain  learned  jurists.  This  sage 
body  decided,  that  Gonsalvo  was  not  bound  by  his 
oath,  since  it  was  repugnant  to  his  paramount  obli- 
gations to  his  master  ;  and  that  the  latter  was  not 
bound  by  it,  since  it  was  made  without  his  priv- 
ity !  44  The  man  who  trusts  his  honor  to  the  tam- 
pering of  casuists,  has  parted  with  it  already.45 

prediction  of  his  friend  Sannazaro;  45  In  Gonsnlvo's  correspondence 

"Nam  mihi,  uam  tempus  veniet,  cum  red-  i«  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns  written 

dita  sceptra  soon  after  the  occupation  of  Taren- 

Parthennpea,    fractosque  tul  sub  cuspide  to,  in  which  he  mentions  his  efforts 

Ipse  canam."  to  secure  the  duke  of  Calabria  in 

Opera  Latina,  Ecloga 4.  the  Spanish  interests.     The  com- 

44  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  munioation  is  too  brief  to  clear  up 

do,  lib.  4,  cap.  58.  —  Giovio,  Vitse  the  difficulties  in  this  dark  transac- 

Illusi.  Virorum,  lib.  1,  p.  234.  tion.  As  coming  from  Gonsalvo 

Mariana  coolly  disposes  of  Gon-  himself,  it  has  great  interest,  and  I 

salvo's  treachery  with  the  remark,  will  give  it  to  the  reader  in  the  cu- 

'•  No  parece  se  le  guardo  loque  te-  rious  orthography  of  the  original, 

nian  asentado.  En  la  guerra  quien  "  Asi  en  la  platica  que  estava  con 

hay  que  de  todo  punto  lo  guarde  ?"  el  duque  don  fernando  de  ponerse 

(Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  p.  675.)  al  servicio  y  amparo  de  vuestras  al- 

"Dolus  an  rirtus,  quis  in  hoste  re-      te§as  Syn  otro   Parlici"   "X  ofrecimi- 

quirat?"  ento  demas  de  certmcarle  que  en 


PARTITION  OF   NAPLES. 


X. 


The  only  palliation  of  the  act  must  be  sought  in  CHAPTER 
the  prevalent  laxity  and  corruption  of  the  period, 
which  is  rife  with  examples  of  the  most  flagrant 
violation  of  both  public  and  private  faith.  Had 
this  been  the  act  of  a  Sforza,  indeed,  or  a  Borgia, 
it  could  not  reasonably  have  excited  surprise.  But 
Doming  from  one  of  a  noble,  magnanimous  nature, 
like  Gonsalvo,  exemplary  in  his  private  life,  and 
unstained  with  any  of  the  grosser  vices  of  the  age, 
it  excited  general  astonishment  and  reprobation, 
even  among  his  contemporaries.  It  has  left  a 
reproach  on  his  name,  which  the  historian  may 
regret,  but  cannot  wipe  away. 


todo  tierr.po  seria  libre  para  yr  don- 
de  quisiese  sy  vuestras  altezas  bien 
no  le  tratasen  y  que  vuestras  altecas 
le  ternian  el  respeto  que  a  tal  per- 
sona como  el  se  deve.  El  conde 
de  poternja  e  algunos  de  losque  es- 
tan  ceerca  del  han  trabajado  por 
apartarle  de  este  proposito  e  levarle 
a  Iscla  asi  yo  por  rauchos  modos  he 
procurado  de  reducirle  al  servicio 
de  vuestras  alte<jas  y  tengole  en  tal 
termino  que  puedo  certificar  a  vu- 
estras alte<jas  que  este  mozo  no  les 
saldra  de  la  mano  con  consenso  suyo 
del  servicio  de  vuestras  altec.as  asta 
tanto  que  vuestras  altecas  me  em- 
hien  a  mandar  como  del  he  de  dis- 


poner  e  de  lo  que  con  el  se  ha  de 
facer  y  por  las  contrastes  que  en 
esto  han  entrevenido  no  ha  salido 
de  taranto  porque  asi  ha  convenido. 
El  viernes  que  sera  once  de  marzo 
saldra  a  castellaneta  que  es  quince 
millas  de  aqui  con  algunos  destos 
suyos  que  le  quieren  seguir  con  al- 
guna  buena  parte  de  compania  des- 
tos criados  de  vuestras  ahecjas  para 
acompanarle  y  este  mismo  dia  vier- 
nes entrar  an  las  vanderas  e  gente 
de  vuestras  altecas  en  el  castillo 
de  tarento  con  ayuda  de  nuustro 
Senor."  De  Tarento,  10  de  Mar- 
zo, 1502,  MS. 


VOL.    III. 


CHAPTER   XI. 


ITALIAN    WARS.— RUPTURE    WITH    FRANCE.  —  GONSALVO    BE- 
SIEGED  IN  BARLETA. 


1502,  1503. 


Rupture  between  the  French  and  Spaniards.  —  Gonsalvo  retires  to 
Barleta.  —  Chivalrous  Character  of  the  War.  —  Tourney  near  Trani. 
—  Duel  between  Bayard  and  Sotomayor.  —  Distress  of  Barleta.— 
Constancy  of  the  Spaniards.  —  Gonsalvo  storms  and  takes  Ruvo.  — 
Prepares  to  leave  Barleta. 

PART          IT  was   hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  partition 
"'        treaty  between   France  and  Spain,  made  so  man- 
ifestly in  contempt  of  all  good  faith,  would  be  main- 


trust  of  the 

French  and 
Spaniards. 


tained  any  longer  than  suited  the  convenience  of 
the  respective  parties.  The  French  monarch,  in- 
deed, seems  to  have  prepared,  from  the  first,  to 
dispense  with  it,  so  soon  as  he  had  secured  his  own 
moiety  of  the  kingdom;1  and  sagacious  men  at  the 
Spanish  court  inferred,  that  King  Ferdinand  would 


1  Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter  writ- 
ten from  Venice,  while  detained 
there  on  his  way  to  Alexandria, 
speaks  of  the  efforts  made  by  the 
French  emissaries  to  induce  the 
republic  to  break  with  Spain,  and 
support  their  master  in  his  designs 
on  Naples.  "  Adsunt  namque  a 
Ludovico  rege  Gallorum  oratores, 
qui  omni  nixu  conantur  a  vobis 


Venetorum  animos  avertere.  Fre- 
mere  dentibus  aiunt  oratorem  pri- 
marium  Gallum,  quia  nequeat  per 
Venetorum  suffragia  consequi,  ut 
aperte  vohis  hostilitatem  edicant, 
utque  velint  Gallis  regno  Parthe- 
nopeo  contra  vestra  prassidia  ferre 
suppetias."  The  letter  is  dated 
October  1st,  1501.  Opus  Epist., 
epist.  231. 


RESOLUTION   OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  35 

do  as  much,  when  he  should  be  in  a  situation  to   CHAPTER 
assert  his  claims  with  success.2 

It  was  altogether  improbable,  whatever  might  be 
the  good  faith  of  the  parties,  that  an  arrangement 
could  long  subsist,  which  so  rudely  rent  asunder 
the  members  of  this  ancient  monarchy ;  or  that  a 
thousand  points  of  collision  should  not  arise  be- 
tween rival  hosts,  lying  as  it  were  on  their  arms 
within  bowshot  of  each  other,  and  in  view  of  the 
rich  spoil  which  each  regarded  as  its  own.  Such 
grounds  for  rupture  did  occur,  sooner  probably  than 
either  party  had  foreseen,  and  certainly  before  the 
king  of  Aragon  was  prepared  to  meet  it. 

The   immediate  cause  was  the  extremely  loose  Cause  of 

J  ruptur* 

language  of  the  partition  treaty,  which  assumed 
such  a  geographical  division  of  the  kingdom  into 
four  provinces,  as  did  not  correspond  with  any  an- 
cient division,  and  still  less  with  the  modern,  by 
which  the  number  was  multiplied  to  twelve.3  The 
central  portion,  comprehending  the  Capitanate,  the 
Basilicate,  and  the  Principality,  became  debatable 
ground  between  the  parties,  each  of  whom  insisted 

2  Martyr,     after     noticing     the  in  Apulia,  according  to  the  ancient 
grounds    of   the    partition   treaty,  division;  Guicciafdini  according  to 
comments  with  his  usual  shrewd-  the  modern  ;  and  the  Spanish  his- 
ness   on  the  politic   views   of  the  torian  Mariana,  according  to  both. 
Spanish     sovereigns.       "  Facilius  The  last  writer,  it  may  be  observed, 
namque   se   sperant,  earn  partem,  discusses  the    matter   with    equal 
quam  sibi  Galli  sortiti  sunt,  habi-  learning  and  candor,  and  more  per- 
turos  aliquando,  quam   si   univer-  spicuity  than  either  of  the  preced- 
sum    regnum    occuparint."     Opus  ing.   He  admits  reasonable  grounds 
Epist.,  epist.  218.  for  doubt  to  which  moiety  of  the 

3  The    Italian    historians,    who  kingdom  the  Basilicate  and  Princi- 
bave  investigated  the  subject  with  palities  should  be  assigned.     Mari- 
some  parade  of  erudition,  treat  it  so  ana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  p. 
vaguely,   as  to  leave   it  after  all  670. — Guicciardini,Istoria,  torn.  i. 
nearly  as  perplexed  as  they  found  lib.  5,  pp.  274,275.  —  Giovio,  Vita 
it.     Giovio  includes  the  Capitanate  Magni  Gonsalvi,  lib.  1,  pp.  234, 235. 


36  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      on   these  as   forming  an   integral   part  of  its  owr. 

.        moiety.     The  French  had  no  ground  whatever  for 

contesting  the  possession  of  the  Capitanate,  the 
first  of  these  provinces,  and  by  far  the  most  impor- 
tant, on  account  of  the  tolls  paid  by  the  numerous 
flocks  which  descended  every  winter  into  its  shel- 
tered valleys  from  the  snow-covered  mountains  of 
Abruzzo.4  There  was  more  uncertainty  to  which 
of  the  parties  the  two  other  provinces  were  meant 
,o  be  assigned.  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  lan- 
guage so  loose,  in  a  matter  requiring  mathematical 
precision,  should  have  been  unintentional. 

Before  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  had  completed  the 
conquest  of  the  southern  moiety  of  the  kingdom, 
and  while  lying  before  Tarento,  he  received  intelli- 
gence of  the  occupation  by  the  French  of  several 
places,  both  in  the  Capitanate  and  Basilicate.  He 
detached  a  body  of  troops  for  the  protection  of 
these  countries,  and,  after  the  surrender  of  Tarento, 
marched  towards  the  north  to  cover  them  with  his 
whole  army.  As  he  was  not  in  a  condition  for 
immediate  hostilities,  however,  he  entered  into  ne- 
gotiations, which,  if  attended  with  no  other  advan- 
tage, would  at  least  gain  him  time.5 
1502  The  pretensions  of  the  two  parties,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  were  too  irreconcilable  to  admit  of 

4  The  provision  of  the  partition  See  the  treaty  apud  Dumont,  Corps 

treaty,  that  the  Spaniards   should  Diplomatique,   torn.   iii.    pp.   445, 

collect  the  tolls  paid  by  the  flocks  446. 

on  their  descent  from  the  French  5  Znrita,  Hist,  del  Key  Hernan- 

district  of  Abruzzo  into  the  Cap-  do,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  52.  —  Mari- 

itanate,  is  conclusive  evidence  of  ana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib. 

the  intention  of  the  contracting  par-  27,  cap.  12.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carle 

ties  to  assign  the  latter  to  Spain.  V.,  fol.  10. 


RESOLUTION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  37 

compromise;   and,  a  personal  conference   between   CHAPTER 
the  respective  commanders-in-chief  led  to  no  better  - 
arrangement,  than  that  each  should  retain  his  pres- 
ent acquisitions,  till  explicit  instructions  could  be 
received  from  their  respective  courts. 

Bflt  neither  of  the  two  rnonarchs  had  further  in-  The  French 

begin  hostili- 

structions  to  give ;  and  the  Catholic  king  contented  ties* 
himself  with  admonishing  his  general  to  postpone 
an  open  rupture  as  long  as  possible,  that  the  govern- 
ment might  have  time  to  provide  more  effectually 
for  his  support,  and  strengthen  itself  by  alliance 
with  other  European  powers.  But,  however  pacific 
may  have  been  the  disposition  of  the  generals,  they 
had  no  power  to  control  jhe  passions  of  their  sol- 
diers, who,  thus  brought  into  immediate  contact, 
glared  on  each  other  with  the  ferocity  of  blood- 
hounds, ready  to  slip  the  leash  which  held  them  in 
temporary  check.  Hostilities  soon  broke  out  along 
the  lines  of  the  two  armies,  the  blame  of  which  each 
nation  charged  on  its  opponent.  There  seems  good 
ground,  however,  for  imputing  it  to  the  French ; 
since  they  were  altogether  better  prepared  for  war 
than  the  Spaniards,  and  entered  into  it  so  heartily 
as  not  only  to  assail  places  in  the  debatable  ground, 
but  in  Apulia,  which  had  been  unequivocally  as- 
signed to  their  rivals.6 

6  D'Auton,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  Captain,  finding  his  conference  with 

Sart.  2,  chap.  3-7.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  the  French  general  ineffectual,  pro- 
el  Rey  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  posed  to  the  latter  to  decide  the 
cap.  60,  62,  64,  65. — Giovio,  Vi-  quarrel   between    their   respective 
tag  Illust.  Virorum,  torn.  i.  p.  236.  nations  by  single  combat.     (Reyes, 
—  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib.  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  167.)      We 
29,  cap.  4.  should  require  some  other  authori- 
Bernaldez  states,  that  the  Great  ty,  however,  than  that  of  the  good 


38  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART          In  the  mean  while,  the  Spanish  court  fruitlessly 
endeavoured  to  interest  the  other  powers  of  Europe 

The  Italians      .         .  . 

fcvorthem.  m  jts  cause.  1  he  .Lmperor  Maximilian,  although 
dissatisfied  with  the  occupation  of  Milan  by  the 
French,  appeared  wholly  engrossed  with  the  frivo- 
lous ambition  of  a  Roman  coronation.  The  pontiff 
and  his  son,  Caesar  Borgia,  were  closely  bound  to 
King  Louis  by  the  assistance  which  he  had  ren- 
dered them  in  their  marauding  enterprises  against 
the  neighbouring  chiefs  of  Romagna.  The  other 
Italian  princes,  although  deeply  incensed  and  dis- 
gusted by  this  infamous  alliance,  stood  too  much  in 
awe  of  the  colossal  power,  which  had  planted  its 
foot  so  firmly  on  their  territory,  to  offer  any  resist- 
ance. Venice  alone,  surveying  from  her  distant 
watch-tower,  to  borrow  the  words  of  Peter  Martyr, 
the  whole  extent  of  the  political  horizon,  appeared 
to  hesitate.  The  French  ambassadors  loudly  called 
on  her  to  fulfil  the  terms  of  her  late  treaty  with 
their  master,  and  support  him  in  his  approaching 
quarrel ;  but  that  wily  republic  saw  with  distrust 
the  encroaching  ambition  of  her  powerful  neigh- 
bour, and  secretly  wished  that  a  counterpoise  might 
be  found  in  the  success  of  Aragon.  Martyr,  who 
'  stopped  at  Venice  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  ap- 
peared before  the  senate,  and  employed  all  his  elo- 
quence in  supporting  his  master's  cause  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  French  envoys ;  but  his  pressing  entrea- 


Curate  to  vouch  for  this  romantic  ter,  in  which  prudence  was  proba 
flight,  so  entirely  out  of  keeping  bly  the  most  conspicuous  attribute 
with  the  Spanish  general's  charac- 


RESOLUTION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


39 


ties  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  to  send  thither  some   CHAPTER 

V* 

competent  person,  as  a  resident  minister,  show  his  ! — 

own  conviction   of  the  critical   position   in  which 
their  affairs  stood.7 

The  letters  of  the  same  intelligent  individual, 
during  his  journey  through  the  Milanese,8  are  filled 
with  the  most  gloomy  forebodings  of  the  termina- 
tion of  a  contest,  for  which  the  Spaniards  were  so 
indifferently  provided  ;  while  the  whole  north  of 
Italy  was  alive  with  the  bustling  preparations  of  the 
French,  who  loudly  vaunted  their  intention  of  driv- 
ing their  enemy  not  merely  out  of  Naples,  but  Sicily 
itself. 9 

Louis  the  Twelfth  superintended  these  prepara- 


1  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  torn. 
iii.  p.  345.  —  Bembo,  Istoria  Vini- 
ziana.  torn.  i.  lib.  6.  —  Peter  Mar- 
tyr, Opus  Epist.,  epist.  238,  240, 
252.  —  This  may  appear  strange, 
considering  that  Lorenzo  Suarez 
de  la  Vega  was  there,  a  person  of 
whom  Gonzalo  de  Oviedo  writes, 
"  Fue  gentil  caballero,  e;  sahio,  e  de 
gran  prudencia  ;*****  muy  enten- 
dido  ede  mucho  reposo  £  honesto  e 
afable  e  de  linda  conversacion ;  "  and 
again,  more  explicitly,  "  Embaxa- 
dor  a  Venecia,  en  el  qual  oficio 
sirvio  muy  bien,  e  como  prudente 
varon."  (Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat. 
1,  quinc.  3,  dial.  44.)  Martyr  ad- 
mits his  prudence,  but  objects  his 
ignorance  of  Latin,  a  deficiency, 
however  heinous  in  the  worthy  tu- 
tor's eyes,  probably  of  no  rare  oc- 
currence among  the  elder  Castilian 
nobles. 

8  Many  of  Martyr's  letters  were 
addressed  to  both  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella.  The  former,  however, 
was  ignorant  of  the  Latin  language, 
in  which  they  were  written.  Mar- 
tyr playfully  alludes  to  this  in  one 
of  his  epistles,  reminding  the  queen 


of  her  promise  to  interpret  them 
faithfully  to  her  husband.  The 
unconstrained  and  familiar  tone  of 
his  correspondence  affords  a  pleas- 
ing example  of  the  personal  inti- 
macy to  which  the  sovereigns,  so 
contrary  to  the  usual  stiffness  of 
Spanish  etiquette,  admitted  men  of 
learning  and  probity  at  their  court, 
without  distinction  of  rank.  Opus 
Epist.,  epist.  230. 

9  "  Galli,"  says  Martyr,  in  a  let- 
ter more  remarkable  for  strength 
of  expression,  than  elegance  of  La- 
tinity,  "  furunt,  saeviunt,  interne- 
cionem  nostris  minantur,  putantque 
id  sibi  fore  facillimum.  Regem 
eorum  esse  in  itinere,  inquiunt,  ut 
ipse  cum  duplicato  exercitu  Alpes 
trajiciat  in  Italiam.  Vestro  nomini 
insurgunt.  Cristas  erigunt  in  vos 
superbissime.  Provinciam  hanc, 
veluti  rem  humilem,  parvique  mo- 
menti,  se  aggressuros  prseconantur. 
Nihil  esse  negotii  eradicare  exter- 
minareque  vestra  praesidia  ex  utra- 
que  Sicilia  blacterant.  Insolenter 
nimis  exspuendo  insultant."  Opus 
Epist.,  epist.  241. 


40  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART  tions  in  person,  and,  to  be  near  the  theatre  of  ope- 
- —  rations,  crossed  the  Alps,  and  took  up  his  quarters 

July.  '  at  Asti.  At  length,  all  being  in  readiness,  he 
brought  things  to  an  immediate  issue,  by  command- 
ing his  general  to  proclaim  war  at  once  against 
the  Spaniards,  unless  they  abandoned  the  Capitan- 
ate  in  four-and-tvventy  hours.10 

The  French         The  French  forces  in  Naples  amounted,  aCCOrd- 
winy. 

ing  to  their  own  statements,  to  one  thousand  men- 
at-arms,  three  thousand  five  hundred  French  and 
Lombard,  and  three  thousand  Swiss  infantry,  in 
addition  to  the  Neapolitan  levies  raised  by  the 
Angevin  lords  throughout  the  kingdom.  The  com- 
mand was  intrusted  to  the  duke  of  Nemours,  a 
brave  and  chivalrous  young  nobleman  of  the  an- 
cient house  of  Armagnac,  whom  family  connexions 
more  than  talents,  had  raised  to  the  perilous  post 
of  viceroy  over  the  head  of  the  veteran  D'Aubigny. 
The  latter  would  have  thrown  up  his  commission 
in  disgust,  but  for  the  remonstrances  of  his  sove- 
reign, who  prevailed  on  him  to  remain  where  his 
counsels  were  more  than  ever  necessary  to  supply 
the  inexperience  of  the  young  commander.  The 
jealousy  and  wilfulness  of  the  latter,  however,  de- 
feated these  intentions ;  and  the  misunderstanding 
of  the  chiefs,  extending  to  their  followers,  led  to  a 
fatal  want  of  concert  in  their  movements. 

With  these  officers  were  united  some  of  the  best 
and  bravest  of  the  French  chivalry ;  among  whom 

10  D'Auton,  Hist,  de  Louys  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  5,  pp.  274 
XII.,  part.  2,  chap.  8.  —  Giannone,  274.  —  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  61 
Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib.  29,  cap.  4. — 


RESOLUTION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  41 

may  be  noticed  Jacques  de  Chabannes,  more  com-  CHAPTER 
monly  known  as  the  Sire  de  la  Palice,  a  favorite  of 
Louis  the  Twelfth,  and  well  entitled  to  be  so  by 
his  deserts  ;  Louis  d'Ars  ;  Ives  d'Alegre,  brother 
of  the  Precy  who  gained  so  much  renown  in  the 
wars  of  Charles  the  Eighth  ;  and  Pierre  de  Bay- 
ard, the  knight  "  sans  peur  et  sans  reproche,"  who 
was  then  entering  on  the  honorable  career  in  which 
he  seemed  to  realize  all  the  imaginary  perfections 
of  chivalry.11 

Notwithstanding  the  small  numbers  of  the  French  infenorit/ 

0  .  of  i  he  Span- 

force,  the  Great  Captain  was   in   no  condition   to  lards- 

cope  with  them.  He  had  received  no  reinforce- 
ments from  home  since  he  first  landed  in  Calabria. 
His  little  corps  of  veterans  was  destitute  of  proper 
clothing  and  equipments,  and  the  large  arrears  due 
them  made  the  tenure  of  their  obedience  extremely 
precarious.12  Since  affairs  began  to  assume  their 
present  menacing  aspect,  he  had  been  busily  oc- 
cupied with  drawing  together  the  detachments 
posted  in  various  parts  of  Calabria,  and  concen- 
trating them  on  the  town  of  Atella  in  the  Basili- 
cate,  where  he  had  established  his  own  quarters. 
He  had  also  opened  a  correspondence  with  the 

11  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  5.  p.         l2  Martyr's  epistles  at  this  crisis 

265.  —  D'Auton,   Hist,   de  Louys  are  filled  with  expostulation,  argu- 

XII.,  part  1, chap.  57.  —  Gaillard,  merit,  and  entreaties  to  the  sove- 

Rivalit6,  torn.  iv.  pp.  221-233.  —  reigns,  begging  them  to  rouse  from 

St.  Gelais,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  their  apathy,  and  take  measures  to 

p.  169.  secure  the  wavering  affections  of 

Brantome  has  introduced  sketch-  Venice,  as  well  as  to  send   more 

es  of  most  of  the  French  captains  effectual  aid  to  their  Italian  troops, 

mentioned  in  the  text  into  his  ad-  Ferdinand  listened   to  the  first  of 

mirable   gallery   of  national    por-  these   suggestions ;   but  showed  a 

traits.     See  Vies  des  Hommes  II-  strange  insensibility  to  the  last, 
lustres,  CEuvres,  torn.  ii.  and  iii. 

VOL.  Ill  6 


42  ITALIAN  WARS. 


PART  barons  of  the  Aragonese  faction,  who  were  most 
-, — - —  numerous  as  well  as  most  powerful  in  the  northern 
section  of  the  kingdom,  which  had  been  assigned 
to  the  French.  He  was  particularly  fortunate  in 
gaining  over  the  two  Colonnas,  whose  authority, 
powerful  connexions,  and  large  military  experience 
proved  of  inestimable  value  to  him.13 

With  all  the  resources  he  could  command,  how- 
ever, Gonsalvo  found  himself,  as  before  noticed, 
unequal  to  the  contest,  though  it  was  impossible 
to  defer  it,  after  the  peremptory  summons  of  the 
French  viceroy  to  surrender  the  Capitanate.  To 
this  he  unhesitatingly  answered,  that  "  the  Capi- 
tanate belonged  of  right  to  his  own  master ;  and 
that,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  he  would  make 
good  its  defence  against  the  French  king,  or  any 
other  who  should  invade  it." 

fires  toVC  re"       Notwithstanding  the  bold  front  put  on  his  affairs, 

however,  he  did  not  choose  to  abide  the  assault  of 

the  French  in  his  present  position.     He  instantly 

1502.     drew  off  with  the  greater  part  of  his  force  to  Bar- 

July. 

leta,  a  fortified  seaport  on  the  confines  of  Apulia, 
on  the  Adriatic,  the  situation  of  which  would  en- 
able him  either  to  receive  supplies  from  abroad,  or 
to  effect  a  retreat,  if  necessary,  on  board  the  Span- 
ish fleet,  which  still  kept  the  coast  of  Calabria. 

13  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Her-  tura  Italiana,  torn.  viii.  p.  77.) 

nando,  lib.  4,  cap.  62,  65.  —  Carta  Paolo  Giovio  has  introduced  his 

del  Gran  Capitan,  MS.  portrait  among  the  effigies  of  illus- 

Prospero  Colonna,  in  particular,  trious  men,  who,  it  must  be  con- 
was  distinguished  not  only  for  his  fessed,  are  more  indebted  in  his 
military  science,  but  his  fondness  work  to  the  hand  of  the  historian 
for  letters  and  the  arts,  of  which  than  the  artist.  Elogia  Virorum 
he  is  commemorated  by  Tiraboschi  Bellica  Virtute  Illustrium,  (Basi- 
as  a  0  unificent  patron.  (Lettera-  lias,  1578,)  lib.  5. 


RESOLUTION   OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  43 

The  remainder  of  his  army  he  distributed  in  Bari,    CHAPTEB 

Andria,  Canosa,  and  other  adjacent  towns ;  where  L 

ne  confidently  hoped  to  maintain  himself,  till  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements,  which  he  solicited  in  the 
most  pressing  manner  from  Spain  and  Sicily,  should 
enable  him  to  take  the  field  on  more  equal  terms 
against  his  adversary.14 

The  French  officers,  in  the  mean  time,  were 
divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  best  mode  of  conduct- 
ing the  war.  Some  were  for  besieging  Bari,  held 
by  the  illustrious  and  unfortunate  Isabella  of  Ara- 
gon;15  others,  in  a  more  chivalrous  spirit,  opposed 
the  attack  of  a  place  defended  by  a  female,  and 
advised  an  immediate  assault  on  Barleta  itself, 
whose  old  and  dilapidated  works  might  easily  be 
forced,  if  it  did  not  at  once  surrender.  The  duke 
of  Nemours,  deciding  on  a  middle  course,  deter- 
mined to  invest  the  last-mentioned  town  ;  and,  cut- 
ting off  all  communication  with  the  surrounding 
country,  to  reduce  it  by  regular  blockade.  This 
plan  was  unquestionably  the  least  eligible  of  all,  as 
it  would  allow  time  for  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
French,  ihefuria  Francese,  as  it  was  called  in  Italy, 
which  carried  them  victorious  over  so  many  obsta- 
cles, to  evaporate,  while  it  brought  into  play  the 


14  D'Auton,  Hist.  deLouysXIL,  her  the  most  unfortunate  female  on 
part.  2,  chap.  8.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  record,  had  seen  her  father,  Alfonso 
Carlo  V.,  fol.   10.  —  Chronica  del  II. ,  and  her  husband  Galeazzo  Sfor- 
Gran    Capitan,   cap.   42.  —  Sum-  za,  driven  from  their  thrones  by  the 
monte,  Hist,  di  Napoli,  torn.  iii.  p.  French,  while  her  son  still  remained 
541.  in   captivity  in   their   hands.     No 

15  This  beautiful  and  high-spir-  wonder   they  revolted  from   accu- 
:ted  lady,  whose  fate  has  led  Boc-  mulating  new  woes  on  her  devoted 
calini,  in  his  whimsical  satire  of  the  head. 

"  Ragguagli  di  Parnasso,"  to  call 


44  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      stern    resolve,    the    calm,    unflinching    endurance, 
1L        which  distinguished  the  Spanish  soldier.16 


°Perati°ns  °f  the  French  viceroy 
1502.  was  the  siege  of  Canosa,  a  strongly  fortified  place 
west  of  Barleta,  garrisoned  by  six  hundred  picked 
men  under  the  engineer  Pedro  Navarro.  The  de- 
fence of  the  place  justified  the  reputation  of  this 
gallant  soldier.  He  beat  off  two  successive  assaults 
of  the  enemy,  led  on  by  Bayard,  La  Palice,  and 
the  flower  of  their  chivalry.  He  had  prepared  to 
sustain  a  third,  resolved  to  bury  himself  under  the 
ruins  of  the  town  rather  than  surrender.  But  Gon- 
salvo,  unable  to  relieve  it,  commanded  him  to  make 
the  best  terms  he  could,  saying  "  the  place  was  of 
far  less  value,  than  the  lives  of  the  brave  men  who 
defended  it."  Navarro  found  no  difficulty  in  ob- 
taining an  honorable  capitulation  ;  and  the  little 
garrison,  dwindled  to  one  third  of  its  original  num- 
ber, marched  out  through  the  enemy's  camp,  with 
colors  flying  and  music  playing,  as  if  in  derision 
of  the  powerful  force  it  had  so  nobly  kept  at  bay.17 
After  the  capture  of  Canosa,  D'Aubigny,  whose 
misunderstanding  with  Nemours  still  continued, 

16  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  p.  Martyr  says,  that  the  Spaniards 
237.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  5,  marched  through  the  enemy  'scamp, 
pp.  282,  283.  —  Garibay,  Compen-  shouting   "  Espafia,  Espaiia,  viva 
dio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  14.  —  Pe-  Espafia  !"  (ubi  supra.)    Their  gai- 
ter Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  249.  lantry   in   the   defence  of   Canosa 

—  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,MS.,  elicits  a  hearty  eulogium  from  Jean 
cap.  168.  D'Auton,  the  loyal  historiographer 

17  Chr6nica  del   Gran  Capitan,  of  Louis  XII.     "  Je  ne  veux  done 
cap.  47.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  par  ma  Chronique  mettre  les  biens- 
Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  4,  cap.  69.  faicts  des    Espaignols    en    oubly, 

—  Giovio,   Vitae   Illust.    Virorum,  mais  dire  que  pour  vertueuse  de- 
torn.  i.  p.  241.  —  D'Auton,  part.  2,  fence,  doibuent  auoir  louange  hon- 
chap.    11.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  norable."    Hist,  de  Louys  XII., 
Epist.,  epist.  247.  chap.  11. 


RESOLUTION   OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  45 

was  despatched  with  a  small  force  into  the  south,  CHAPTER 
to  overrun  the  two  Calabrias.  The  viceroy,  in  the  - 
mean  while,  having  fruitlessly  attempted  the  reduc- 
tion of  several  strong  places  held  by  the  Spaniards 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Barleta,  endeavoured  to 
straiten  the  garrison  there  by  desolating  the  sur- 
rounding country,  and  sweeping  off  the  flocks  and 
herds  which  grazed*  in  its  fertile  pastures.  The 
Spaniards,  however,  did  not  remain  idle  within  their 
defences,  but,  sallying  out  in  small  detachments, 
occasionally  retrieved  the  spoil  from  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,  or  annoyed  him  with  desultory  attacks, 
ambuscades,  and  other  irregular  movements  of  guer- 
rilla warfare,  in  which  the  French  were  compara- 
tively unpractised.18 

The  war  now  began  to  assume  many  of  the  ro-  f;w™irous 

J  character  o 

mantic  features  of  that  of  Granada.  The  knights  thewar- 
on  both  sides,  not  content  with  the  usual  military 
rencontres,  defied  one  another  to  jousts  and  tour- 
neys, eager  to  establish  their  prowess  in  the  noble 
exercises  of  chivalry.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
of  these  meetings  took  place  between  eleven  Span- 
ish and  as  many  French  knights,  in  consequence 
of  some  disparaging  remarks  of  the  latter  on  the 
cavalry  of  their  enemies,  which  they  affirmed  infe- 
rior to  their  own.  The  Venetians  gave  the  parties 
a  fair  field  of  combat  in  the  neutral  territory  under 
their  own  walls  of  Trani.  A  gallant  array  of  well- 
armed  knights  of  both  nations  guarded  the  lists, 
and  maintained  the  order  of  the  fight.  On  the  ap- 

18  Bernaldez,   Reyes  Catolicos,     Carlo  V.,  fol.  10.  —  Chr6nica  del 
MS.,  cap.   169.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di    Gran  Capitan,  cap.  66. 


16  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      pointed  day,  the  champions  appeared  in  the  field, 
armed  at  all  points,  with  horses  richly  caparisoned, 


sept  20  an^  barbed  or  covered  with  steel  panoply  like  their 
masters.  The  roofs  and  battlements  of  Trani  were 
covered  with  spectators,  while  the  lists  were  throng- 
ed with  the  French  and  Spanish  chivalry,  each 
staking  in  some  degree  the  national  honor  on  the 
issue  of  the  contest.  Among  the  Castilians  were 
Diego  de  Paredes  and  Diego  de  Vera,  while  the 
good  knight  Bayard  was  most  conspicuous  on  the 
other  side. 

°aUrrTrani?t  ^s  t^16  trumpets  sounded  the  appointed  signal, 
the  hostile  parties  rushed  to  the  encounter.  Three 
Spaniards  were  borne  from  their  saddles  by  the 
rudeness  of  the  shock,  and  four  of  their  antagonists' 
horses  slain.  The  fight,  which  began  at  ten  in  the 
morning  was  not  to  be  protracted  beyond  sunset. 
Long  before  that  hour,  all  the  French  save  two, 
one  of  them  the  chevalier  Bayard,  had  been  dis- 
mounted, and  their  horses,  at  which  the  Spaniards 
had  aimed  more  than  at  the  riders,  disabled  or  slain. 
The  Spaniards,  seven  of  whom  were  still  on  horse- 
back, pressed  hard  on  their  adversaries,  leaving  lit- 
tle doubt  of  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The  latter, 
however,  intrenching  themselves  behind  the  car- 
cases of  their  dead  horses,  made  good  their  defence 
against  the  Spaniards,  who  in  vain  tried  to  spur 
their  terrified  steeds  over  the  barrier.  In  this  way 
the  fight  was  protracted  till  sunset ;  and,  as  both 
parties  continued  to  keep  possession  of  the  field, 
the  palm  of  victory  was  adjudged  to  neither,  while 


RESOLUTION   OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  47 

both   were   pronounced    to   have    demeaned   them-   CHAPTER 
selves  like  good  and  valiant  knights.19 

The  tourney  being  ended,  the  combatants  met  in 
the  centre  of  the  lists,  and  embraced  each  other  in 
the  true  companionship  of  chivalry,  "  making  good 
cheer  together,"  says  an  old  chronicler,  before  they 
separated.  The  Great  Captain  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  issue  of  the  fight.  "  We  have,  at  least," 
said  one  of  his  champions,  "  disproved  the  taunt  of 
the  Frenchmen,  and  shown  ourselves  as  good  horse- 
men as  they."  "  I  sent  you  for  better,"  coldly 
retorted  Gonsalvo. 20 

A  more  tragic  termination  befell  a  combat  a  Vou-  Duel  *•: 

tween  Bay- 

trance  between  the  chevalier  Bayard  and  a  Spanish  |^,0amayar. 
cavalier,  named  Alonso  de  Sotomayor,  who  had  ac- 
cused the  former  of  uncourteous  treatment  of  him, 
while  his  prisoner.  Bayard  denied  the  charge,  and 
defied  the  Spaniard  to  prove  it  in  single  fight,  on 
horse  or  on  foot,  as  he  best  liked.  Sotomayor, 
aware  of  his  antagonist's  uncommon  horsemanship, 
preferred  the  latter  alternative. 

At  the  day  and  hour  appointed,  the  two  knights     1503. 
entered   the  lists,  armed  with   sword  and   dagger,      Feb  *• 


*9  Chr6nica  del   Gran   Capitan,  this,  notwithstanding  it  was  fought 

cap.  53. —  D'Auton,  Hist,  de  Louys  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd  of  wit- 

XII.,   part.  2,  chap.  26.  —  Giovio,  nesses,  who  had  nothing  to  do  but 

Vitas  Illust.  Virorum,  pp.  238,239.  look  on,  and  note  what  passed  be- 

—  Memoires  de  Bayard  par  le  Loy-  fore  their  eyes.     The  only  facts  in 
al  Serviteur,  chap.  23,  apud  Petitot,  which  all  agree,  are,  that  there  was 
Collection  des  Memoires,  torn.  xv.  such  a  tournament,  and  that  neither 

—  Brantome,  OEuvres,  torn.  iii.  disc,  party  gained  the   advantage.     So 
77.  much  for  history ! 

This    celebrated     tourney,    its        ^  D'Auton,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII. 

causes,  and  all  the  details  of  the  ubi  supra.  —  Quintana.  Espanola* 

action,  are  told  in  as  many  different  Celebres,  torn.  ii.  p.  263. 
ways  as  there  are  narrators ;  and 


48  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  and  sheathed  in  complete  harness ;  although,  with  a 
-  degree  of  temerity  unusual  in  these  combats,  they 
wore  their  visors  up.  Both  combatants  knelt  down 
in  silent  prayer  for  a  few  moments,  and  then  rising 
and  crossing  themselves,  advanced  straight  against 
each  other ;  "  the  good  knight  Bayard,"  says  Bran- 
tome,  "  moving  asi  light  of  step,  as  if  he.  were  going 
to  lead  some  fair  lady  down  the  dance." 

The  Spaniard  was  of  a  large  and  powerful  frame, 
and  endeavoured  to  crush  his  enemy  by  weight  of 
blows,  or  to  close  with  him  and  bring  him  to  the 
ground.  The  latter,  naturally  inferior  in  strength, 
was  rendered  still  weaker  by  a  fever,  from  which 
he  had  not  entirely  recovered.  He  was  more  light 
and  agile  than  his  adversary,  however,  and  superior 
dexterity  enabled  him  not  only  to  parry  his  enemy's 
strokes,  but  to  deal  him  occasionally  one  of  his  own, 
while  he  sorely  distressed  him  by  the  rapidity  of 
his  movements.  At  length,  as  the  Spaniard  was 
somewhat  thrown  off  his  balance  by  an  ill-directed 
blow,  Bayard  struck  him  so  sharply  on  the  gorget, 
that  it  gave  way,  and  the  sword  entered  his  throat. 
Furious  with  the  agony  of  the  wound,  Sotomayor 
collected  all  his  strength  for  a  last  struggle,  and 
grasping  his  antagonist  in  his  arms,  they  both 
rolled  in  the  dust  together.  Before  either  could 
extricate  himself,  the  quick-eyed  Bayard,  who  had 
retained  his  poniard  in  his  left  hand  during  the 
whole  combat,  while  the  Spaniard's  had  remained 
in  his  belt,  drove  the  steel  with  such  convulsive 
strength  under  his  enemy's  eye,  that  it  pierced 
quite  through  the  brain  After  the  judges  had 


RESOLUTION    OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  49 

awarded  the  honors  of  the  day  to  Bayard,  the  min-   CHAPTER 

strels    as    usual   began    to    pour   forth   triumphant  

strains  in  praise  of  the  victor ;  but  the  good  knight 
commanded  them  to  desist,  and,  having  first  pros- 
trated himself  on  his  knees  in  gratitude  foi  his 
victory,  walked  slowly  out  of  the  lists,  expressing 
a  wish  that  the  combat  had  had  a  different  termin- 
ation, so  that  his  honor  had  been  saved. 21 

In  these  jousts  and  tourneys,  described  with  suf- 
ficient prolixity,  but  in  a  truly  heart-stirring  tone, 
by  the  chroniclers  of  the  day,  we  may  discern  the 
last  gleams  of  the  light  of  chivalry,  which  illumin- 
ed the  darkness  of  the  middle  ages  ;  and,  although 
rough  in  comparison  with  the  pastimes  of  more 
polished  times,  they  called  forth  such  displays  of 
magnificence,  courtesy,  and  knightly  honor,  as  throw 
something  like  the  grace  of  civilization  over  the 
ferocious  features  of  the  age. 

While  the  Spaniards,  cooped  up  within  the  old 
town  of  Barleta,  sought  to  vary  the  monotony  of  iardt- 
their  existence  by  these  chivalrous  exercises,  or  an 
occasional  foray  into  the  neighbouring  country,  they 
suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  military  stores, 
food,  clothing,  and  the  most  common  necessaries 
of  life.  It  seemed  as  if  their  master  had  abandon- 
ed them  to  their  fate  on  this  forlorn  outpost,  without 
a  struggle  in  their  behalf.22  How  different  from 


21  Brantome,  CEuvres,  torn.  vi.  22,  apud  Collection  des  M6moires 

Discours  sur  les  Duels. —  D'Au-  — Giovio,  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  p. 

ton,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  part.  2,  240. 

chap.  27.  —  Ulloa,  vita  di  Carlo  V.,        22  According  to  Martyr,  the  be- 

fol.  1 1 .  — Memoires  de  Bayard,  chap,  sieged  had  been  so  severely  pressed 

VOL    Til.  7 


50  ITALIAN    WARS. 


PART  the  parental  care  with  which  Isabella  watched  over 
the  welfare  of  her  soldiers  in  the  long  war  of  Gra- 
nada !  The  queen  appears  to  have  taken  no  part 
in  the  management  of  these  wars,  which,  notwith- 
standing the  number  of  her  own  immediate  sub- 
jects embarked  in  them,  she  probably  regarded, 
from  the  first,  as  appertaining  to  Aragon,  as  ex- 
clusively as  the  conquests  in  the  New  World  did 
to  Castile.  Indeed,  whatever  degree  of  interest 
she  may  have  felt  in  their  success,  the  declining 
state  of  her  health  at  this  period  would  not  have 
allowed  her  to  take  any  part  in  the  conduct  of 
them. 

Gonsalvo   was   not  wanting   to   himself  in  this 

Gonsalvo. 

trying  emergency,  and  his  noble  spirit  seemed  to 
rise  as  all  outward  and  visible  resources  failed.  He 
cheered  his  troops  with  promises  of  speedy  relief, 
talking  confidently  of  the  supplies  of  grain  he  ex- 
pected from  Sicily,  and  the  men  and  money  he  was 
to  receive  from  Spain  and  Venice.  He  contrived, 
too,  says  Giovio,  that  a  report  should  get  abroad, 
that  a  ponderous  coffer  lying  in  his  apartment  was 
filled  with  gold,  which  he  could  draw  upon  in  the 
last  extremity.  The  old  campaigners,  indeed,  ac- 
cording to  the  same  authority,  shook  their  heads  at 
these  and  other  agreeable  fictions  of  their  general, 


by  famine  for  some  time  before  this,  pant,  et  nostros  quotidie  magis  ac 

that  Gonsalvo  entertained  serious  magis  premunt.     Ita  obsessi  undi 

thoughts  of  embarking  the  whole  que,  de  relinquenda  etiam  Barletta 

of  his  little  garrison  on  board  the  saepius  iniere  consilium.     Ut  mari 

fleet,  and  abandoning  the  place  to  terga  dent  hostibus,  ne  fame  peste- 

the    enemy.     "  Barlettae    inclusos  que  pereant,  saepe  cadit  in  deliber- 

famepesteque  urgeri  graviter  aiunt.  ationem."  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  249. 
Vicina  ipsorum  omnia  Galli  occu- 


RESOLUTION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS  51 

with  a  very  skeptical  air.     They  derived  some  con-    CHAPTER 
firmation,  however,  from  the  arrival  soon  after  of  a  — 
Sicilian   bark,  laden  with  corn,  and  another  from 
Venice  with  various  serviceable  stores  and  wearing 
apparel,  which  Gonsalvo  bought  on  his  own  credit 
and  that  of  his  principal  officers,  and  distributed 
gratuitously  among  his  destitute  soldiers.83 

At  this  time  he  received  the  unwelcome  tidings  ^eu^^_ 
that  a  small  force  which  had  been  sent  from  Spain  bna 
to  his  assistance,  under  Don  Manuel  de  Benavides, 
and  which  had  effected  a  junction  with  one  much 
larger  from   Sicily  under   Hugo  de  Cardona,  was     isos 
surprised  by  D'Aubigny  near  Terranova,  and  totally 
defeated.     This  disaster  was  followed  by  the  re- 
duction of  all  Calabria,  which  the  latter  general,  at 
the  head  of  his  French  and  Scottish  gendarmerie, 
rode  over  from  one  extremity  to  the  other  without 
opposition.24 

The  prospect  now  grew  darker  and  darker  around 
the  little  garrison  of  Barleta.  The  discomfiture  of 
Benavides  excluded  hopes  of  relief  in  that  direction. 
The  gradual  occupation  of  most  of  the  strong  places 
in  Apulia  by  the  duke  of  Nemours  cut  off  all  com- 
munication with  the  neighbouring  country ;  and  a 
French  fleet  cruising  in  the  Adriatic  rendered  the 
arrival  of  further  stores  and  reinforcements  extreme- 
ly precarious.  Gonsalvo,  however,  maintained  the 


»  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  24  ibid.,  lib.  5,  p.  294.  — D'Ao- 

p.  242. — Zurita,   Hist,   del   Key  ton,  Hist.de  Louys  XII.,  part.  2, 

Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  4. —  chap.  22.— Chronica  del  Gran  Capi- 

Bernaldez,  Reyes  Calolicos,  MS.,  tan,  cap.  63. 
cap.    167.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria, 
D.  283. 


ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART      same  unruffled  cheerfulness  as  before,  and  endeav- 
— - —    oured  to  infuse  it  into  the  hearts  of  others.     He 


perfectly  understood  tKe  character  of  his  country- 
men, knew  all  their  resources,  and  tried  to  rouse 
every  latent  principle  of  honor,  loyalty,  pride,  and 
national  feeling  ;  and  such  was  the  authority  which 
he  acquired  over  their  minds,  and  so  deep  the  affec- 
tion which  he  inspired,  by  the  amenity  of  his  man- 
ners and  the  generosity  of  his  disposition,  that  not 
a  murmur  or  symptom  of  insubordination  escaped 
them  during  the  whole  of  this  long  and  painful 
siege.  But  neither  the  excellence  of  his  troops, 
nor  the  resources  of  his  own  genius,  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  extricate  Gonsalvo  from  the  diffi- 
culties of  his  situation,  without  the  most  flagrant 
errors  on  the  part  of  his  opponent.  The  Spanish 
general,  who  understood  the  character  of  the  French 
commander  perfectly  well,  lay  patiently  awaiting  his 
opportunity,  like  a  skilful  fencer,  ready  to  make  a 
decisive  thrust  at  the  first  vulnerable  point  that 
should  be  presented.  Such  an  occasion  at  length 
offered  itself  early  in  the  following  year.25 
Nemours  The  French,  no  less  weary  than  their  adversaries 

defies  the  9 

Spaniards.  of  tnejr  iong  maction,  sallied  out  from  Canosa,  where 
the  viceroy  had  established  his  head-quarters,  and 
crossing  the  Ofanto,  marched  up  directly  under  the 
walls  of  Barleta,  with  the  intention  of  drawing  out 
the  garrison  from  the  "  old  den,"  as  they  called  it, 
and  deciding  the  quarrel  in  a  pitched  battle  The 

25  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.     Rey    Hernando,    torn.   i.    lib.   5 
11.  —  Giovio,  Vitselllust.  Virorum,    cap.  9. 
torn.  i.  p.  247. —  Zurita,  Hist,  del 


RESOLUTION   OF   THE  SPANIARDS.  55 

duke  of  Nemours,  accordingly,  having  taken  up  his   CHAPTER 

position,  sent  a  trumpet  into  the  place  to  defy  the  ! 

Great  Captain  to  the  encounter ;  but  the  latter  re- 
turned for  answer,  that  "  he  was  accustomed  to 
choose  his  own  place  and  time  for  fighting,  and 
would  thank  the  French  general  to  wait  till  his 
men  found  time  to  shoe  their'  horses,  and  burnish 
up  their  arms."  At  length,  Nemours,  after  remain- 
ing some  days,  and  finding  there  was  no  chance  of 
decoying  his  wily  foe  from  his  defences,  broke  up 
his  camp  and  retired,  satisfied  with  the  empty  hon- 
ors of  his  gasconade. 

No  sooner  had  he  fairly  turned  his  back,  than  * 
Gonsalvo,  whose  soldiers  had  been  restrained  with  guai 
difficulty  from  sallying  out  on  their  insolent  foe, 
ordered  the  whole  strength  of  his  cavalry  under  the 
command  of  Diego  de  Mendoza,  flanked  by  two 
corps  of  infantry,  to  issue  forth  and  pursue  the 
French.  Mendoza  executed  these  orders  so  prompt- 
ly, that  he  brought  up  his  horse,  which  were  some- 
what in  advance  of  the  foot,  on  the  rear-guard  of 
the  French,  before  it  had  got  many  miles  from  Bar- 
leta.  The  latter  instantly  halted  to  receive  the 
charge  of  the  Spaniards,  and,  after  a  lively  skirmish 
of  no  great  duration,  Mendoza  retreated,  followed 
by  the  incautious  enemy,  who,  in  consequence  of 
their  irregular  and  straggling  march,  were  detached 
from  the  main  body  of  their  army.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  advancing  columns  of  the  Spanish  infantry, 
which  had  now  come  up  with  the  retreating  horse, 
unexpectedly  closing  on  the  enemy's  flanks,  threw 
them  into  some  disorder,  which  became  complete 


54  ITALIAN  WARS. 

PART      when  the  flying  cavalry  of  the  Spaniards,  suddenly 

—  wheeling  round  in  the  rapid  style  of  the  Moorish 

tactics,  charged  them  boldly  in  front.  All  was  now 
confusion.  Some  made  resistance,  but  most  sought 
only  to  escape ;  a  few  effected  it,  but  the  greater 
part  of  those  who  did  not  fall  on  the  field  were 
carried  prisoners  to  Barleta  ;  where  Mendoza  found 
the  Great  Captain  with  his  whole  army  drawn  up 
under  the  walls  in  order  of  battle,  ready  to  support 
him  in  person,  if  necessary.  The  whole  affair 
passed  so  expeditiously,  that  the  viceroy,  who,  as 
has  been  said,  conducted  his  retreat  in  a  most  dis- 
orderly manner,  and  in  fact,  had  already  dispersed 
several  battalions  of  his  infantry  to  the  different 
towns  from  which  he  had  drawn  them,  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  rencontre,  till  his  men  were  securely 
lodged  within  the  walls  of  Barleta.26 
Arrimiof  The  arrival  of  a  Venetian  trader  at  this  time,  with 

supplies. 

a  cargo  of  grain,  brought  temporary  relief  to  the 
pressing  necessities  of  the  garrison. 27     This  was 


26  Giovio,  Vitas  Illust.  Virorum,  battle,  and  is  told  with  pride  and  a 

E p.  243,  244. — Ulloa,  Vita  di  Car-  swell  of  exultation,  which  show, 

)  V.,fol.  11,  12.    A  dispute  arose,  that  this  insult  of  the  French  cut 

soon  after  this  affair,   between   a  more  deeply  than  all  the  injuries 

French   officer   and    some    Italian  inflicted   by  them.     Giovio,    Vitae 

gentlemen  at  Gonsalvo's  table,  in  Illust.  Virorum,  pp.  244-247. — 

consequence    of   certain    injurious  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  pp.  296-298. 

reflections  made  by  the  former  on  —  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib. 

the  bravery  of  the  Italian  nation.  29,  cap.  4.  —  Summonte,  Hist,  di 

The  quarrel  was  settled  by  a  com-  Napoli,  torn.  iii.  pp.  542-552.  — 

bat  d  Toutrance  between   thirteen  et  al. 

knights  on  each  side,  fought  un-  &  This  supply  was  owing  to  the 
der  the  protection  of  the  Great  avarice  of  the  French  general  Ale- 
Captain,  who  took  a  lively  interest  gre,  who,  having  got  possession  of 
in  the  success  of  his  allies.  It  ter-  a  magazine  of  corn  in  Foggia,  sold 
minated  in  the  discomfiture  and  it  to  the  Venetian  merchant,  in 
capture  of  all  the  French.  The  stead  of  reserving  it,  where  it  wag 
tourney  covers  more  pages  in  the  most  needed,  for  his  own  army. 
Italian  historians  than  the  longest 


RESOLUTION   OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  56 

followed  by  the  welcome  intelligence  of  the  total   CHAPTER 
discomfiture  of  the  French  fleet  under  M.  de  Prejan  - 
by  the  Spanish  admiral  Lezcano,  in  an  action  off 
Otranto,  which  consequently  left  the  seas  open  for 
the  supplies  daily  expected  from  Sicily.     Fortune 
seemed  now  in  the  giving  vein ;  for  in  a  few  days  a 
convoy  of  seven  transports  from  that  island,  laden 
with  grain,  meat,  and  other  stores,  came  safe  into 
Barleta,  and  supplied  abundant  means  for  recruiting 
the  health  and  spirits  of  its  famished  inmates.88 

Thus  restored,  the  Spaniards  began  to  look  for- 
ward with  eager  confidence  to  the  achievement  of 
some  new  enterprise.  The  temerity  of  the  viceroy 
soon  afforded  an  opportunity.  The  people  of  Cas- 
tellaneta,  a  town  near  Tarento,  were  driven  by  the 
insolent  and  licentious  behaviour  of  the  French 
garrison  to  betray  the  place  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  duke  of  Nemours,  enraged  at  this 
defection,  prepared  to  march  at  once  with  his  whole 
force,  and  take  signal  vengeance  on  the  devoted 
little  town ;  and  this,  notwithstanding  the  remon- 
strances of  his  officers  against  a  step,  which  must 
inevitably  expose  the  unprotected  garrisons  in  the 
neighbourhood  to  the  assault  of  their  vigilant  ene- 
my in  Barleta.  The  event  justified  these  appre- 
hensions. 89 

No  sooner  had  Gonsalvo  learned  the  departure  of 
Nemours  on  a  distant  expedition,  than  he  resolved  at 

28  D'Auton,    Hist,    de    Louys        ^  Guicciardini,   Istoria,   lib,    5 
XII.,    part.  1,  chap.   72. —  Peter     p.  29G.— D'Auton,  Hist,  de  Louys 
Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  254.  —    XII.,  part. 2,  chap.  31. 
Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.    Virorum,   p. 
242. 


i)6  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      once  to  make  an  attack  on  the  town  of  Ruvo,  about 
twelve  miles  distant,  and   defended    by  the  brave 


La  Palice,  with  a  corps  of  three  hundred  French 
lances,  and  as  many  foot.  With  his  usual  prompt- 
1503  ness,  the  Spanish  general  quitted  the  walls  of  Bar- 
leta  the  same  night  on  which  he  received  the  news, 
taking  with  him  his  whole  effective  force,  amount- 
ing to  about  three  thousand  infantry  and  one  thou- 
sand light  and  heavy  armed  horse.  So  few,  indeed, 
remained  to  guard  the  city,  that  he  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  take  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants  as 
hostages  to  insure  its  fidelity  in  his  absence. 
consaivo  At  break  of  day,  the  little  army  arrived  before 

storms  and  •>  '  * 

Ruvo.  Gonsalvo  immediately  opened  a  lively  can- 
nonade on  the  old  ramparts,  which  in  less  than  four 
hours  effected  a  considerable  breach.  He  then  led 
his  men  to  the  assault,  taking  charge  himself  of 
those  who  were  to  storm  the  breach,  while  another 
division,  armed  with  ladders  for  scaling  the  walls, 
was  intrusted  to  the  adventurous  cavalier  Diego  de 
Paredes. 

The  assailants  experienced  more  resolute  resist- 
ance than  they  had  anticipated  from  the  inconsid- 
erable number  of  the  garrison.  La  Palice,  throw- 
ing himself  into  the  breach  with  his  iron  band  of 
dismounted  gendarmes,  drove  back  the  Spaniards 
as  often  as  they  attempted  to  set  foot  on  the 
broken  ramparts  ;  while  the  Gascon  archery  show- 
ered down  volleys  of  arrows  thick  as  hail,  from  the 
battlements,  on  the  exposed  persons  of  the  assail- 
ants. The  latter,  however,  soon  rallied  under  the 
eye  of  their  general,  and  returned  with  fresh  fury 


XI. 


RESOLUTION   OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  57 

to  the  charge,  until  the  overwhelming  tide  of  num-  CHAPTER 
bers  bore  down  all  opposition,  and  they  poured  in 
through  the  breach  and  over  the  walls  with  irresisti- 
ble rury.  The  brave  little  garrison  were  driven 
before  them  ;  still,  however,  occasionally  making 
fight  in  the  streets  and  houses.  Their  intrepid 
young  commander,  La  Palice,  retreated  facing  the 
enemy,  who  pressed  thick  and  close  upon  him,  till, 
his  further  progress  being  arrested  by  a  wall,  he 
placed  his  back  against  it,  and  kept  them  at  bay, 
making  a  wide  circle  around  him  with  the  deadly 
sweep  of  his  battle-axe.  But  the  odds  were  too 
much  for  him  ;  and  at  length,  after  repeated  wounds, 
having  been  brought  to  the  ground  by  a  deep  cut 
in  the  head,  he  was  made  prisoner ;  not,  however, 
before  he  had  flung  his  sword  far  over  the  heads  of 
the  assailants,  disdaining,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a 
knight-errant,  to  yield  it  to  the  rabble  around  him.80 
All  resistance  was  now  at  an  end.  The  women 
of  the  place  had  fled  like  so  many  frighted  deer,  to 
one  of  the  principal  churches  ;  and  Gonsalvo,  with 
more  humanity  than  was  usual  in  these  barbarous 
wars,  placed  a  guard  over  their  persons,  which 
effectually  secured  them  from  the  insults  of  the 

30  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virornm,  Froissart.     There  is  an  inexpress- 

pp.  248,  249.  —  Guicciardini,  Isto-  ible  charm  imparted  to  the  French 

ria,  p.  296.  — Bernaldez,  Reyes  Ca-  memoirs  and  chronicles  of  this  an- 

tolicos,  MS.,  cap.  175. — D'Aulon,  cient  date,  not  only  from  the  pic- 

Hist.  de  Louys  XII.,  part.  2,  chap,  turesque  character  of  the   details, 

31.  —  Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan,  but  from  a  gentle  tinge  of  romance 

cap.  72.  shed  over  them,   which    calls    to 

The  gallant  behaviour  of  La  Pa-  mind  the  doughty  feats  of 
lice,  and  indeed  the  whole  siege  of 

R.     -iji      T         Tvt  i  •  prowest  kni'Miti. 

uvo,  is  told  by  Jean  D'Auton  in  a       Both  paynim  and  the  peers  of  Charto- 
truly  heart-stirring  tone,  quite  wor-  magne." 

thy  of  the  chivalrous  pen   of  old 

VOL.    III.  8 


68  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      soldiery.     After  a  short  time  spent  in  gathering  up 

.   the    booty   and  securing  his  prisoners,  the  Spanish 

general,  having  achieved  the  object  of  his  expedi- 
tion, set  out  on  his  homeward  march,  and  arrived 
without  interruption  at  Barleta. 

The  duke  of  Nemours  had  scarcely  appeared 
before  Castellaneta,  before  he  received  tidings  of 
the  attack  on  Ruvo.  He  put  himself,  without  losing 
a  moment,  at  the  head  of  his  gendarmes,  supported 
by  the  Swiss  pikemen,  hoping  to  reach  the  be- 
leaguered town  in  time  to  raise  the  siege.  Great 
was  his  astonishment,  therefore,  on  arriving  before 
it,  to  find  no  trace  of  an  enemy,  except  the  ensigns 
of  Spain  unfurled  from  the  deserted  battlements. 
Mortified  and  dejected,  he  made  no  further  attempt 
to  recover  Castellaneta,  but  silently  drew  ofF  to 
hide  his  chagrin  in  the  walls  of  Canosa. 31 
Sent'ofVhe  Among  the  prisoners  were  several  persons  of  dis- 
pnsoners.  tinguished  rank.  Gonsalvo  treated  them  with  his 
usual  courtesy,  and  especially  La  Palice,  whom  he 
provided  with  his  own  surgeon  and  all  the  appli- 
ances for  rendering  his  situation  as  comfortable  as 
possible.  For  the  common  file,  however,  he  show- 
ed n6  such  sympathy ;  but  condemned  them  all  to 
serve  in  the  Spanish  admiral's  galleys,  where  they 
continued  to  the  close  of  the  campaign.  An  un- 
fortunate misunderstanding  had  long  subsisted 
between  the  French  and  Spanish  commanders 
respecting  the  ransom  and  exchange  of  prisoners ; 
and  Gonsalvo  was  probably  led  to  this  severe  meas- 

31  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,    Carlo  V.,  fol.  16.  —  Chroniea  del 
MS.,  ubi  supra.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  rii    Gran  Capitan,  cap.  72 


RESOLUTION   OF  THE    SPANIARDS.  69 

ure,   so   different  from  his  usual  clemency,  by  an   CHAPTER 

unwillingness  to  encumber  himself  with  a  superflu-  

ous  population  in  the  besieged  city.32  But,  in 
truth,  such  a  proceeding,  however  offensive  to  hu- 
manity, was  not  at  all  repugnant  to  the  haughty 
spirit  of  chivalry,  which,  reserving  its  courtesies 
exclusively  for  those  of  gentle  blood  and  high  de- 
gree, cared  little  for  the  inferior  orders,  whether 
soldier  or  peasant,  whom  it  abandoned  without  re- 
morse to  all  the  caprices  and  cruelties  of  military 
license. 

The  capture  of  Ruvo  was  attended  with  impor- 
tant consequences  to  the  Spaniards.  Besides  a 
valuable  booty  of  clothes,  jewels,  and  money,  they 
brought  back  with  them  nearly  a  thousand  horses, 
which  furnished  Gonsalvo  with  the  means  of  aug- 
menting his  cavalry,  the  small  number  of  which 
had  hitherto  materially  crippled  his  operations. 
He  accordingly  selected  seven  hundred  of  his  best 
troops  and  mounted  them  on  the  French  horses  ; 
thus  providing  himself  with  a  corps,  burning  with 
zeal  to  approve  itself  worthy  of  the  distinguished 
honor  conferred  on  it.83 

A  few  weeks  after,  the  general  received  an  im-  Prepares  u 

leave  Bar* 

portant  accession  of  strength  from    the   arrival  of  leta- 
two    thousand    German    mercenaries,  which    Don 
Juan  Manuel,  the  Spanish  minister  at  the  Austrian 
court,  had  been  permitted  to  raise  in  the  emperor's 
dominions.     This  event  determined  the  Great  Cap- 
as    D'Auton,    Hist,    de  Louys    p.  270.  —  Zurita,   Hist,   del   Key 
XIL,   uhi   supra.  —  Giovio,    Vitae     Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  14. 
Illust.  Virorum,  p.  249. —  Quinta-        33  Giovio,  Vitse  111 ust.  Virorum, 
na,   Espailoles  Celebres,  lorn.  ii.     p.  249. 


60  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      tain  on  a  step  which  he  had  been  some  time  medi- 
ii. 

-  tating.     The  new  levies  placed  him  in  a  condition 

for  assuming  the  offensive.  His  stock  of  provis- 
ions, moreover,  already  much  reduced,  would  be 
obviously  insufficient  long  to  maintain  his  increased 
numbers.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  sally  out  of 
the  old  walls  of  Barleta,  and,  availing  himself  of 
the  high  spirits  in  which  the  late  successes  had  put 
his  troops,  to  bring  the  enemy  at  once  to  battle.34 

34  Garibay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.     cap.  16.  —  Ulloa,  V'ta  di  Carlo  V., 
lib.   19,  cap".    15.  —  Zurita,  Hist.     fol.  17. 
del  Key  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5, 


CHAPTER  XII 

ITALIAN    WARS.  — NEGOTIATIONS   WITH    FRANCE.  —  VICTORY 
OF    CERIGNOLA.  —  SURRENDER    OF   NAPLES. 

1503. 

birth  of  Charles  V.  —  Philip  and  Joanna  visit  Spain.  —  Treaty  of 
Lyons.  —  The  Great  Captain  refuses  to  comply  with  it.  —  Encamps 
before  Cerignola.  —  Battle,  and  Rout  of  the  French.  —  Triumphant 
Entry  of  Gonsalvo  into  Naples. 

BEFORE    accompanying  the  Great  Captain  fur-   CHAPTEB 

ther  in  his  warlike  operations,  it  will  be  necessary  ! — . 

to  take  a  rapid  glance  at  what  was  passing  in  the 
French  and  Spanish  courts,  where  negotiations 
were  in  train  for  putting  a  stop  to  them  altogether. 

The  reader  has  been  made  acquainted  in  a  pre- 
ceding chapter  with  the  marriage  of  the  infanta 
Joanna,  second  daughter  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns, 
with  the  archduke  Philip,  son  of  the  emperor  Maxi- 
milian, and  sovereign,  in  right  of  his  mother,  of  the 
Low  Countries.  The  first  fruit  of  this  marriage  Birth  or 

Charles  V. 

was  the  celebrated  Charles  the  Fifth,  born  at  Ghent, 
February  24th,  1500,  whose  birth  was  no  sooner 
announced  to  Queen  Isabella,  than  she  predicted 
that  to  this  infant  would  one  day  descend  the  rich 
inheritance  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.1  The  prema- 

1  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  Th.s  queen  expressed  herself  in 
1500.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp.  the  language  of  Scripture,  "  Sore 
Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  2.  cecidit  super  Mathiam,"  in  allusion 


ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART 
II. 


Philip  and 
Joanna  visit 
Bpain. 


ture  death  of  the  heir  apparent,  Prince  Miguel,  noi 
long  after,  prepared  the  way  for  this  event  by  de- 
volving the  succession  on  Joanna,  Charles's  mother. 
From  that  moment  the  sovereigns  were  pressing  in 
their  entreaties  that  the  archduke  and  his  wife 
would  visit  Spain,  that  they  might  receive  the  cus- 
tomary oaths  of  allegiance,  and  that  the  former 
might  become  acquainted  with  the  character  and  in- 
stitutions of  his  future  subjects.  The  giddy  young 
prince,  however,  thought  too  much  of  present  pleas- 
ure to  heed  the  call  of  ambition  or  duty,  and  suf- 
fered more  than  a  year  to  glide  away,  before  he 
complied  with  the  summons  of  his  royal  parents. 
In  the  latter  part  of  1501,  Philip  and  Joanna, 
attended  by  a  numerous  suite  of  Flemish  courtiers, 
set  out  on  their  journey,  proposing  to  take  their 
way  through  France-.  They  were  entertained  with 
profuse  magnificence  and  hospitality  at  the  French 
court,  where  the  politic  attentions  of  Louis  the 
Twelfth,  not  only  effaced  the  recollection  of  an- 
cient injuries  to  the  house  of  Burgundy,2  but  left 
impressions  of  the  most  agreeable  character  on  the 
mind  of  the  young  prince.8  After  some  weeks 


te  the  circumstance  of  Charles  be- 
ing born  on  that  saint's  day ;  a  day, 
which ,  if  we  are  to  believe  Garibay, 
was  fortunate  to  him  through  the 
whole  course  of  his  life.  Com- 
pendio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  9. 

2  Charles  VIII.,  Louis's  prede- 
cessor, had  contrived  to  secure  the 
hand  of  Anne  of  Bretagne,  not- 
withstanding she  was  already  mar- 
ried by  proxy  to  Philip's  father,  the 
emperor  Maximilian  ;  and  this,  too, 
in  contempt  of  his  own  engage- 
ments to  Margaret,  the  emperor's 


daughter,  to  whom  he  had  been 
affianced  from  her  infancy.  This 
twofold  insult,  which  sunk  deep 
into  the  heart  of  Maximilian,  seems 
to  have  made  no  impression  on  the 
volatile  spirits  of  his  son. 

3  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  lib. 
27,  cap.  11.  —  St.  Gelais  describes 
the  cordial  reception  of  Philip  and 
Joanna  by  the  Court  at  Blois,  where 
he  was  probably  present  himself. 
The  historian  shows  his  own  opin- 
ion of  the  effect  produced  on  their 
young  minds  by  these  flattering  at- 


VICTORY    OF   CERIGNOLA.  63 

passed  in  a  succession  of  splendid  fetes  and  amuse-  CHAPTER 
merits  at  Blois,  where  the  archduke  confirmed  the 
treaty  of  Trent  recently  made  between  his  father, 
the  emperor,  and  the  French  king,  stipulating  the 
marriage  of  Louis's  eldest  daughter,  the  princess 
Claude,  with  Philip's  son  Charles,  the  royal  pair 
resumed  their  journey  towards  Spain,  which  they 
entered  by  the  way  of  Fontarabia,  January  29th, 
I502.4 

Magnificent  preparations  had  been  made  for  their 
reception.  The  grand  constable  of  Castile,  the 
duke  of  Naxara,  and  many  other  of  the  principa. 
grandees  waited  on  the  borders  to  receive  them. 
Brilliant  fetes  and  illuminations,  and  all  the  usual 
marks  of  public  rejoicing,  greeted  their  progress 
through  the  principal  cities  of  the  north ,  and  a 
pragmdtica  relaxing  the  simplicity,  or  rather  severi- 
ty, of  the  sumptuary  laws  of  the  period,  so  far  as  to 
allow  the  use  of  silks  and  various-colored  apparel, 
shows  the  attention  of  the  sovereigns  to  every  cir- 
cumstance, however  trifling,  which  could  affect  the 
minds  of  the  young  princes  agreeably,  and  diffuse 
an  air  of  cheerfulness  over  the  scene.5 

tentions,  by  remarking,  "  Le  roy  Spanish  historians,  who  insist  with 

leur  monstra  si  tres  grand  semblant  much  satisfaction,  on  the  haughty 

d'amour,  que  par  noblesse  et  hon-  refusalof  his  wife,  the  archduchess, 

estet6  de  coeur  il  les  obligeoit  envers  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony.     Zu- 

luy  de  leur  en  souvenir  toute  leur  rita,  Anales,   torn.  v.  lib.  4,  cap. 

rie."     Hist,   de   Louys  XII.,  pp.  55. — Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio 

164,  165.  1502.  — Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon, 

In  passing  through  Paris,  Philip  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13,  see.  1.— 

took  his  seat  in  the  parliament  as  Duinont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  torn, 

peer  of  France,  and  subsequently  iv.  part.  l,p.  17. 

did  homage  to  Louis  XII.,  as  his  4   Carbajal,  Anales,    MS.,   ano 

suzerain    for   his   estates  in  Flan-  1502.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp. 

ders  ;  an  acknowledgment  of  infe-  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  5. 

riority  not  at  all  palatable  to   the  5  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  4, 


64  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART          Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  who  were  occupied  with 
— —  the  affairs  of  Andalusia  at  this  period,  no  sooner 
heard  of  the  arrival  of  Philip  and  Joanna,  than  they 
hastened  to  the  north.     They  reached  Toledo  to- 
wards the   end  of  April,  and   in  a  few  days,  the 
queen,  who  paid  the  usual  penalties  of  royalty,  in 
seeing  her  children,  one  after  another,  removed  far 
from  her  into  distant  lands,  had  the  satisfaction  of 
again  folding  her  beloved  daughter  in  her  arms. 
Recognised         Qn  the  22d  of  the  ensuing  month,  the  archduke 

by  cortes. 

and  his  wife  received  the  usual  oaths  of  fealty  from 
the  cortes  duly  convoked  for  the  purpose  at  Tole- 
do.6 King  Ferdinand,  not  long  after,  made  a  jour- 
ney into  Aragon,  in  which  the  queen's  feeble  health 
would  not  permit  her  to  accompany  him,  in  order 
to  prepare  the  way  for  a  similar  recognition  by  the 
estates  of  that  realm.  We  are  not  informed  what 
arguments  the  sagacious  monarch  made  use  of  to 
dispel  the  scruples  formerly  entertained  by  that  in- 
dependent body,  on  a  similar  application  in  behalf 
of  his  daughter,  the  late  queen  of  Portugal.7  They 

cap.  55.  —  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Es-  live  on  all  points  touching  the  con- 
pagne,  torn.  viii.  p.  220.  stitutional  history  of  their  country. 
This  extreme  simplicity  of  attire,  should  have  omitted  to  notice  the 
in  which  Zurita  discerns  "the  grounds  on  which  the  cortes  thought 
modesty  of  the  times,"  was  en-  proper  to  reverse  its  former  de- 
forced bylaws,  the  policy  of  which,  cision  in  the  analogous  case  of  the 
whatever  be  thought  of  their  moral  infanta  Isabella.  There  seems  to 
import,  may  well  be  doubted  in  an  have  been  even  less  reason  for  de- 
economical  view.  I  shall  have  oc-  parting  from  ancient  usage  in  the 
casion  to  draw  the  reader's  atten-  present  instance,  since  Joanna  had 
tion  to  them  hereafter.  a  son,  to  whom  the  cortes  might 

6  The  writ  is  dated  at  Llerena,  lawfully  have  tendered  its  oath  of 
March  8.    It  was  extracted  by  Ma-  recognition  ;  for  a  female,  although 
rina  from  the  archives  of  Toledo,  excluded  from  the   throne  in  her 
Teoria,  torn.  ii.  p.  18.  own  person,  was  regarded  as  com- 

7  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Ara-  petent  to  transmit  the  title  unim- 
gonese  writers,  generally  so  inquisi-  paired  to  her  male  heirs.     Blancas 


VICTORY    OF   CERIGNOLA. 


were  completely  successful,  however ;    and  Philip  CHAPTER 

and  Joanna,  having  ascertained  the  favorable  dispo-  ^ 

sition  of  cortes,  made  their  entrance  in  great  state 
into  the  ancient  city  of  Saragossa,  in  the  month  of 
October.  On  the  27th,  having  first  made  oath  be- 
fore the  Justice,  to  observe  the  laws  and  liberties  of 
the  realm,  Joanna  as  future  queen  proprietor,  and 
Philip  as  her  husband,  were  solemnly  recognised  by 
the  four  arms  of  Aragon  as  successors  to  the  crown, 
in  default  of  male  issue  of  King  Ferdinand.  The 
circumstance  is  memorable,  as  affording  the  first  ex- 
ample of  the  parliamentary  recognition  of  a  female 
heir  apparent  in  Aragonese  history.8 

Amidst  all  the  honors  so  liberally  lavished   on  PMHP'*  au- 

J  content. 

Philip,  his  bosom  secretly  swelled  with  discontent, 
fomented  still  further  by  his  followers,  who  pressed 
him  to  hasten  his  return  to  Flanders,  where  the  free 
and  social  manners  of  the  people  were  much  more 
congenial  to  their  tastes,  than  the  reserve  and  state- 


suggests  no  explanation  of  the  af- 
fair, (Coronaciones,  lib.  3,  cap.  20, 
and  Commentarii,  pp.  274,  511,) 
and  Zurita  quietly  dismisses  it  with 
the  remark,  that  "  there  was  some 
opposition  raised,  but  the  king  had 
•managed  it  so  discreetly  beforehand, 
that  there  was  not  the  same  diffi- 
culty as  formerly."  (Hist,  del  Rey 
Hernando,.tom.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  5.) 
It  is  curious  to  see  with  what  ef- 
frontery the  prothonotary  of  the 
cortes,  in  the  desire  to  varnish  over 
the  departure  from  constitutional 
precedent,  declares,  in  the  opening 
address,  "  the  princess  Joanna,  true 
and  lawful  heir  to  the  crown,  to 
whom,  in  default  of  male  heirs,  the 
usage  and  law  of  the  land  require 
the  oath  of  allegiance."  Corona- 
ciones, ubi  supra. 


8  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  ano 
1500.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon, 
torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  12,  sec.  6.  — 
Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  p.  126. 
—  Garibay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii. 
lib.  19,  cap.  14.  —  Sandoval,  Hist, 
del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  5. 

Petronilla,  the  only  female  who 
ever  sat,  in  her  own  right,  on  the 
throne  of  Aragon,  never  received 
the  homage  of  cortes  as  heir  ap- 
parent ;  the  custom  not  having  been 
established  at  that  time,  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century.  (Zurita, 
Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  5.) 
Blancas  has  described  the  ceremo- 
ny of  Joanna's  recognition  with 
quite  as  much  circumstantiality  a 
the  novelty  of  the  case  could  wai 
rant.  Coronaciones,  lib.  3,  cap.  20 


VOL.  III. 


9 


66  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      ly  ceremonial  of  the   Spanish  court.     The  young 

! —  prince  shared  in  these  feelings,  to  which,  indeed, 

the  love  of  pleasure,  and  an  instinctive  aversion  to 
any  thing  like  serious  occupation,  naturally  disposed 
him.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  saw  with  regret  the 
frivolous  disposition  of  their  son-in-law,  wrho,  in  the 
indulgence  of  selfish  and  effeminate  ease,  was  will- 
ing to  repose  on  others  all  the  important  duties  of 
government.  They  beheld  with  mortification  his 
indifference  to  Joanna,  who  could  boast  few  per- 
sonal attractions,9  and  who  cooled  the  affections  of 
her  husband  by  alternations  of  excessive  fondness 
and  irritable  jealousy,  for  which  last  the  levity  of 
his  conduct  gave  her  too  much  occasion. 

Shortly  after  the  ceremony  at  Saragossa,  the 
archduke  announced  his  intention  of  an  immediate 
return  to  the  Netherlands,  by  the  way  of  France. 
The  sovereigns,  astonished  at  this  abrupt  determi- 
nation, used  every  argument  to  dissuade  him  from 
it.  They  represented  the  ill  effects  it  might  occa- 
sion the  princess  Joanna,  then  too  far  advanced  in 
a  state  of  pregnancy  to  accompany  him.  They 
pointed  out  the  impropriety,  as  well  as  danger,  of 
committing  himself  to  the  hands  of  the  French  king, 
with  whom  they  were  now  at  open  war ;  and  they 
finally  insisted  on  the  importance  of  Philip's  re- 
maining long  enough  in  the  kingdom  to  become 
familiar  with  the  usages,  and  establish  himself  in 
the  affections,  of  the  people  over  whom  he  would 
one  day  be  called  to  reign. 

9  "Simplex  est  fcemina,"  says  a  tantfii  muliere  progenita. "  Opus 
Martyr,  speaking  of  Joanna,  "  licet  Epist.,  epist.  250. 


VICTORY    OF   CERIGNOLA.  6? 


All  these  arguments  were  ineffectual ;   the  inflex-   CHAPTEB 
ible  prince,  turning  a  deaf  ear  alike  to  the  entreaties 
of  his  unhappy  wife,  and  the  remonstrances  of  the 
Aragonese  cortes  still  in  session,  set  out  from  Ma- 

O  * 

drid,  with  the  whole  of  his  Flemish  suite,  in  the 
month  of  December.  He  left  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella disgusted  with  the  levity  of  his  conduct,  and 
the  queen,  in  particular,  filled  with  mournful  solici- 
tude for  the  welfare  of  the  daughter,  with  whom 
his  destinies  were  united.10 

Before  his  departure  for  France,  Philip,  anxious 
to  reestablish  harmony  between  that  country  and 
Spain,  offered  his  services  to  his  father-in-law  in 
negotiating  with  Louis  the  Twelfth,  if  possible,  a 
settlement  of  the  differences  respecting  Naples. 
Ferdinand  showed  some  reluctance  at  intrusting  so 
delicate  a  commission  to  an  envoy,  in  whose  dis- 
cretion he  placed  small  reliance,  which  was  not 
augmented  by  the  known  partiality  which  Philip 
entertained  for  the  French  monarch.11  Before  the 
archduke  had  crossed  the  frontier,  however,  he  was 
overtaken  by  a  Spanish  ecclesiastic  named  Bernaldo 
Boyl,  abbot  of  St.  Miguel  de  Cuxa,  who  brought 
full  powers  to  Philip  from  the  king  for  concluding 
a  treaty  with  France,  accompanied  at  the  same 
time  with  private  instructions  of  the  most  strict  and 


10  Peter  Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  followers,  that  the  Spaniards  very 
ubi  supra.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn,  generally  believed  the  latter  were  in 
v.  lib.  5,  cap.   10.  —  Gomez,  De  the  pay  of  Louis  XII.     See  Go- 
Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  44. —  Carbajal,  mez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  44.  — 
Anales,  MS.,  aiio  1502.  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap. 

11  Such   manifest   partiality  for  23. —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist. 
the  French  court  and  manners  was  epist.    253.  —  Lanuza,   Historias 
shown  by  Philip  and  his  Flemish  cap.  16. 


S8  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART      limited    nature.     He    was   enjoined,   moreover,    to 

-  take  no  step  without  the  advice  of  his  reverend 
coadjutor,  and  to  inform  the  Spanish  court  at  once, 
if  different  propositions  were  submitted  from  those 
contemplated  by  his  instructions.12 

Negotiates*       Thus  fortified,  the  archduke  Philip  made  his  ap- 

treaty  with  A 

pearance  at  the  French  court  in  Lyons,  where  he 
was  received  by  Louis  with  the  same  lively  expres- 

•  sions  of  regard  as  before.     With  these  amiable  dis- 
positions, the  negotiations  were  not  long  in  resulting 
in  a  definitive  treaty,  arranged  to  the  mutual  satis- 
faction of  the  parties,  though  in  violation  of  the 
private  instructions  of  the  archduke.     In  the  pro- 
gress of  the  discussions,  Ferdinand,  according   to 
the  Spanish  historians,  received  advices  from  his 
envoy,  the  abate  Boyl,  that  Philip  was  transcending 
his  commission ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  king 
sent  an  express  to  France,  urging  his  son-in-law  to 
adhere  to  the  strict  letter  of  his  instructions.     Be- 
fore the  messenger  reached   Lyons,  however,  the 
treaty  was  executed.     Such  is  the  Spanish  account 
of  this  blind  transaction.13 

Lyon»yof          The  treaty,  which  was  signed  at  Lyons,  April 


12  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  sec.  3.  — Mariana,  Hist  de  Espafia, 
cap.  10.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara-  torn.  ii.   pp.  690,  691.  —  Lanuza, 
gon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.   13,  sec.  Historias,  torn.  i.  cap.  16. 

2. —  Garibay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.  Some  of  the  French  historians 

lib.  19,  cap.  15.  —  D'Auton,  Hist,  speak  of  two  agents  besides  Philip 

de  Louys  XII.,  part.  l,chap.  32.  employed  in  the  negotiations.    Fa- 

13  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  ther  Boyl  is  the  only  one  named  by 
do,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  23.  —  St.  the  Spanish  writers,  as  regularly 
Gelais,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  pp.  commissioned  for  the  purpose,  al- 
170,    171.  —  Claude  de   Seyssel,  though  it  is  not  improbable  that 
Histoire  de  Louys  XII.,   (Paris,  Gralla,   the    resident    minister    at 
1615,)  p.  108.  — Abarca,  Reyes  de  Louis's  court,  took  part  in  the  dis- 
Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13,  cussions. 


VICTORY  OF  CERIGNOLA.  69 

5th,  1503,  was  arranged  on  the  basis  of  the  mar-    CHAPTER 

riage    of  Charles,  the   infant   son   of  Philip,  and  — , 

Claude,  princess  of  France  ;  a  marriage,  which,  set- 
tled by  three  several  treaties,  was  destined  never  to 
take  place.  The  royal  infants  were  immediately 
to  assume  the  titles  of  King  and  Queen  of  Naples, 
and  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Calabria..  Until  the 
consummation  of  the  marriage,  the  French  division 
of  the  kingdom  was  to  be  placed  under  the  admin- 
istration of  some  suitable  person  named  by  Louis 
the  Twelfth,  and  the  Spanish  under  that  of  the 
archduke  Philip,  or  some  other  deputy  appointed 
by  Ferdinand.  All  places  unlawfully  seized  by 
either  party  were  to  be  restored ;  and  lastly  it  was 
settled,  with  regard  to  the  disputed  province  of  the 
Capitanate,  that  the  portion  held  by  the  French 
should  be  governed  by  an  agent  of  King  Louis, 
and  the  Spanish  by  the  archduke  Philip  on  behalf 
of  Ferdinand."14 

Such  in  substance  was  the  treaty  of  Lyons ;  a 
treaty,  which,  while  it  seemed  to  consult  the  inter- 
ests of  Ferdinand,  by  securing  the  throne  of  Na- 
ples eventually  to  his  posterity,  was  in  fact  far  more 
accommodated  to  those  of  Louis,  by  placing  the 
immediate  control  of  the  Spanish  moiety  under  a 
prince,  over  whom  that  monarch  held  entire  influ- 
ence. It  is  impossible  that  so  shrewd  a  statesman 
as  Ferdinand  could,  from  the  mere  consideration  of 
advantages  so  remote  to  himself  and  dependent  on 
so  precarious  a  contingency  as  the  marriage  of  two 

14  See  the  treaty,  apud  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatiaue.  torn.  iv.  pp. 
27-39. 


70  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      infants,  then  in  their  cradles,  have  seriously  contem- 
, ! —  plated  an  arrangement,  which  surrendered  all  the  ac- 
tual power  into  the  hands  of  his  rival ;  and  that  too 
at  the  moment  when  his  large  armament,  so  long 
preparing  for  Calabria,  had  reached  that  country,  and 
when  the  Great  Captain,  on  the  other  quarter,  had 
received  such  accessions  of  strength  as  enabled  him 
to  assume  the  offensive,  on   at  least   equal  terms 
with  the  enemy. 
The  Great         No  misgivings  on  this  head,  however,  appear  to 

Captain  re-  A 

WttMt*"  nave  entered  the  minds  of  the  signers  of  the  treaty, 
which  was  celebrated  by  the  court  at  Lyons  with 
every  show  of  public  rejoicing,  and  particularly  with 
tourneys  and  tilts  of  reeds,  in  imitation  of  the  Span- 
ish chivalry.  At  the  same  time,  the  French  king 
countermanded  the  embarkation  of  fresh  troops  on 
board  a  fleet  equipping  at  the  port  of  Genoa  for  Na- 
ples, and  sent  orders  to  his  generals  in  Italy  to  desist 
from  further  operations.  The  archduke  forwarded 
similar  instructions  to  Gonsalvo,  accompanied  with 
a  copy  of  the  powers  intrusted  to  him  by  Ferdi- 
nand. That  prudent  officer,  however,  whether  in 
obedience  to  previous  directions  from  the  king,  as 
Spanish  writers  affirm,  or  on  his  own  responsibility, 
from  a  very  natural  sense  of  duty,  refused  to  com- 
ply with  the  ambassador's  orders  ;  declaring  "  he 
knew  no  authority  but  that  of  his  own  sovereigns, 
and  that  he  felt  bound  to  prosecute  the  war  with 
all  his  ability,  till  he  received  their  commands  to 
the  contrary."  15 

15  Abarca,   Reyes  de  Aragon,    Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib. 
torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13,  sec.  3.  —     29,  cap.  4.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  de 


VICTORY    OF    CERIGNOLA. 


71 


Indeed,    the    archduke's    despatches    arrived    at  CHAPTER 


XII. 


the  very  time  when  the  Spanish   general,  having 

J  r  f  5    Marches  out 

strengthened  himself  by  a  reinforcement  from  the  ofBartet«- 
neighbouring  garrison  of  Tarento  under  Pedro  Na- 
varro,  was  prepared  to  sally  forth,  and  try  his  for- 
tune in  battle  with  the  enemy.     Without  further 
delay,  he  put  his  purpose  into  execution,   and  on 
Friday  the  28th  of  April,   marched   out  with   his     1503. 
whole   army  from  the  ancient  walls  of  Barleta ;  a 
spot  ever  memorable  in  history  as  the   scene  of  the 
extraordinary  sufferings,  and  indomitable  constancy, 
of  the  Spanish  soldier. 

The  road  lay  across  the  field  of  Cannae,  where, 
seventeen  centuries  before,  the  pride  of  Rome 
had  been  humbled  by  the  victorious  arms  of  Han- 


Louys  XII.,  p.  171.  —  Buonaccor- 
si,  Diario,  p.  75.  —  D'Auton,  Hist, 
de  LouysXII.,  part.  2,  chap.  32. 

According  to  the  Aragonese  his- 
torians, Ferdinand,  on  the  arch- 
duke's departure,  informed  Gonsal- 
vo  of  the  intended  negotiations  with 
France,  cautioning  the  general  at 
the  same  time  not  to  heed  any  in- 
structions of  the  archduke  till  con- 
firmed by  him.  This  circumstance 
the  French  writers  regard  as  une- 
quivocal proof  of  the  king's  in- 
sincerity in  entering  into  the  nego- 
tiation. It  wears  this  aspect  at  first, 
certainly ;  but,  on  a  nearer  view, 
admits  of  a  very  different  construc- 
tion. Ferdinand  had  no  confidence 
in  the  discretion  of  his  envoy, 
whom,  if  we  are  to  believe  the 
Spanish  writers,  he  employed  in 
the  affair  more  from  accident  than 
choice;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
full  powers  intrusted  to  him,  he  did 
not  consider  himself  bound  to  re- 
cognise the  validity  of  any  treaty 
which  the  other  should  sign,  until 
first  ratified  by  himself.  With 


these  views,  founded  on  principles 
now  universally  recognised  in  Eu- 
ropean diplomacy,  it  was  natural  to 
caution  his  general  against  any  un- 
authorized interference  on  the  part 
of  his  envoy,  which  the  rash  and 
presumptuous  character  of  the  lat- 
ter, acting,  moreover,  under  an  un- 
due influence  of  the  French  mon- 
arch, gave  him  good  reason  to  fear. 
As  to  the  Great  Captain,  who  has 
borne  a  liberal  share  of  censure  on 
this  occasion,  it  is  not  easy  to  see 
how  he  could  have  acted  otherwise 
than  he  did,  even  in  the  event  of 
no  special  instructions  from  Ferdi- 
nand. For  he  would  scarcely  have 
been  justified  in  abandoning  a  sure 
prospect  of  advantage  on  the  au- 
thority of  one,  the  validity  of  whose 
powers  he  could  not  determine,  and 
which,.in  fact,  do  not  appear  to  have 
warranted  such  interference.  The 
only  authority  he  knew,  was  that 
from  which  he  held  his  commission, 
and  to  which  he  was  responsible  fot 
the  faithful  discharge  of  it. 


72  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  nibal, 1G  in  a  battle,  which,  though  fought  with  far 
greater  numbers,  was  not  so  decisive  in  its  con- 
sequences as  that  which  the  same  scenes  were  to 
witness  in  a  few  hours.  The  coincidence  is  cer- 
tainly singular ;  and  one  might  almost  fancy  that 
the  actors  in  these  fearful  tragedies,  unwilling  to 
deface  the  fair  haunts  of  civilization,  had  purposely 
sought  a  more  fitting  theatre  in  this  obscure  and 
sequestered  region. 

thesttrroo°sf  ^e  Weat^er5  although  only  at  the  latter  end  of 
April,  was  extremely  sultry  ;  the  troops,  notwith- 
standing Gonsalvo's  orders  on  crossing  the  river 

o  c 

Ofanto,  the  ancient  Aufidus,  had  failed  to  supply 
themselves  with  sufficient  water  for  the  march ; 
parched  with  heat  and  dust,  they  were  soon  dis- 
tressed by  excessive  thirst ;  and,  as  the  burning 
rays  of  the  noontide  sun  beat  fiercely  on  their 
heads,  many  of  them,  especially  those  cased  in 
heavy  armour,  sunk  down  on  the  road,  fainting 
with  exhaustion  and  fatigue.  Gonsalvo  was  seen 
in  every  quarter,  administering  to  the  necessities  of 
his  men,  and  striving  to  reanimate  their  drooping 


16  Neither  Polybius  (lib.  3,  sec.  the  Aufidus,  the   modern  Ofanto, 

24,  et  seq.),  nor  Livy  (Hist.  lib.  22,  between  three  and  four  miles  below 

cap.  43-50.),  who  give  the  most  Canusium  ;  and  notices  the  modern 

circumstantial  narratives  of  the  bat-  hamlet  of  nearly  the  same   name, 

tie,  are  precise  enough  to  enable  us  Canne,   where    common    tradition 

to  ascertain  the  exact  spot  in  which  recognises  the  ruins  of  the  ancient 

it  was  fought.   Strabo,  in  his  topo-  town.     (Italia  Antiqua,  lib.  4,  cap. 

graphical   notices  of  this   part   of  12,  sec.  8.)     D'Anville  makes   no 

Italy,  briefly  alludes  to  "  the  affair  difficulty  in  identifying  these  two, 

of  Cannse';   (T«  «rsg<  Kawaj),  with-  (Geographic   Ancienne,  Abregee, 

out  any  description  of  the  scene  of  torn.  i.  p.  208.)  having  laid  down 

action.    (Geog.,  lib.   6,    p.  285.)  the  ancient  town  in  his  maps  in  the 

Cluverius  fixes  the  site  of  the  an-  direct  line,  and  about  midway,  be 

cient  Cannae  on  the  right  bank  of  tween  BarL.ta  and  Cerignola. 


VICTORY   OF    CERIGNOLA.  73 

spirits.     At  length,  to  relieve  them,  he  commanded   CKAVTEK 
that  each  trooper  should  take  one  of  the  infantry  on  - 
his  crupper,  setting  the  example  himself  by  mount- 
ing a  German  ensign  behind  him  on  his  own  horse. 

In  this  way,  the  whole  army  arrived  early  in  the  Encamp. he 

J*  J  J  fore  Ceri- 

afternoon  before  Cerignola,  a  small  town  on  an  8nola- 
eminence  about  sixteen  miles  from  Barleta,  where 
the  nature  of  the  ground  afforded  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral a  tavorable  position  for  his  camp.  The  sloping 
sides  of  the  hill  were  covered  with  vineyards,  and 
its  base  was  protected  by  a  ditch  of  considerable 
depth.  Gonsalvo  saw  at  once  the  advantages  of 
the  ground.  His  men  were  jaded  by  the  march  ; 
but  there  was  no  time  to  lose,  as  the  French,  who, 
on  his  departure  from  Barleta,  had  been  drawn  up 
under  the  walls  of  Canosa,  were  now  rapidly  ad- 
vancing. All  hands  were  put  in  requisition,  there- 
fore, for  widening  the  trench,  in  which  they  planted 
sharp-pointed  stakes ;  while  the  earth  which  they 
excavated  enabled  them  to  throw  up  a  parapet  of 
considerable  height  on  the  side  next  the  town.  On 
this  rampart  he  mounted  his  little  train  of  artillery, 
consisting  of  thirteen  guns,  and  behind  it  drew  up 
his  forces  in  order  of  battle. 17 


W  Giovio,  Vitae  Illusl.  Virorum,  mentsat  the  base-of  the  hill,  "  that 

fol.  253-255.  —  Guicciardini,  Is-  the  victory  was  owing,  not.  to  the 

loria,  lib.  5,  p.  303. —  Chronica  del  skill  of  the  commander,  nor  the 

Gran  Capitan,  cap.  75,  76. — Zu-  valor  of  the  troops,  but  to  a  mound 

rita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  27.  and  a  ditch."  This  ancient  mode 

—  Peter  Martyr, Opus Epist.,  epist.  of  securing  a  position,  which  had 

256.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  fallen  into  disuse,  was  revived  after 

16,  17.  this,  according  to  the  same  author, 

Giovio  says,  that  he  had  heard  and  came  into  general  practice 

Fabrizio  Colonna  remark  more  than  among  the  best  captains  of  the  age. 

once,  in  allusion  to  the  intrench-  Ubi  supra. 

VOL.   III.  10 


74  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  Before  these  movements  were  completed  in  the 
Spanish  camp,  the  bright  arms  and  banners  of  the 
piu-«uea.s  French  were  seen  glistening  in  the  distance  amid 
the  tall  fennel  and  cane-brakes  with  which  the 
country  was  thickly  covered.  As  soon  as  they  had 
corne  in  view  of  the  Spanish  encampment,  they 
were  brought  to  a  halt,  while  a  council  of  war  was 
called,  to  determine  the  expediency  of  giving  battle 
that  evening.  The  duke  of  Nemours  would  have 
deferred  it  till  the  following  morning,  as  the  day 
was  already  far  spent,  and  allowed  no  time  for  re- 
connoitring the  position  of  his  enemy.  But  Ives 
d'Allegre,  Chandieu,  the  commander  of  the  Swiss, 
and  some  other  officers,  were  for  immediate  action, 
representing  the  importance  of  not  balking  the  im- 
patience of  the  soldiers,  who  were  all  hot  for  the 
assault.  In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Allegre  was 
so  much  heated  as  to  throw  out  some  rash  taunts 
on  the  courage  of  the  viceroy,  which  the  latter  would 
have  avenged  on  the  spot,  had  not  his  arm  been 
arrested  by  Louis  d'Ars.  He  had  the  .weakness, 
however,  to  suffer  them  to  change  his  cooler  pur- 
pose, exclaiming,  "  We  will  fight  to-night,  then  ; 
and  perhaps  those  who  vaunt  the  loudest  will  be 
found  to  trust  more  to  their  spurs,  than  their 
swords ; "  a  prediction  bitterly  justified  by  the 
event.  18 

While  this  dispute  was  going  on,  Gonsalvo  gain- 
ed time  for  making  the  necessary  disposition  of  his 

J8  Brantome,  (Euvres,  torn.  ii.  pp.395,  396.—  Gaillard,  Rivalite, 
disc.  8. — Gamier.  Histoire  de  torn.  iv.  p.  244.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist. 
Prance,  (Paris,  1783-8,)  torn.  v.  de  Louys  XII.,  p.  171. 


VICTORY   OF   CERJGNOLA.  75 

troops.     In  the  centre  he  placed  his  German  auxil-  CHAPTER 

y  ft 

iaries,  armed  with  their  long  pikes,  and  on  each  . 
wing  the  Spanish  infantry  under  the  command  of  forces** 
Pedro  Navarro,  Diego  de  Paredes,  Pizarro,  and 
other  illustrious  captains.  The  defence  of  the  artil- 
lery was  committed  to  the  left  wing.  A  considera- 
ble body  of  men-at-arms,  including  those  recently 
equipped  from  the  spoils  of  Ruvo,  was  drawn  up 
within  the  intrenchments,  in  a  quarter  affording  a 
convenient  opening  for  a  sally,  and  placed  under 
the  orders  of  Mendoza  and  Fabrizio  Colonna,  whose 
brother  Prospero  and  Pedro  de  la  Paz  took  charge 
of  the  light  cavalry,  which  was  posted  without  the 
lines  to  annoy  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and  act 
on  any  point,  as  occasion  might  require.  Having 
completed  his  preparations,  the  Spanish  general 
coolly  waited  the  assault  of  the  French. 

The  duke  of  Nemours  had  marshalled  his  forces  -me  French 

forces. 

in  a  very  different  order.  He  distributed  them  in- 
to three  battles  or  divisions,  stationing  his  heavy 
horse,  composing  altogether,  as  Gonsalvo  declared, 
"  the  finest  body  of  cavalry  seen  for  many  years  in 
Italy,"  under  the  command  of  Louis  d'Ars,  on  the 
right.  The  second  and  centre  division,  formed 
somewhat  in  the  rear  of  the  right,  was  made  up  of 
the  Swiss  and  Gascon  infantry,  headed  by  the 
brave  Chandieu  ;  and  his  left,  consisting  chiefly  of 
his  light  cavalry,  and  drawn  up,  like  the  last,  some- 
what in  the  rear  of  the  preceding,  was  intrusted 
to  Allegre.19 

J9  Chromca   del  Gran  Capitan,     rorum,  fol.  253  -255.  —  Ulloa,  Vi- 
cap.  76.  — Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Vi-    ta  di  Carlo  V  ,  fol.  17. 


76  ITALIAN   WARS 

PART          It  was  within  half  an  hour  of  sunset  when  the 
! duke  de  Nemours  gave  orders  for  the  attack,  and 


putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  gendarmerie  on 
^e  right,  spurred  at  full  gallop  against  the  Span- 
ish left.  The  hostile  armies  were  nearly  equal, 
amounting  to  between  six  and  seven  thousand  men 
each.  The  French  were  superior  in  the  number 
and  condition  of  their  cavalry,  rising  to  a  third  of 
their  whole  force  ;  while  Gonsalvo's  strength  lay 
chiefly  in  his  infantry,  which  had  acquired  a  lesson 
of  tactics  under  him,  that  raised  it  to  a  level  with 
the  best  in  Europe. 

As  the  French  advanced,  the  guns  on  the  Span- 
ish left  poured  a  lively  fire  into  their  ranks,  when  a 
spark  accidentally  communicating  with  the  maga- 
zine of  powder,  the  whole  blew  up  with  a  tremen- 
dous explosion.  The  Spaniards  were  filled  with 
consternation ;  but  Gonsalvo,  converting  the  mis- 
fortune into  a  lucky  omen,  called  out,  "  Courage, 
soldiers,  these  are  the  beacon  lights  of  victory  ! 
We  have  no  need  of  our  guns  at  close  quarters.'* 
Death  of  In  the  mean  time,  the  French  van  under  Ne- 

mours, advancing  rapidly  under  the  dark  clouds  of 
smoke,  which  rolled  heavily  over  the  field,  were 
unexpectedly  brought  up  by  the  deep  trench,  of 
whose  existence  they  were  unapprized.  Some  of 
the  horse  were  precipitated  into  it,  and  all  received 
a  sudden  check,  until  Nemours,  finding  it  impossi- 
ble to  force  the  works  in  this  quarter,  rode  along 
their  front  in  search  of  some  practicable  passage. 
In  doing  this,  he  necessarily  exposed  his  flank  to 
the  fatal  aim  of  the  Spanish  arquebusiers  A  shot 


VICTORY    OF   CERIGNOLA.  77 

from  one  of  them  took  effect  on   the  unfortunate   CHAPTER 
young   nobleman,  and   he   fell   mortally   wounded 
from  his  saddle. 

At  this  juncture,  the  Swiss  and  Gascon  infantry, 
briskly  moving  up  to  second  the  attack  of  the  now 
disordered  horse,  arrived  before  the  intrenchments. 
Undismayed  by  this  formidable  barrier,  their  com- 
mander, Chandieu,  made  the  most  desperate  at- 
tempts to  force  a  passage ;  but  the  loose  earth 
freshly  turned  up  afforded  no  hold  to  the  feet,  and 
his  men  were  compelled  to  recoil  from  the  dense 
array  of  German  pikes,  which  bristled  over  the 
summit  of  the  breast-work.  Chandieu,  their  lead- 
er, made  every  effort  to  rally  and  bring  them  back 
to  the  charge  ;  but.  in  the  act  of  doing  this,  was 
hit  by  a  ball,  which  stretched  him  lifeless  in  the 
ditch ;  his  burnished  arms,  and  the  snow-white 
plumes  above  his  helmet,  making  him  a  conspicu- 
ous mark  for  the  enemy. 

All  was  now  confusion.     The  Spanish  arquebus-  Rout  or «« 

French. 

iers,  screened  by  their  defences,  poured  a  galling 
fire  into  the  dense  masses  of  the  enemy,  who  were 
mingled  together  indiscriminately,  horse  and  foot, 
while,  the  leaders  being  down,  no  one  seemed  ca- 
pable of  bringing  them  to  order.  At  this  critical 
moment,  Gonsalvo,  whose  eagle  eye  took  in  the 
whole  operations  of  the  field,  ordered  a  general 
charge  along  the  line ;  and  the  Spaniards  leaping 
their  intrenchments,  descended  with  the  fury  of  an 
avalanche  on  their  foes,  whose  wavering  columns, 
completely  broken  by  the  violence  of  the  shock, 
were  seized  with  a  panic,  and  fled,  scarcely  offering 


78  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      any  resistance.     Louis  d'Ars,  at  the  head  of  such 

! of  the  men-at-arms  as  could  follow  him,  went  off 

in  one  direction,  and  Ives  d'Allegre,  with  his  light 
cavalry,  which  had  hardly  come  into  action,  in  an- 
other ;  thus  fully  verifying  the  ominous  prediction 
of  his  commander.  The  slaughter  fell  most  heavily 
on  the  Swiss  and  Gascon  foot,  whom  the  cavalry 
under  Mendoza  and  Pedro  de  la  Paz  rode  down 
and  cut  to  pieces  without  sparing,  till  the  shades  of 
evening  shielded  them  at  length  from  their  pitiless 
pursuers. 20 

Prospero  Colonna  pushed  on  to  the  French  en 
campment,  where  he  found  the  tables  in  the  duke's 
tent  spread  for  his  evening  repast ;  of  which  the 
Italian  general  and  his  followers  did  not  fail  to 
make  good  account.  A  trifling  incident,  that  well 
illustrates  the  sudden  reverses  of  war. 

Their  loss.  The  Great  Captain  passed  the  night  on  the  field 
of  battle,  which,  on  the  following  morning,  pre- 
sented a  ghastly  spectacle  of  the  dying  and  the 
dead.  More  than  three  thousand  French  are  com- 
puted by  the  best  accounts  to  have  fallen.  The 
loss  of  the  Spaniards,  covered  as  they  were  by  their 
defences,  was  inconsiderable.21  All  the  enemy's 

20  Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  dez,  Reyes   Cat61icos,  MS.,  cap. 
cap.  75.— Gamier, Hist.  deFrance,  180.  — Peter  Ma-rtyr,  Opus  Epist., 
torn.  v.  pp.  396,  397.  —  Fleurange,  epist.  256.  —  Fleurange,  Memoires, 
Memoires,  chap.  5.  apud  Petitot,  chap.  5. 

Collection  des  Memoires,  torn.  xvi.  No    account,   that   I   know  of, 

—  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  ubi  places  the  French  loss  so  low  as 

sup. — Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  3,000;  Garibay  raises  it  to  4,500, 

§p.  303,  304.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  and  the  French  marechal  de  Fleu- 

e   Louys  XII.,  pp.   171,   172. —  range  rates  that  of  the  Swiss  alone 

Brantome,  CEuvres,  torn,  ii.  disc.  8.  at  5,000;   around   exaggeration, 

21  Giovio,  Vita;  Illust.  Virorum,  not  readily  accounted  for,  as  he  had 
fol.   255.  —  Garibay,   Compendio,  undoubted  access  to  the  best  means 
torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap   15.  —  Bernal-  of  information.      The    Spaniards 


VICTORY   OF   CERIGNOLA.  79 

artillery,  consisting  of  thirteen  pieces,  his  baggage,    CHAPTER 
and  most  of  his  colors  fell  into  their  hands.     Never  _ 


was  there  a  more  complete  victory,  achieved  too 
within  the  space  of  little  more  than  an  hour.  The 
body  of  the  unfortunate  Nemours,  which  was  recog- 
nised by  one  of  his  pages  from  the  rings  on  the 
fingers,  was  found  under  a  heap  of  slain,  much  dis- 
figured. It  appeared  that  he  had  received  three 
several  wounds,  disproving,  if  need  were,  by  his 
honorable  death  the  injurious  taunts  of  Allegre. 
Gonsalvo  was  affected  even  to  tears  at  beholding 
the  mutilated  remains  of  his  young  and  gallant  ad- 
versary, who,  whatever  judgment  may  be  formed  of 
his  capacity  as  a  leader,  was  allowed  to  have  all  the 
qualities  which  belong  to  a  true  knight.  With  him 
perished  the  last  scion  of  the  illustrious  house  of 
Armagnac.  Gonsalvo  ordered  his  reimins  to  be 
conveyed  to  Barleta,  where  they  were  laid  in  the 
cemetery  of  the  convent  of  St.  Francis,  with  all  the 
honors  due  to  his  high  station.22 

The  Spanish  commander  lost  no  time  in  following  ^"""of 

3    the  enemy. 

up  his  blow,  well  aware  that  it  is  quite  as  difficult 
to  improve  a  victory  as  to  win  one.  The  French 
had  rushed  into  battle  with  too  much  precipitation 

were  too  well  screened  to  sustain  ous  statements  of  the  paiticulars 

much  injury,  and  no  estimate  makes  of  this  action  may  probably  be  at- 

it  more  than  a  hundred  killed,  and  tributed  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour, 

some  considerably  less.     The  odds  and  consequently  imperfect  light,  in 

are  indeed  startling,  but  not  impos-  which  it  was  fought, 

sible  ;   as  the  Spaniards  were  not  -22  Quintana,  Espafioles  Celebres, 

much  exposed  by  personal  collision  torn.  i.  p.  277.  —  Giovio,  Vitae  II- 

with  the   enemy,   until  the   latter  lust.  Virorum,  fol.  255.  —  Ferre- 

were  thrown  into  too  much  disor-  ras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  viii.  pp. 

der  to  think  of  any  thing  but  es-  248,  249.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo 

cape.     The  more  than  usual  con-  V.,   fol.    17.  —  Bernaldez,   Reyes 

fusion  and  discrepancy  in  the  van-  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  181. 


80  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  to  agree  on  any  plan  of  operations,  or  any  point  on 
which  to  rally  in  case  of  defeat.  They  accordingly 
scattered  in  different  directions,  and  Pedro  de  la 
Paz  was  despatched  in  pursuit  of  Louis  d'Ars,  who 
threw  himself  into  Venosa,23  where  he  kept  the 
enemy  at  bay  for  many  months  longer.  Paredes 
kept  close  on  the  scent  of  Allegre,  who,  finding 
the  gates  shut  against  him  wherever  he  passed,  at 
length  took  shelter  in  Gaeta  on  the  extreme  point 
of  the  Neapolitan  territory.  There  he  endeavoured 
to  rally  the  scattered  relics  of  the  field  of  Cerignola, 
and  to  establish  a  strong  position,  from  which  the 
French,  when  strengthened  by  fresh  supplies  from 
home,  might  recommence  operations  for  the  recov- 
ery of  the  kingdom. 
j>  Auwgny  The  day  after  the  battle  of  Cerignola  the  Span- 

jU;  tested.  * 

Sards  received  tidings  of  another  victory,  scarcely 
less  important,  gained  over  the  French  in  Calabria, 
the  preceding  week.24  The  army  sent  out  under 
Portocarrero  had  reached  that  coast  early  in  March  ; 
but,  soon  after  its  arrival,  its  gallant  commander  fell 
ill  and  died.25  The  dying  general  named  Don  Fer- 

23  It  was  to  this  same  city  of  Gaillard,  it  was  regarded  from  this 
Venusium  that  the  rash  and  unfor-  time  by  the  French  with  more  su- 
tunate  Varro  made  his  retreat,  some  perstitious  dread  than  ever.     Isto- 
seventeen   centuries   before,   from  ria,  torn.  i.  p.  304. —  Rivalite,  torn, 
the  bloody  field  of  Cannae.     Liv.  iv.  p.  348. 

Hist.  lib.  22,  cap.  49.  25  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan 

24  Giovio  Vita?  Illust.  Virorum,  do,  torn.  i.   lib.  5,  cap.  8,  24.  — 
fol.    255.  —  Peter    Martyr,    Opus  Giovio,  Vitas  Illust.  Virorum,  fol. 
Epist.,  epist.  256.  —  Chr6nica  del  250. 

Gran  Capitan,  cap.  80.  The  reader  may  perhaps  recol- 
Friday,  says  Guicciardini,  allud-  lect  the  distinguished  part  played 
ing  no  doubt  to  Columbus's  discov-  in  the  Moorish  war  by  Luis  Porto- 
eries.  as  well  as  these  two  victo-  carrero,  lord  of  Palma.  He  was 
ries,  was  observed  to  be  a  lucky  of  noble  Italian  origin,  being  de- 
day  to  the  Spaniards  ;  according  to  scended  from  the  ancient  Genoese 


VICTORY  OF  CERIGNOLA.  81 

nando  de  Andrada  as  his  successor ;  and  this  officer,   CHAPTER 

XII 

combining  his  forces  with  those  before  in  the  coun-  

try  under  Cardona  and  Benavides,  encountered  the 
French  commander  D'Aubigny  in  a  pitched  battle, 
not  far  from  Seminara,  on  Friday,  the  21st  of  April. 
It  was  near  the  same  spot  on  which  the  latter  had 
twice  beaten  the  Spaniards.  But  the  star  of  France 
was  on  the  wane ;  and  the  gallant  old  officer  had 
the  mortification  to  see  his  little  corps  of  veterans 
completely  routed  after  a  sharp  engagement  of  less 
than  an  hour,  while  he  himself  was  retrieved  with 
difficulty  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy  by  the  valor 
of  his  Scottish  guard.26 

The  Great  Captain  and  his  army,  highljT  elated  j^1^* 
with  the  news  of  this  fortunate  event,  which  anni- 
hilated the  French  power  in  Calabria,  began  their 
march  on  Naples ;  Fabrizio  Colonna  having  been 
first  detached  into  the  Abruzzi  to  receive  the  sub- 
mission of  the  people  in  that  quarter.  The  tidings 
of  the  victory  had  spread  far  and  wide  ,  and,  as 
Gonsalvo's  army  advanced,  they  beheld  the  ensigns 
of  Aragon  floating  from  the  battlements  of  the 
towns  upon  their  route,  while  the  inhabitants  came 
forth  to  greet  the  conqueror,  eager  to  testify  their 


nouse  of  Boccanegra.     The  Great  26  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum, 

Captain  and  he  had  married  sisters;  fol.    255.  —  Peter    Martyr,    Opus 

and  this  connexion  probably  recom-  Epist.-,  epist.  256.  —  Chronica  del 

mended  him,  as  much  as  his  mill-  Gran  Capitan,  cap.  80.  —  Varillas, 

tary  talents,  to  the  Calabrian  corn-  Histoire    de    Louis    XII.    (Paris, 

mand,  which  it  was  highly  impor-  1688,)  torn.  i.  pp.  289-292. 

tant  should  be  intrusted  to  one,  who  See  the  account  of  D'Aubigny 'a 

would  maintain  a  good  understand-  victories  at  Seminara,  in  Part  II. 

ing  with  the  Commander-in-chief;  Chapters  2  and  1 1 ,  of  this  History, 
a  thing  not  easy  to  secure  among 
the  haughty  nobility  of  Castile. 

VOL.    III.  11 


82  ITALIAN    WARS. 


PART  devotion  to  the  Spanish  cause.  The  army  halted 
'  at  Benevento ;  and  the  general  sent  his  summons 
to  the  city  of  Naples,  inviting  it  in  the  most  cour- 
teous terms  to  resume  its  ancient  allegiance  to  the 
legitimate  branch  of  Aragon.  It  was  hardly  to  be 
expected,  that  the  allegiance  of  a  people,  who  had 
so  long  seen  their  country  set  up  as  a  mere  stake 
for  political  gamesters,  should  sit  very  closely  upon 
them,  or  that  they  should  care  to  peril  their  lives  on 
the  transfer  of  a  crown,  which  had  shifted  on  the 
heads  of  half  a  dozen  proprietors  in  as  many  suc- 
cessive years.27  With  the  same  ductile  enthusiasm, 
therefore,  with  which  they  greeted  the  accession  of 
Charles  the  Eighth  or  Louis  the  Twelfth,  they  now 
welcomed  the  restoration  of  the  ancient  dynasty  of 
Aragon  ;  and  deputies  from  the  principal  nobility 
and  citizens  waited  on  the  Great  Captain  at  Acerra, 
where  they  tendered  him  the  keys  of  the  city,  and 
requested  the  confirmation  of  their  rights  and  privi- 
leges. 
Triumphant  ^Gonsalvo,  having  promised  this  in  the  name  of 

entry  of  Gon- 

his  royal  master,  on  the  following  morning,  the  14th 
of  May,  1503,  made  his  entrance  in  great  state  into 
the  capital,  leaving  his  army  without  the  walls. 
He  was  escorted  by  the  military  of  the  city  un- 
der a  royal  canopy  borne  by  the  deputies.  The 
streets  were  strewed  with  flowers,  the  edifices  dec- 


27  Since  1494  the  sceptre  of  Na-  XII.,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic.  No 
pies  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  private  estate  in  the  kingdom  in 
no  less  than  seven  princes,  Ferdi-  the  same  time  had  probably  chang- 
nand  I.,  Alfonso  II.,  Ferdinand  II.,  ed  masters  half  so  often.  See  Car- 
Charles  VIII.,  Frederic  III.,  Louis  tas  del  Gran  Capitan,  MS. 


VICTORY    OF   CER1GNOLA.  83 

orated  with  appropriate  emblems  and  devices,  and   CHAPTER 
wreathed  with  banners  emblazoned  with  the  united  - 
arms  of  Aragon  and  Naples.     As  he  passed  along, 
the  city  rung  with  the  acclamations  of  countless 
multitudes  who  thronged  the  streets ;   while  every 
window  and   housetop  was  filled  with    spectators, 
eager  to  behold   the  man,  who,  with  scarcely  any 
other  resources  than  those  of  his  own  genius,  had 
so  long  defied,  and  at  length  completely  foiled  the 
power -of  France. 

On  the  following  day  a  deputation  of  the  nobil- 
ity and  people  waited  on  the  Great  Captain  at  his 
quarters,  and  tendered  him  the  usual  oaths  of  alle- 
giance for  his  master,  King  Ferdinand,  whose  ac- 
cession finally  closed  the  series  of  revolutions  which 
had  so  long  agitated  this  unhappy  country.88 

The  city  of  Naples  was  commanded  by  two  Fonressc. 
strong  fortresses  still  held  by  the  French,  which, 
being  well  victualled  and  supplied  with  ammunition, 
showed  no  disposition  to  surrender.  The  Great 
Captain  determined,  therefore,  to  reserve  a  small 
corps  for  their  reduction,  while  he  sent  forward  the 
main  body  of  his  army  to  besiege  Gaeta.  But  the 
Spanish  infantry  refused  to  march  until  the  heavy 
arrears,  suffered  to  accumulate  through  the  negli- 
gence of  the  government,  were  discharged;  and 
Gonsalvo,  afraid  of  awakening  the  mutinous  spirit 
which  he  had  once  found  it  so  difficult  to  quell,  was 

28  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  iii.  pp.  552,  553.  —  Muratori,  An- 

p.  304.  —  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Na-  nali   d'ltalia,   torn.   xiv.   p.  40. — 

Bili,  lib.   29,  cap.  4.  —  Ferreras,  Chr6nica  del  GranCapitan,cap.81. 

ist,  d'Espagne,  torn.  viii.  p.  250.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  18. 
—  Summonte,Hist.  di  Napoli,  torn. 


84  ITALIAN  WARS. 

PART      obliged  to  content   himself  with  sending  forward 

"'        his  cavalry  and  German  levies,  and  to  permit  the 

infantry  to  take  up  its  quarters  in  the  capital,  under 
strict  orders  to  respect  the  persons  and  property  of 
the  citizens. 

He  now  lost  no  time  in  pressing  the  siege  of 
the  French  fortresses,  whose  impregnable  situation 
might  have  derided  the  efforts  of  the  most  formida- 
ble enemy  in  the  ancient  state  of  military  science. 
But  the  reduction  of  these  places  was  intrusted  to 
Pedro  Navarro,  the  celebrated  engineer,  whose  im- 
provements in  the  art  of  mining  have  gained  him 
the  popular  reputation  of  being  its  inventor,  and 
who  displayed  such  unprecedented  skill  on  this 
occasion,  as  makes  it  a  memorable  epoch  in  the 
annals  of  war.29 

voVtedrm"d"  Under  his  directions,  the  small  tower  of  St. 
Vincenzo  having  been  first  reduced  by  a  furious 
cannonade,  a  mine  was  run  under  the  outer  de- 
fences of  the  great  fortress  called  Castel  Nuovo. 
On  the  21st  of  May,  the  mine  was  sprung;  a  pas- 
sage was  opened  over  the  prostrate  ramparts,  and 
the  assailants,  rushing  in  with  Gonsalvo  and  Na- 
varro at  their  head,  before  the  garrison  had  time  to 
secure  the  drawbridge,  applied  their  ladders  to  the 
walls  of  the  castle  and  succeeded  in  carrying  the 
place  by  escalade,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  in 

29   The  Italians,  in  their  admi-  his  glory  was  scarcely  less,  since 

ration   of  Pedro   Navarro,  caused  he  was  the  first  who  discovered  the 

medals  to  be  struck,  on  which  the  extensive  and   formidable  uses  to 

invention  of  mines  was  ascribed  to  which  they  might  be  applied  in  the 

him.     (Marini,  apud  Daru,  Hist,  science  of  destruction.     See  Part  I. 

de  Venise,  torn.  iii.  p.  351.)     Al-  Chapter  13,  note  23,  of  this  His- 

though  not  actually  the  inventor,  tory. 


VICTORY    OF   CERIGNOLA.  85 

which  the  greater  part  of  the  French  were  slaugh-   CHAPTER 

tered.     An   immense  booty  was  found  in  the  cas- — .. 

tie.  The  Angevin  party  had  made  it  a  place  of 
deposit  for  their  most  valuable  effects,  gold,  jewels, 
plate,  and  other  treasures,  which,  together  with  its 
well-stored  magazines  of  grain  and  ammunition, 
became  the  indiscriminate  spoil  of  the  victors.  As 
some  of  these,  however,  complained  of  not  getting 
their  share  of  the  plunder,  Gonsalvo,  giving  full 
scope  in  the  exultation  of  the  moment  to  military 
license,  called  out  gayly,  "  Make  amends  for  it,  then, 
by  what  you  can  find  in  my  quarters !"  The  words 
were  not  uttered  to  deaf  ears.  The  mob  of  sol- 
diery rushed  to  the  splendid  palace  of  the  Angevin 
prince  of  Salerno,  then  occupied  by  the  Great  Cap- 
tain, and  in  a  moment  its  sumptuous  furniture, 
paintings,  and  other  costly  decorations,  together 
with  the  contents  of  its  generous  cellar,  were  seized 
and  appropriated  without  ceremony  by  the  invaders, 
who  thus  indemnified  themselves  at  their  general's 
expense  for  the  remissness  of  government. 

After  some  weeks  of  protracted  operations,  the  J^ 
remaining  fortress,  Castel  d'  Uovo,  as  it  was  called.  reduced- 
opened  its  gates  to  Navarro ;  and  a  French  fleet, 
coming  into  the  harbour,  had  the  mortification  to 
find  itself  fired  on  from  the  walls  of  the  place  it 
was  intended  to  relieve.  Before  this  event,  Gon- 
salvo, having  obtained  funds  from  Spain  for  paying 
off  his  men,  quitted  the  capital  and  directed  his 
march  on  Gaeta.  The  important  results  of  his  vic- 
tories were  now  fully  disclosed.  D'Aubigny,  with 
the  wreck  of  the  forces  escaped  from  Seminara,  had 


8(5  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART  surrendered.  The  two  Abruzzi,  the  Capitanate, 
"'  all  the  Basilicate,  except  Venosa,  still  held  by  Louis 
d'Ars,  and  indeed  every  considerable  place  in  the 
kingdom,  had  tendered  its  submission,  with  the 
exception  of  Gaeta.  Summoning,  therefore,  to 
his  aid  Andrada,  Navarro,  and  his  other  officers, 
the  Great  Captain  resolved  to  concentrate  all  his 
strength  on  this  point,  designing  to  press  the  siege, 
and  thus  exterminate  at  a  blow  the  feeble  remains 
of  the  French  power  in  Italy.  The  enterprise  was 
attended  with  more  difficulty  than  he  had  antici- 
pated.30 

30  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  lo  V.,  fol.   18,    19.  —  Amtmrato, 

do,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  30,  31,  34,  Istorie  Fiorentine,  torn.  iii.  p.  271. 

35.— Giovio,  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  Summonte,  Hist,  di  Napoli,  torn, 

fol.  255-257.—  Garibay,  Compen-  iii.  p.  554.  —  Chr6nica  del  Gran 

dio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  15.  —  Ber-  Capitan,  cap.  84,  86,  87,  93,  95.  — 

naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Fran$ais,  torn. 

183.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  6,  xv.  pp.  407-409. 
pp.  307-  309.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Car- 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

NEGOTIATIONS   WITH  FRANCE.  — UNSUCCESSFUL  INVASION 
OF  SPAIN.  — TRUCE. 

1503. 

Ferdinand's  Policy  examined.  —  First  Symptoms  of  Joanna's  Insanity. 
—  Isabella's  Distress  and  Fortitude.  —  Efforts  of  France.  —  Siege  of 
Salsas.  —  Isabella's  Levies.  —  Ferdinand's  Successes.  —  Reflections 
on  the  Campaign. 

THE   events  noticed    in    the    preceding  chapter   CHAPTER 

VTTJ 

glided  away  as  rapidly  as  the  flitting  phantoms  of  - 
a  dream.  Scarcely  had  Louis  the  Twelfth  re-  Lyon« 
ceived  the  unwelcome  intelligence  of  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova's  refusal  to  obey  the  mandate  of  the  arch- 
duke Philip,  before  he  was  astounded  with  the 
tidings  of  the  victory  of  Cerignola,  the  march  on 
Naples,  and  the  surrender  of  that  capital,  as  well  as 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  kingdom,  following  one 
another  in  breathless  succession.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  very  means,  on  which  the  French  king  had  so 
confidently  relied  for  calming  the  tempest,  had  been 
the  signal  for  awakening  all  its  fury,  and  bringing 
it  on  his  devoted  head.  Mortified  and  incensed  at 
being  made  the  dupe  of  what  he  deemed  a  perfid- 
ious policy,  he  demanded  an  explanation  of  the 
archduke,  who  was  still  in  France.  The  latter, 
vehemently  protesting  his  own  innocence,  felt,  or 
affected  to  feel  so  sensibly  the  ridiculous  and,  as  it 


88  INSANITY   OF  JOANNA. 

appeared,  dishonorable  part  played  by  him  in  the 
transaction,  that  he  was  thrown  into  a  severe  ill- 
ness, which  confined  him  to  his  bed  lor  several 
days.1  Without  delay,  he  wrote  to  the  Spanish 
court  in  terms  of  bitter  expostulation,  urging  the 
immediate  ratification  of  the  treaty  made  pursuant 
to  its  orders,  and  an  indemnification  to  France  foi 
its  subsequent  violation.  Such  is  the  account  given 
by  the  French  historians. 

The  Spanish  writers,  on  the  other  hand,  say,  that, 
before  the  news  of  Gonsalvo's  successes  reached 
Spain,  King  Ferdinand  refused  to  confirm  the  treaty 
sent  him  by  his  son-in-law,  until  it  had  undergone 
certain  material  modifications.  If  the  Spanish  mon- 
arch hesitated  to  approve  the  treaty  in  the  doubtful 
posture  of  his  affairs,  he  was  little  likely  to  do  so, 
when  he  had  the  game  entirely  in  his  own  hands.3 

He  postponed  an  answer  to  Philip's  application, 
willing  probably  to  gain  time  for  the  Great  Captain 
to  strengthen  himself  firmly  in  his  recent  acquisi- 
tions. At  length,  after  a  considerable  interval,  he 
despatched  an  embassy  to  France,  announcing  his 
final  determination  never  to  ratify  a  treaty  made  in 
contempt  of  his  orders,  and  so  clearly  detrimental  to 
his  interests.  He  endeavoured,  however,  to  gain 
further  time  by  spinning  out  the  negotiation,  hold- 


1  St.  Gelais  seems  willing  to  ac-  2  Idem,   ubi  supra.  —  Gamier, 

cept  Philip's  statement,  and  to  con-  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  p.  410.  — 

sider  the  whole  affair  of  the  nego-  Gaillard,  Rivalitt,  torn.  iv.  pp.  238, 

tiation  as  "  one  of  Ferdinand's  old  239.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib. 

tricks,"     "1'ancienne    cautele    de  5,  cap.  23.  —  Garibay,  Corhpendio, 

celuy  qui    en    s§avoit    bien    faire  torn.  ii.  lib.   19,  cap.   15. — Ferre- 

d'autres."    Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  ras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  viii.  p. 

p.  172.  233. 


INVASION  OF   SPAIN.  89 

mg  up  for  this  purpose  the  prospect  of  an  ultimate   CHAPTER 
accommodation,  and  suggesting  the  reestablishment  - 
of  his  kinsman,  the  unfortunate  Frederic,  on  the 
Neapolitan  throne,  as  the  best  means  of  effecting 
it.     The  artifice,  however,  was  too  gross  even  for 
the  credulous  Louis ;  who  peremptorily  demanded 
of  the  ambassadors  the  instant  and  absolute  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty,  and,  on  their  declaring  it  was 
beyond,  their  powers,  ordered  them  at  once  to  leave 
his  court.     "  I  had  rather,"  said  he,  "  suffer  the  loss 
of  a   kingdom,   which    may  perhaps   be  retrieved, 
than  the  loss  of  honor,  which  never  can."    A  noble 
sentiment,  but  falling  with  no  particular  grace  from  ' 
the  lips  of  Louis  the  Twelfth.3 

The  whole  of  this  blind  transaction  is  stated  in  Hi«  policy 

examined 

so  irreconcilable  a  manner  by  the  historians  of  the 
different  nations,  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 

•/ 

draw  any  thing  like  a  probable  narrative  out  of 
them.  The  Spanish  writers  assert  that  the  public 
commission  of  the  archduke  was  controlled  by 
strict  private  instructions  ;4  while  the  French,  on 
the  other  hand,  are  either  silent  as  to  the  latter,  or 
represent  them  to  have  been  as  broad  and  unlimited 


3  Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn,  even,  are  quoted  in  evidence  of  his 

v.  p.  388.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ar-  hypocrisy,  while  the  most  objec- 

agon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13,  sec.  tionable  acts  of  his  rival  seem 

3  — Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  to  be  abundantly  compensated  by 

p.  300,  ed.  1645.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  some  fine  sentiment  like  that  in 

torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  9.  the  text. 

It  is  amusing  to  see  with  what  4  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan- 

industry  certain  French  writers,  as  do,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  10.  —  Abar- 

Gaillard  and  Varillas,  are  perpetu-  ca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey 

ally  contrasting  the  bonne  foi  of  30,  cap.  13,  sec.  2.  —  Mariana, 

Louis  XII.  with  the  mtchanceti  of  Hist,  de  Espaiia,  torn.  ii.  pp.  690, 

Ferdinand,  whose  secret  intentions,  691.  —  et  al. 

VOL.    Ill  12 


90  INSANITY    OF   JOANNA. 

PART      as  his  credentials.5     If  this  be  true,  the  negotia- 
— —  tions  must  be  admitted  to  exhibit,  on  the  part  of 
Ferdinand,   as  gross  an  example  of  political  jug- 
glery and  falsehood,  as  ever  disgraced  the  annals  of 
diplomacy. 6 

But  it  is  altogether  improbable,  as  I  have  before 
remarked,  that  a  monarch  so  astute  and  habitually 
cautious  should  have  intrusted  unlimited  authority, 
in  so  delicate  a  business,  to  a  person  whoseftdiscre- 
tion,  independent  of  his  known  partiality  for  the 
French  monarch,  he  held  so  lightly.  It  is  much 
more  likely  that  he  limited,  as  is  often  done,  the 
full  powers  committed  to  him  in  public,  by  private 
instructions  of  the  most  explicit  character ;  and 
that  the  archduke  was  betrayed  by  his  own  vanity, 
and  perhaps  ambition  (for  the  treaty  threw  the  im- 
mediate power  into  his  own  hands),  into  arrange- 
ments unwarranted  by  the  tenor  of  these  instruc- 
tions.7 

5  Seyssel,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  cortes,  and  to  the  general  disgust 
p.  61.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  de  Louys  of  the  whole  nation,  as  is  repeated- 
XII.,  p.    171.  —  Gaillard,  Rivali-  ly  stated  by  Gomez,  Martyr,  and 
te,    torn.    iv.   p.   239.  —  Gamier,  other  contemporaries.     The  second 
Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  p.  387.  —  will  be  difficult  to  refute  and  still 
D'Auton,   Hist,    de  Louys   XII.,  harder  to  prove,  as  it  rests  on  a 
part.2,chap.  32.  man's  secret  intentions,  known  only 

6  Varillas  regards   Philip's  mis-  to  himself.      Such  are  the  flimsy 
sion  to  France  as  a  coup  de  maitre  cobwebs    of   which   this    political 
on   the   part   of   Ferdinand,    who  dreamer's  theories  are  made.   Tru- 
thereby  rid  himself  of  a  dangerous  ly  chateaux  en  Espagne. 

rival  at  home,  likely  to  contest  his  7  Martyr,  whose  copious  corre- 

succession  to  Castile  on  Isabella's  spondence  furnishes  the  most  valua- 

death,  while  he  employed  that  rival  ble  commentary,  unquestionably,  on 

in  outwitting  Louis  XII.  by  a  treaty  the   proceedings   of  this   reign,  is 

which  he  meant  to  disavow.  (Poli-  provokingly  reserved  in  regard  to 

tique  de  Ferdinand,  liv.  1,  pp.  146  this   interesting  matter.     He  con- 

-  150.)     The  first  of  these  imputa-  tents  himself  with  remarking  in  one 

tions  is  sufficiently  disproved  by  the  of  his  letters,  that  "  the  Spaniards 

fact  that   Philip  quitted   Spain   in  derided  Philip's  negotiations  as  of 

opposition  to  the  pressing  remon-  no  consequence,  and   indeed   alto- 

strances  of  the  king,  queen,  and  gether    preposterous,    considering 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  91 

If  this  were  the  case,  the  propriety  of  Ferdi-  CHAPTER 
nand's  conduct  in  refusing  the  ratification  depends  — - 
on  the  question  how  far  a  sovereign  is  bound  by 
the  acts  of  a  plenipotentiary,  who  departs  from  his 
private  instructions.  Formerly,  the  question  would 
seem  to  have  been  unsettled.  Indeed,  some  of  the 
most  respectable  writers  on  public  law  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century  maintain,  that  such 
a  departure  would  not  justify  the  prince  in  with- 
holding his  ratification  ;  deciding  thus,  no  doubt, 
on  principles  of  natural  equity,  which  appear  to 
require,  that  a  principal  should  be  held  responsible 
for  the  acts  of  an  agent,  coming  within  the  scope 
of  his  powers,  though  at  variance  with  his  secret 
orders,  with  which  the  other  contracting  party  can 
have  no  acquaintance  or  concern.8 

The  inconvenience,  however,  arising  from  adopt- 
ing a  principle  in  political  negotiations,  which  must 
necessarily  place  the  destinies  of  a  whole  nation  in 
the  hands  of  a  single  individual,  rash  or  incompe- 
tent, it  may  be,  without  the  power  of  interference 
or  supervision  on  the  part  of  the  government,  has 
led  to  a  different  conclusion  in  practice  ;  and  it  is 
now  generally  admitted  by  European  writers,,  not 
merely  that  the  exchange  of  ratifications  is  essen- 

Ihe  attitude  assumed  by  the  nation  vorably  for  Ferdinand,  were  it  not 

at  that  very  time  for  maintaining  its  for  the  freedom  with  which  he  usu- 

claims  by  the  sword  ;  "  and  he  dis-  ally    criticizes    whatever     appears 

misses  the  subject  with  a  reflection,  really  objectionable  to  him  in  the 

that  seems  to  rest  the  merits  of  the  measures  of  the  government, 

case  more   on  might   than    right.  8  Grotius,  De  Jure  Belli  et  Pa- 

"  Exilus,  qui  judexestrerum  aeter-  cis,  lib.  2,  cap.  11,  sec.  12  ;  lib.  3, 

nus,   loquatur.     Nostri  regno   po-  cap.  22,  sec.  4.— Gentilis,  De  Jure 

tiuntur   majori   ex   parte."   (Opus  Belli,  lib.  3,  cap.  14,  apud  Bynker- 

Epist.,  epist.  257.)     This  reserve  shock,  Quaest.  Juris  Publici,  lib.  2, 

of  Martyr  might  be  construed  unfa-  cap.  7. 


92  INSANITY    OF   JOANNA.      , 

PART      tial  to  the  validity  of  a  treaty,  but  that  a  goveru- 

! ment  is  not  bound  to  ratify  the  doings  of  a  minister, 

who  has  transcended  his  private  instructions.9 

But  whatever  be  thought  of  Ferdinand's  good 
faith  in  the  early  stages  of  this  business,  there  is  no 
doubt  that,  at  a  later  period,  when  his  position  was 
changed  by  the  success  of  his  arms  in  Italy,  he 
sought  only  to  amuse  the  French  court  with  a  show 
of  negotiation,  in  order,  as  we  have  already  inti- 
mated, to  paralyze  its  operations  and  gain  time  for 
securing  his  conquests.  The  French  writers  inveigh 
loudly  against  this  crafty  and  treacherous  policy ; 
and  Louis  the  Twelfth  gave  vent  to  his  own  indig- 
nation in  no  very  measured  terms.  But,  however 
we  may  now  regard  it,  it  was  in  perfect  accordance 
with  the  trickish  spirit  of  the  age ;  and  the  French 
king  resigned  all  right  of  rebuking  his  antagonist 
on  this  score,  when  he  condescended  to  become  a 
party  with  him  to  the  infamous  partition  treaty,  and 
still  more  when  he  so  grossly  violated  it.  He  had 
voluntarily  engaged  with  his  Spanish  rival  in  the 
game,  and  it  afforded  no  good  ground  of  complaint, 
that  he  was  the  least  adroit  of  the  two. 
Joanna's  While  Ferdinand  was  thus  triumphant  in  his 

deiponden- 

schemes  of  foreign  policy  and  conquest,  his  domes- 
tic life  was  clouded  with  the  deepest  anxiety,  in 
consequence  of  the  declining  health  of  the  queen, 


9  Bynkershoek,    Quaest.    Juris  Bynkershoek,  the  earliest  of  these 

Publici,  lib.  2,  cap.  7.  —  Mably,  writers,  has  discussed  the  question 

Droit  Publique,  chap.  1.  —  Vattel,  with  an  amplitude,  perspicuity,  and 

Droit  des  Gens,  liv.  2,  chap.  12.  —  fairness,   unsurpassed  by  any  who 

Martens,  Law  of  Nations,  trans.,  have  followed  him. 
book  2,  chap.  1. 


INVASION   OF  SPAIN.  93 

and  the  eccentric  conduct  of  his  daughter,  the  in-  CHAPTER 
fanta  Joanna.  We  have  already  seen  the  extrava-  — 
gant  fondness  with  which  that  princess,  notwith- 
standing her  occasional  sallies  of  jealousy,  doated 
on  her  young  and  handsome  husband.10  From  the 
hour  of  his  departure  she  had  been  plunged  in  the 
deepest  dejection,  sitting  day  and  night  with  her 
eyes  fixed  on  the  ground,  in  uninterrupted  silence, 
or  broken  only  by  occasional  expressions  of  petulant 
discontent.  She  refused  all  consolation,  thinking 
only  of  rejoining  her  absent  lord,  and  "  equally  re- 
gardless," says  Martyr,  who  was  then  at  the  court, 
11  of  herself,  her  future  subjects,  and  her  afflicted 
parents."  "  - 

On  the  10th  of  March,  1503,  she  was  delivered 
of  her  second  son,  who  received  the  baptismal  name 
of  Ferdinand,  in  compliment  to  his  grandfather.18 
No  change,  however,  took  place  in  the  mind  of  the 
unfortunate  mother,  who  from  this  time  was  wholly 
occupied  with  the  project  of  returning  to  Flanders. 
An  invitation  to  that  effect,  which  she  received 
from  her  husband  in  the  month  of  November,  deter- 
mined her  to  undertake  the  journey,  at  all  hazards, 

10  Philip  is  known  in  history  by  of  this  circumstance  to  obtain  from 
the  title  of  "  the  Handsome,"  im-  Isabella    a    permanent  exemption 
plying  that  he  was,  at  least,  quite  from   taxes -for   his   favorite   city, 
as  remarkable  for  his  personal  qual-  which  his  princely  patronage  was 
ities,  as  his  mental.  fast  raising  up  to  contest  the  palm 

11  Opus  Epist.,   epist.   253.  —  of  literary  precedence  with  Sala- 
Ferreras,    Hist.   d'Espagne,  torn,  manca,  the   ancient   "  Athens  of 
riii.  pp.  235,  238. — Gomez,  De  Spain."     The  citizens  of  the  place 
Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  44.  long  preserved,  and  still  preserve, 

12  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  for  aught  I  know,  the  cradle  of  the 
1503.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  royal  infant,  in  token  of  their  grati- 
fol.  45,  46.  tude.     Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez, 

He  was  born  at  Alcala  de  He-     p.  127. 
nares.     Ximenes  availed  himself 


^4  INSANITY   OF  JOANNA. 

PART      notwithstanding  the  affectionate  remonstrances  of 

' the  queen,  who  represented  the  impracticability  of 

traversing  France,  agitated,  as  it  then  was,  with  all 
the  bustle  of  warlike  preparation,  or  of  venturing 
by  sea  at  this  inclement  and  stormy  season. 
First  symp.        One  evening,  while  her  mother  was  absent  at 

tomsofher  . 

insanity.  feegovia,  Joanna,  whose  residence  was  at  Medina 
del  Campo,  left  her  apartment  in  the  castle,  and 
sallied  out,  though  in  dishabille,  without  announcing 
her  purpose  to  any  of  her  attendants.  They  fol- 
lowed, however,  and  used  every  argument  and  en- 
treaty to  prevail  on  her  to  return,  at  least  for  the 
night,  but  without  effect ;  until  the  bishop  of  Bur- 
gos, who  had  charge  of  her  household,  finding  every 
other  means  ineffectual,  was  compelled  to  close  the 
castle  gates,  in  order  to  prevent  her  departure. 

The  princess,  thus  thwarted  in  her  purpose,  gave 
way  to  the  most  violent  indignation.  She  menaced 
the  attendants  with  her  utmost  vengeance  for  their 
disobedience,  and,  taking  her  station  on  the  barrier, 
she  obstinately  refused  to  reenter  the  castle,  or  even 
to  put  on  any  additional  clothing,  but  remained  cold 
and  shivering  on  the  spot  till  the  following  morning. 
The  good  bishop,  sorely  embarrassed  by  the  dilem- 
ma to  which  he  found  himself  reduced,  of  offending 
the  queen  by  complying  with  the  mad  humor  of  the 
princess,  or  the  latter  still  more,  by  resisting  it, 
despatched  an  express  in  all  haste  to  Isabella, 
acquainting  her  with  the  affair,  and  begging  in- 
structions how  to  proceed. 

The  queen         The  queen,  who  was  staying;,  as  has  been  said, 

MiiKtnns  to  <f 

at  Segovia,  about  forty  miles  distant,  alarmed  at  the 


cns  to 
ner. 


INVASION   OF  SPAIN.  95 

ntelligence,   sent    the   king's    cousin,    the    admiral    CHAPTER 

XIII 

Henriquez,  together  with  the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  — 
at  once  to  Medina,  and  prepared  to  follow  as  fast  as 
the  feeble  state  of  her  health  would  permit.  The 
efforts  of  these  eminent  persons,  however,  were  not 
much  more  successful  than  those  of  the  bishop.  All 
they  could  obtain  from  Joanna  was,  that  she  would 
retire  to  a  miserable  kitchen  in  the  neighbourhood, 
during  the  night ;  while  she  persisted  in  taking  her 
station  on  the  barrier  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  and 
continued  there,  immovable  as  a  statue,  the  whole 
day.  In  this  deplorable  state  she  was  found  by  the 
queen  on  her  arrival ;  and  it  was  not  without  great 
difficulty  that  the  latter,  with  all  the  deference 
habitually  paid  her  by  her  daughter,  succeeded  in 
persuading  her  to  return  to  her  own  apartments  in 
the  castle.  These  were  the  first  unequivocal  symp- 
toms of  that  hereditary  taint  of  insanity,  which  had 
clouded  the  latter  days  of  Isabella's  mother,  and 
which,  with  a  few  brief  intervals,  was  to  shed  a 
deeper  gloom  over  the  long-protracted  existence  of 
her  unfortunate  daughter.13 

The  conviction  of  this  sad  infirmity  of  the  prin-  Isabella's 

J  distress. 

cess  gave  a  shock  to  the  unhappy  mother,  scarcely 
less  than  that  which  she  had  formerly  been  called 
to  endure  in  the  death  of  her  children.  The  sor- 
rows, over  which  time  had  had  so  little  power,  were 
opened  afresh  by  a  calamity,  which  naturally  filled 
her  with  the  most  gloomy  forebodings  for  the  fate 


13   Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,     Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  56. 
ppist.  268.  —  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey    Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  46. 


96  INSANITY   OF  JOANNA. 

PART      of  her  people,  whose  welfare  was  to  be  committed 

! to  such  incompetent  hands.     These  domestic  griefs 

were  still  further  swelled  at  this  time  by  the  death 
of  two  of  her  ancient  friends  and  counsellors,  Juan 
Chacon,  adelantado  of  Murcia, 14  and  Gutierre  de 
Cardenas,  grand  commander  of  Leon.15  They  had 
attached  themselves  to  Isabella  in  the  early  part  of 
her  life,  when  her  fortunes  were  still  under  a  cloud  , 
and  they  afterwards  reaped  the  requital  of  their 
services  in  such  ample  honors  and  emoluments  as 
royal  gratitude  could  bestow,  and  in  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  her  confidence,  to  which  their  steady  devo- 
tion to  her  interests  well  entitled  them.16 
HeriUess  But  neither  the  domestic  troubles  which  pressed 
mde.  So  heavily  on  Isabella's  heart,  nor  the  rapidly  de- 
clining state  of  her  own  health,  had  power  to  blunt 


14  "  Espejo  de  bondad,"  mirror  raised   to  the   important   posts  of 

of  virtue,  as  Oviedo  styles  this  cav-  comendador  de  Leon,  and  contador 

alier.     He  was  always  much  re-  mayor,  which  last,  in  the  words  of 

garded  by  the  sovereigns,  and  the  the  same  author,  "  made  its  pos- 

lucrative   post  of  contador  mayor,  sessor  a  second  king  over  the  pub- 

which   he   filled   for   many  years,  lie  treasury."     He   left   large   es- 

enabled  him  to  acquire  an  immense  tates,  and  more  than  five  thousand 

estate,  50,000  ducats  a  year,  with-  vassals.     His  eldest  son  was  cre- 

out    imputation    on    his    honesty,  ated  duke  of  Maqueda.     Quincua- 

Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  genas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  2,  dial. 

2,  dial.  2.  JL  — Col.  de  Ced.,  torn.  v.  no.  182. 

*5  The  name  of  this  cavalier,  as        lr>  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 

well  as  that  of  his  cousin,  Alonso  epist.  255.  —  Gomez  de  Rebus  Ges 

de  Cardenas,  grand  master  of  St.  tis,  fol.  45.  —  For  some  further  ac- 

James,  have  become  familiar  to  us  count  of  these  individuals  see  Part 

in   the   Granadine   war.      If  Don  I.  Chapter  14,  note  10. 
Gutierre  made  a  less  brilliant  fig-        Martyr    thus    panegyrizes    the 

ure  than  the  latter,  he  acquired,  by  queen's  fortitude  under  her  aocu- 

means   of  his  intimacy   with   the  mulated  sorrows.      "  Sentit,  licet 

sovereigns,  and  his  personal  quali-  constantissima  sit,  et  supra  fcemi- 

ties,  as  great  weight  in  the  royal  nam  prudens,  has  alapas  fortunae 

councils  as  any  subject  in  the  king-  saevientis  regina,  ita  concussa  fluc- 

dom.      "  Nothing  of  any   impor-  tibus  undique,  veluti  vasta  rupes, 

tance,"  says  Oviedo,  "  was  done  maris  in  medio."     Opus  Epist., 

without    his    advice."      HP    wa*  loc.  cit. 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  97 

the  energies  of  her  mind,  or  lessen    the  vigilance   CHAPTEK 

XIIL 

with  which  she  watched  over  the  interests  of  her 
people.  A  remarkable  proof  of  this  was  given  in 
the  autumn  of .  the  present  year,  1503,  when  the 
country  was  menaced  with  an  invasion  from  France. 

The  whole  French  nation  had  shared  the  indig- 
nation of  Louis  the  Twelfth,  at  the  mortifying 
result  of  his  enterprise  against  Naples ;  and  it  an- 
swered his  call  for  supplies  so  promptly  and  liberal- 
ly, that,  in  a  few  months  after  the  defeat  of  Ceri- 
gnola,  he  was  able  to  resume  operations,  on  a  more 
formidable  scale  than  France  had  witnessed  for 
centuries.  Three  large  armies  were  raised,  one  to 
retrieve  affairs  in  Italy,  a  second  to  penetrate  into 
Spain,  by  the  way  of  Fontarabia,  and  a  third  to 
cross  into  Roussillon,  and  get  possession  of  the 
strong  post  of  Salsas,  the  key  of  the  mountain 
passes  in  that  quarter.  Two  fleets  were  also 
equipped  in  the  ports  of  Genoa  and  Marseilles, 
the  latter  of  which  was  to  support  the  invasion  of 
Roussillon  by  a  descent  on  the  coast  of  Catalonia. 
These  various  corps  were  intended  to  act  in  con- 
cert, and  thus,  by  one  grand,  simultaneous  move- 
ment, Spain  was  to  be  assailed  on  three  several 
points  of  her  territory.  The  results  did  not  corre- 
spond with  the  magnificence  of  the  apparatus.17 

The  army  destined  to  march  on  Fonlara!)ia  was  The  French 

invade 

placed  under  the  command  of  Alan  d'Albret,  father  8pain- 

17  Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  300,  301.  —  Memoires  de  La  Tr6- 

v.  pp.  405,  406.  —  Ferreras,  Hist,  moille,    chap.    19,    apud    Petitot, 

d'Espasjne,  torn.  viii.  pp.  235-238.  Collection  des  Memoires,  torn.  xiv. 
—  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  pp. 

VOL.  III.  l;J 


98  INSANITY   OF   JOANNA. 


II. 


PART  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  along  the  frontiers  of  whose 
dominions  its  route  necessarily  lay.  Ferdinand 
had  assured  himself  of  the  favorable  dispositions  of 
this  prince,  the  situation  of  whose  kingdom,  more 
than  its  strength,  made  his  friendship  important ; 
and  the  lord  d'Albret,  whether  from  a  direct  un- 
derstanding with  the  Spanish  monarch,  or  fearful 
of  the  consequences  which  might  result  to  his  son 
from  the  hostility  of  the  latter,  detained  the  forces 
intrusted  to  him,  so  long  among  the  bleak  and  bar- 
ren fastnesses  of  the  mountains,  that  at  length, 
exhausted  by  fatigue  and  want  of  food,  the  army 
melted  away  without  even  reaching  the  enemy's 
borders.18 

The  force  directed  against  Roussillon  was  of  a 
more  formidable  character.  It  was  commanded  by 
the  marechal  de  Rieux,  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer,  though  much  broken  by  age  and  bodily  in- 
firmities. It  amounted  to  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand men.  Its  strength,  however,  lay  chiefly  in 
its  numbers.  It  was,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
thousand  lansquenets  under  William  de  la  Marck,19 
made  up  of  the  arriere-ban  of  the  kingdom,  and 
the  undisciplined  militia  from  the  great  towns  of 

18  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,  Hist,   de  Louys  XII.,  part.  2,  pp. 

torn.  v.  pp.  110- 112.  103,  186.)     The   reader   will   not 

The  king  of  Navarre  promised  confound  him  with  his  namesake, 

to    oppose    the    passage    of    the  the  famous  "  boar  of  Ardennes," 

French,  if  attempted,  through  his  —more  familiar  to  us  now  in  the 

dominions  ;  and,  in  order  to  obviate  pages  of  romance  than  history,  — 

any  distrust  on  the  part  of  Ferdi-  who  perished  ignominiously  some 

nand,  sent  his  daughter  Margaret  to  twenty   years    before   this  period, 

reside  at  the  court  of  Castile,  as  a  in  1484,  not  in  fight,  hut  by  the 

pledge  for  his  fidelity.     Ferreras,  hands  of  the  common  executionei 

Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  viii.  p.  235.  at  Utrecht.    Duclos,  Hist,  de  Louis 

J9  Younger  brother  of  Robert,  XI.,  torn.  ii.  p.  379. 
third  duke  of  Bouillon.    (D'Auton, 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  99 


X11L 


Languedoc.     With  this  numerous  array  the  French   CHAPTER 
marshal    entered    Roussillon    without    opposition, 
and    sat  down  before  Salsas  on  the  16th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1503. 

The  old  castle  of  Salsas,  which  had  been  carried 
without  much  difficulty  by  the  French  in  the  pre- 
ceding war,  had  been.  put  in  a  defensible  condition 
at  the  commencement  of  the  present,  under  the 
superintendence  of  Pedro  Navarro,  although  the 
repairs  were  not  yet  wholly  completed.  Ferdi- 
nand, on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  had  thrown  a 
thousand  picked  men  into  the  place,  which  was 
well  victualled  and  provided  for  a  siege  ;  while  a 
corps  of  six  thousand  was  placed  under  his  cousin, 
Don  Frederic  de  Toledo,  duke  of  Alva,  with  orders 
to  take  up  a  position  in  the  neighbourhood,  where 
he  might  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and 
annoy  him  as  far  as  possible  by  cutting  off  his 
supplies.20 

Ferdinand,  in  the  mean  while,  lost  no  time  in 

exertion* 

enforcing  levies  throughout  the  kingdom,  with 
which  he  might  advance  to  the  relief  of  the  be- 
leaguered fortress.  While  thus  occupied,  he  re- 
ceived such  accounts  of  the  queen's  indisposition  as 
induced  him  to  quit  Aragon,  where  he  then  was, 
and  hasten  by  rapid  journeys  to  Castile.  The  ac- 
counts were  probably  exaggerated  ;  he  found  no 
cause  for  immediate  alarm  on  his  arrival,  and  Isa- 


30  Gonzalo  Ayora,  Capitan  de  la  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  p.  407.  — 

Guardia  Real,  Carlas  al  Rey,  Don  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap. 

Fernando,  (Madrid,  1794,)  carta  9.  51.  — Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon, 

—  Aleson,   Aivnales   de   Navarra,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13.  sec.  II 
torn.  v.  pp.  112,  113.  —  Gamier, 


100  INSANITY    OF   JOANNA. 

FART      bella,  ever  ready  to  sacrifice  her  own  inclinations  to 

— the  public  weal,   persuaded  him  to  return  to  the 

scene  of  operations,  where  his  presence  at  this  junc- 
ture was  so  important.  Forgetting  her  illness,  she 
made  the  most  unwearied  efforts  for  assembling 
troops  without  delay  to  support  her  husband.  The 
grand  constable  of  Castile  was  commissioned  to 
raise  levies  through  every  part  of  the  kingdom,  and 
the  principal  nobility  flocked  in  with  their  retainers 
from  the  farthest  provinces,  all  eager  to  obey  the 
call  of  their  beloved  mistress.  Thus  strengthened, 
Ferdinand,  whose  head-quarters  were  established 
at  Girona,  saw  himself  in  less  than  a  month  in  pos- 
session of  a  force,  which,  including  the  supplies  of 
Aragon,  amounted  to  ten  or  twelve  thousand  horse, 
and  three  or  four  times  that  number  of  foot.  He 
no  longer  delayed  his  march,  and  about  the  middle 
of  October  put  his  army  in  motion,  proposing  to 
effect  a  junction  with  the  duke  of  Alva,  then  lying 
before  Perpignan,  at  a  few  leagues'  distance  from 
Salsas.21 

Isabella,  who  was  at  Segovia,  was  made  ac- 
quainted by  regular  expresses  with  every  movement 
of  the  army.  She  no  sooner  learned  its  departure 
from  Gerona  than  she  was  filled  with  disquietude 

21  Gonzalo  Ayora,  Cartas,  cap.  Ayora,  dated  in  the  Spanish  camp. 

9. — Zurita,  Anales,  ubi  supra. —  This  individual,  equally  eminent  in 

Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  letters  and  arms,  filled  the  dissimi 

cap.  197,  198.  —  Carbajal,  Anales,  lar  posts  of  captain  of  the  royal 

MS.,  aiio  1503.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  guard  and  historiographer  of  the 

del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  8.—  crown.  He  served  in  the  army  at 

CoL  de  C6dulas,  torn.  i.  no.  97.  this  time,  and  was  present  at  all  its 

Ihe  most  authentic  account  of  operations.  Pref.  ad  Cartas,  da 

the  siege  of  Salsas  is  to  be  found  Ayora ;  and  Nic.  Antonio,  Bibli- 

u»  the  correspondence  of  Gonzalo  otheca  Nova,  torn.  i.  p.  551 


INVASION   OF   SPAIIT.  \Q \ 

at  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  encounter   with   the   CHAPTER 

enemy,  whose  defeat,  whatever  glory  it  might  re- 

fleet  on  her  own  arms,  could  be  purchased  only 
at  the  expense  of  Christian  blood.  She  wrote  in 
earnest  terms  to  her  husband,  requesting  him  not 
to  drive  his  enemies  to  despair  by  closing  up  their 
retreat  to  their  own  land,  but  to  leave  vengeance 
to  Him,  to  whom  alone  it  belonged.  She  passed 
her  days,  together  with  her  whole  household,  in 
fasting  and  continual  prayer,  and,  in  the  fervor  of 
her  pious  zeal,  personally  visited  the  several  reli- 
gious houses  of  the  city,  distributing  alms  among 
their  holy  inmates,  and  imploring  them  humbly  to 
supplicate  the  Almighty  to  avert  the  impending 
calamity.  22 

The  prayers  of  the  devout  queen  and  her  court  Ferdinand1. 

1        J  successes. 

found  favor  with  Heaven.23  King  Ferdinand  reach- 
ed Perpignan  on  the  19th  of  October,  and  on  that 
same  night  the  French  marshal,  finding  himself 
unequal  to  the  rencontre  «with  the  combined  forces 
of  Spain,  broke  up  his  camp,  and,  setting  fire  to  his 
tents,  began  his  retreat  towards  the  frontier,  having 
ronsumed  nearly  six  weeks  since  first  opening 

22  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  greatly  to  replenish  their  coffers, 

epist.  263.  as  well  as  those  of  their  faithful  and 

The  loyal  captain,  Ayora,  shows  loving  subjects."  See  this  grace- 
little  of  this  Christian  vein.  He  con-  less  petition  in  his  Cartas,  carta  9, 
eludes  one  of  his  letters  with  pray-  p.  66. 

ing,  no  doubt  most  sincerely,  "  that        23  "  Exaudivit  igitur  sanctae  re- 

the  Almighty  would  be  pleased  to  ginae  religiosorumque  ac  virginum 

infuse   less    benevolence    into   the  preces  summus  Altitonans."    (Pe- 

hearts  of  the  sovereigns,  and  incite  ter    Martyr,   Opus    Epist.,    epist. 

them  to  chastise  and  humble  the  263.)     The  learned   Theban  bor- 

proud   French,  and  strip  them  of  rows  an  epithet   more  familiar  ti 

their  ill-gotten  possessions,  which,  Greek  and  Roman,  than  to  Chri»- 

however   repugnant  to  their  own  tian  ears, 
godly     inclinations,    would     tend 


102  INSANITY   OF  JOANNA. 


II. 


PART  trenches.  Ferdinand  pressed  close  on  his  flying 
enemy,  whose  rear  sustained  some  annoyance  from 
the  Spanish  ginetes,  in  its  passage  through  the  de- 
files of  the  sierras.  The  retreat,  however,  was 
conducted  in  too  good  order  to  allow  any  material 
loss  to  be  inflicted  on  the  French,  who  succeeded 
at  length  in  sheltering  themselves  under  the  cannon 
of  Narbonne,  up  to  which  place  they  were  pursued 
by  their  victorious  foe.  Several  places  on  the  fron- 
tier, as  Leocate,  Palme,  Sigean,  Roquefort,  and 
others,  were  abandoned  to  the  Spaniards,  who  pil- 
laged them  of  whatever  was  worth  carrying  off; 
without  any  violence,  however,  to  the  persons  of  the 
inhabitants,  whom,  as  a  Christian  population,  if  we 
are  to  believe  Martyr,  Ferdinand  refused  even  to 
make  prisoners.24 

The  Spanish  monarch  made  no  attempt  to  retain 
these  acquisitions ;  but  having  dismantled  some  of 
the  towns,  which  offered  most  resistance,  returned 
loaded  with  the  spoils  of  \ictory  to  his  own  domin- 

94  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Her-  ticular.  "  Quare  elucescente  die 

nando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  54.  —  moniti  nostri  de  Gallorum  discessu 

Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  ad  eos,  at  sero,  concurrerunt.  Rex 

rey  30,  cap.  13,  sec.  11.  —  Peter  Perpiniani  agebat,  ad  millia  passu- 

Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  264.  —  um  sex  non  brevia,  uti  nosti.  Prop- 

Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,afio  1503. —  terea  sero  id  actum,  venit  concitato 

Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cursn,  at  sero.  Ad  hostes  itur,  at 

cap.  198.  —  Gamier,  Hist,  de  sero.  Cernunt  hostium  acies,  at 

France,  torn.  v.  pp.  408,  409.  —  sero,  at  a  longe.  Distabant  jam 

Gonzalo  Ayora,  Cartas,  carta  11.  milliaria  circiter  duo.  Ergo  sero 

—  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  Phryges  sapuerunt.  Cujus  hsec 

dial,  de  Deza.  culpa,  tu  scrutator  aliunde  ;  mea 

Peter  Martyr  seems  to  have  est,  si  nescis.  Maximara  dedit  ea 

shared  none  of  Isabella's  scruples  dies,  quse  est,  si  nescis,  calendarura 

in  regard  to  bringing  the  enemy  to  Novembrium  sexta,  Hispanis  igno- 

battle.  On  the  contrary,  he  in-  miniam,  et  aliquando  jacturam  illis 

dulges  in  a  most  querulous  strain  pariet  collachrymandam."  Lettei 

of  &arcasm  against  the  Catholic  to  the  cardinal  of  Santa  Cruz, 

king  for  his  remissness  in  this  par-  epist.  262. 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN. 

ions.     "  Had  he  been  as  good  a  general  as  he  was    CHAPTER 

a  statesman,"  says  a  Spanish  historian,  "  he  might  L_ 

have  penetrated  to  the  centre  of  France."85  Fer- 
dinand, however,  was  too  prudent  to  attempt  con- 
quests, wjiich  could  only  be  maintained,  if  main- 
tained at  all,  at  an  infinite  expense  of  blood  and 
treasure.  He  had  sufficiently  vindicated  his  honor 
by  meeting  his  foe  so  promptly,  and  driving  him 
triumphantly  over  the  border ;  and  he  preferred, 
like  a  cautious  prince,  not  to  risk  all  he  had  gained 
by  attempting  more,  but  to  employ  his  present  suc- 
cesses as  a  vantage-ground  for  entering  on  negotia- 
tion, in  which  at  all  times  he  placed  more  reliance 
than  on  the  sword. 

In  this,  his  °;ood  star  still  further  favored   him. 

In* 

The  armada,  equipped  at  so  much  cost  by  the 
French  king  at  Marseilles,  had  no  sooner  put  to 
sea,  than  it  was  assailed  by  furious  tempests,  and 
so  far  crippled,  that  it  was  obliged  to  return  to  port 
without  even  effecting  a  descent  on  the  Spanish 
coast. 

These    accumulated    disasters    so    disheartened  Truce  with 

France 

Louis  the  Twelfth,  that  he  consented  to  enter 
into  negotiations  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  ; 
and  an  armistice  was  rinaiiy  arranged,  through  the 
mediation  of  his  pensioner  Frederic,  ex-king  of 
Naples,  between  the  hostile  monarchs.  It  ex- 

25  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,  have  lived  to  carry  back  the  tidings 

torn.  v.  p.  113.  of  defeat  to  his  own  land."  If 

Oviedo,  who  was  present  in  this  we  are  to  believe  him,  Ferdinard 

campaign,  seems  to  have  been  of  desisted  from  the  pursuit  at  tne 

the  same  opinion.  At  least  he  earnest  entreaty  of  Bishop  D««a 

says,  "  If  the  king  had  pursued  his  confessor.  Quincuagenas, MS. 
rigorously,  not  a  Frenchman  would 


104 


INSANITY   OF   JOANNA. 


PART 
II. 


Reflections 
on  the  cam- 
paign. 


tended  only  to  their  hereditary  domhiMns  ;  Italy 
and  the  circumjacent  seas  being  still  left  open  as  a 
common  arena,  on  which  the  rival  parties  might 
meet,  and  settle  their  respective  titles  by  the 
sword.  This  truce,  first  concluded  for  fiv.e  months, 
was  subsequently  prolonged  to  three  years.  It 
gave  Ferdinand,  what  he  most  needed,  leisure,  and 
means  to  provide  for  the  security  of  his  Italian  pos- 
sessions, on  which  the  dark  storm  of  war  was  soon 
to  burst  with  tenfold  fury.26 

The  unfortunate  Frederic,  who  had  been  drawn 
from  his  obscurity  to  take  part  in  these  negotia- 
tions, died  in  the  following  year.  It  is  singular 
that  the  last  act  of  his  political  life  should  have 
been  to  mediate  a  peace  between  the  dominions 
of  two  monarchs,  who  had  united  to  strip  him  of 
his  own. 

The  results  of  this  campaign  were  as  honorable 
to  Spain,  as  they  were  disastrous  and  humiliating 


26  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5, 
cap.  55.  — Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara- 
gon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  13,  sec. 
11.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus.  Epist., 
epist.  264.  —  Lanuza,  Historias, 
torn.  i.  cap.  17.  —  Garibay,  Com- 
pendio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  16.— 
Machiavelli,  Legazione  Prima  a 
Roma,  let.  27. 

Mons.   Varillas  notices    as   the 


weak  sLle  of  Louis  XII.,  "  une 
demangeaison  de  faire  la  paix  & 
centre  temps,  dont  il  fut  travail!6 
durant  toute  sa  vie."  (Politique 
de  Ferdinand,  liv.  1,  p.  148.)  A 
statesman  shrewder  than  Varillas 
De  Retz,  furnishes,  perhaps,  the 
best  key  to  this  policy,  in  the  re- 
mark, "  Les  gens  foibles  ne  plien- 
jamais  quand  Us  le  doivent  " 


Impedi- 
ments to 
historic  ac- 
curacy. 


Those,  who  have  not  themselves 
had  occasion  to  pursue  historical 
inquiries,  will  scarcely  imagine  on 
what  loose  grounds  the  greater  part 
of  the  narrative  is  to  be  built. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  lead- 


ing outlines,  there  is  such  a  mass 
of  inconsistency  and  contradiction 
in  the  details,  even  of  contempora- 
ries, that  it  seems  almost  as  hope- 
less to  seize  the  true  aspect  of  any 
particular  age  as  it  would  be  to 


INVASION   OF  SPAIN. 


100 


to  Louis  the  Twelfth,  who  had  seen  his  arms  baf-   CHAPTER 

XIII 

fled  on  every  point,  and  all  his  mighty  apparatus  of 
fleets  and  armies  dissolve,  as  if  by  enchantment,  in 
less  time  than  it  had  been  preparing.  The  imme- 
diate success  of  Spain  may  no  doubt  be  ascribed, 
in  a  considerable  degree,  to  the  improved  organi- 
zation and  thorough  discipline  introduced  by  the 
sovereigns  into  the  national  militia,  at  the  close 
of  the  Moorish  war,  without  which  it  would  have 
been  scarcely  possible  to  concentrate  so  promptly 
on  a  distant  point  such  large  masses  of  men,  all 
well  equipped  and  trained  for  active  service.  So 
soon  was  the  nation  called  to  feel  the  effect  of 
these  wise  provisions. 


transfer  to  the  canvass  a  faithful 
likeness  of  an  individual  from  a 
description  simply  of  his  prominent 
features. 

Much  of  the  difficulty  might  seem 
to  be  removed,  now  that  we  are  on 
the  luminous  and  beaten  track  of 
Italian  history  ;  but,  in  fact,  the  vis- 
ion is  rather  dazzled  than  assisted  by 
the  numerous  cross  lights  thrown 
over  the  path,  and  the  infinitely  va- 
rious points  of  view  from  which 
every  object  is  contemplated.  Be- 
sides the  local  and  party  prejudices 
which  we  had  to  encounter  in  the 
contemporary  Spanish  historians, 
we  have  now  a  host  of  national 
prejudices,  not  less  unfavorable  to 
truth  ;  while  the  remoteness  of  the 
scene  of  action  necessarily  begets 
a  thousand  additional  inaccuracies 
in  the  gossiping  and  credulous 
chroniclers  of  France  and  Spain. 

The  mode  in  which  public  nego- 
tiations were  conducted  at  this  pe- 
riod, interposes  still  further  embar- 
rassments in  our  search  after  truth. 
They  were  regarded  as  the  person- 
al concerns  of  the  soveieign,  in 


which  the  nation  at  large  had  no 
right  to  interfere.  They  were  set- 
tled, like  the  rest  of  his  private 
affairs,  under  his  own  eye,  with- 
out the  participation  of  any  other 
branch  of  the  government.  They 
were  shrouded,  therefore,  under  an 
impenetrable  secrecy,  which  per- 
mitted such  results  only  to  emerge 
into  light  as  suited  the  monarch. 
Even  these  results  cannot  be  relied 
on  as  furnishing  the  true  key  to 
the  intentions  of  the  parties.  The 
science  of  the  cabinet,  as  then 
practised,  authorized  such  a  system 
of  artifice  and  shameless  duplicity, 
as  greatly  impaired  the  credit  of 
those  official  documents  which  we 
are  accustomed  to  regard  as  the 
surest  foundations  of  history. 

The  only  records  which  we  can 
receive  with  full  confidence  are  the 
private  correspondence  of  contem- 
poraries, which,  from  its  very  na- 
ture, is  exempt  from  most  of  the 
restraints  and  affectations  incident 
more  or  less  to  every  work  des- 
tined for  the  public  eye.  Such 
communications,  indeed,  come  like 


VOL.  III. 


14 


106 


PART 
II. 


INSANITY   OF  JOANNA. 

But  the  results  of  the  campaign  are,  after  all, 
less  worthy  of  notice  as  indicating  the  resources 
of  the  country,  than  as  evidence  of  a  pervading 
patriotic  feeling,  which  could  alone  make  these 
resources  available.  Instead  of  the  narrow  local 
jealousies,  which  had  so  long  estranged  the  people 
of  the  separate  provinces,  and  more  especially  those 
of  the  rival  states  of  Aragon  and  Castile,  from  one 
another,  there  had  been  gradually  raised  up  a  com- 
mon national  sentiment,  like  that  knitting  together 
the  constituent  parts  of  one  great  commonwealth. 
At  the  first  alarm  of  invasion  on  the  frontier  of 
Aragon,  the  whole  extent  of  the  sister  kingdom, 
from  the  green  valleys  of  the  Guadalquivir  up -to 
the  rocky  fastnesses  of  the  Asturias,  responded  to 
the  call,  as  to  that  of  a  common  country,  sending 


the  voice  of  departed  years  ;  and 
when,  as  in  Martyr's  case,  they 
proceed  from  one  whose  acuteness 
is  combined  with  singular  opportu- 
nities for  observation,  they  are  of 
inestimable  value.  Instead  of  ex- 
posing to  us  only  the  results,  they 
lay  open  the  interior  workings  of 
the  machinery,  and  we  enter  into 
all  the  shifting  doubts,  passions, 
and  purposes,  which  agitate  the 
minds  of  the  actors.  Unfortunate- 
ly, the  chain  of  correspondence 
here,  as  in  similar  cases,  when  not 
originally  designed  for  historical 
uses,  necessarily  suffers  from  oc- 
casional breaks  and  interruptions. 
The  scattered  gleams  which  are 
thrown  over  the  most  prominent 

Eoints,  however,  shed  so  strong  a 
ght,  as   materially  to   aid  us  in 
groping  our  way  through  the  dark- 
er and  more  perplexed  passages  of 
the  story. 

Speculative        The  obscurity,  which  hangs  over 
writers.         the  period,  has  not  been  dispelled 


by  those  modern  writers,  who, 
like  Varillas,  in  his  well-known 
work,  Politique  de  Ftrdinand  le 
Catholique,  affect  to  treat  the  sub- 
ject philosophically,  paying  less 
attention  to  facts  than  to  their 
causes  and  consequences.  These 
ingenious  persons,  seldom  willing 
to  take  things  as  they  find  them, 
seem  to  think  that  truth  is  only  to 
be  reached  by  delving  deep  below 
the  surface.  In  this  search  after 
more  profound  causes  of  action, 
they  reject  whatever  is  natural  and 
obvious.  They  are  inexhaustible 
in  conjectures  and  fine-spun  con- 
clusions, inferring  quite  as  much 
from  what  is  not  said  or  done,  as 
from  what  is.  In  short,  they  put 
the  reader  as  completely  in  posses- 
sion of  their  hero's  thoughts  on  all 
occasions,  as  any  professed  ro- 
mance-writer would  venture  to  do. 
All  this  may  be  very  agreeable, 
and  to  persons  of  easy  faith,  very 
satisfactory  ;  but  it  is  not  history 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN  107 

forth,  as  we  have  seen,  its  swarms  of  warriors,  to   CHAPTER 

repel  the  foe,  and  roll   back  the  tide  of  war  upon  

his  own  land.  What  a  contrast  did  all  this  present 
to  the  cold  and  parsimonious  hand  with  which  the 
nation,  thirty  years  before,  dealt  out  its  supplies  to 
King  John  the  Second,  Ferdinand's  father,  when 
he  was  left  to  cope  single-handed  with  the  whole 
power  of  France,  in  this  very  quarter  of  Roussillon. 
Such  was  the  consequence  of  the  glorious  union, 
which  brought  together  the  petty  and  hitherto  dis- 
cordant tribes  of  the  Peninsula  under  the  same 
rule  ;  and,  by  creating  common  interests  and  an 
harmonious  principle  of  action,  was  silently  prepar- 
ing them  for  constituting  one  great  nation,  —  one 
and  indivisible,  as  intended  by  nature. 

and  may.  well  remind  us  of  the  as-  the  general  rules  of  human  con- 
tonishment  somewhere  expressed  duct,  every  thing  is  referred  to 
by  Cardinal  de  Retz  at  the  assur-  deep  laid  stratagem  ;  no  allowance 
ance  of  those,  who,  at  a  distance  is  made  for  the  ordinary  disturbing 
from  the  scene  of  action,  pretended  forces,  the  passions  and  casualties 
to  lay  open  all  the  secret  springs  of  life,  every  action  proceeds  with 
of  policy,  of  which  he  himself,  the  same  wary  calculation  that  reg- 
thouoh  a  principal  party,  was  ig-  ulates  the  moves  upon  a  chess- 
norant.  board  ;  and  thus  a  character  of  con- 
No  prince,  on  the  whole,  has  summate  artifice  is  built  up,  not 
suffered  more  from  these  unwar-  only  unsupported  by  historical  evi- 
rantable  liberties,  than  Ferdinand  dence,  but  in  manifest  contradic- 
the  Catholic.  His  reputation  for  tion  to  the  principles  of  our  nature, 
shrewd  policy,  suggests  a  ready  The  part  of  our  subject  embraced 
key  to  whatever  is  mysterious  and  in  the  present  chapter,  has  long 
otherwise  inexplicable  in  his  gov-  been  debatable  ground  between  h.e 
ernment  ;  while  it  puts  writers  like  French  and  Spanish  historians  , 
Gaillard  and  Varillas  constantly  on  and  the  obscurity  which  hangs 
the  scent  after  the  most  secret  arid  over  it  has  furnished  an  ample 
subtile  sources  of  action,  as  if  there  range  for  speculation  to  the  class 
were  always  something  more  to  be  of  writers  above  alluded  to,  which 
detected,  than  readily  meets  the  they  have  not  failed  to  improve, 
eye.  Instead  of  judging  him  by 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

ITALIAN  WARS.  — CONDITION  OF  ITALY.  —  FRENCH  AM) 
SPANISH  ARMIES  ON  THE  GARIGLIANO. 

1503. 

Melancholy  State  of  Italy.  —  Great  Preparations  of  Louis.  —  Gonsaivo 
repulsed  before  Gaeta.  —  Armies  on  the  Garigliano.  —  Bloody  Pas- 
sage of  the  Bridge.  —  Anxious  Expectation  of  Italy. — Critical 
Situation  of  the  Spaniards.  —  Gonsalvo's  Resolution. — Heroism  of 
Paredes  and  Bayard. 

PART          WE  must  now  turn  our  eyes  towards  Italy,  where 
. ! .  the  sounds  of  war,  which   had  lately  died  away, 

Melancholy  ,  ,     .  .,  ,  ,.  , 

condition  of   were  again  heard  in  wilder  dissonance  than  ever. 

Italy. 

Our  attention,  hitherto,  has  been  too  exclusively 
directed  to  mere  military  manoeuvres  to  allow  us  to 
dwell  much  on  the  condition  of  this  unhappy  land. 
The  dreary  progress  of  our  story,  over  fields  of 
blood  and  battle,  might  naturally  dispose  the  imagi- 
nation to  lay  the  scene  of  action  in  some  rude  and 
savage  age ;  an  age,  at  best,  of  feudal  heroism, 
when  the  energies  of  the  soul  could  be  roused  only 
by  the  fierce  din  of  war. 

Far  otherwise,  however ;  the  tents  of  the  hostile 
armies  were  now  pitched  in  the  bosom  of  the  most 
lovely  and  cultivated  regions  on  the  globe ;  inhab- 
ited by  a  people,  who  had  carried  the  various  arts  of 
policy  and  social  life  to  a  degree  of  excellence  else- 
where unknown ;  whose  natural  resources  had  been 


ARMIES   ON   THE    GARIGLIANO.  109 

augmented  by  all  the  appliances  of  ingenuity  and  CHAPTER 
industry ;  whose  cities  were  crowded  with  magnifi-  - 
cent  and  costly  works  of  public  utility;  into  whose 
ports  every  wind  that  blew  wafted  the  rich  freights 
of  distant  climes ;  whose  thousand  hills  were  cov- 
ered to  their  very  tops  with  the  golden  labors  of  the 
husbandman ;  and  whose  intellectual  developement 
showed  itself,  not  only  in  a  liberal  scholarship  far 
outstripping  that  of  their  contemporaries,  but  in 
works  of  imagination,  and  of  elegant  art  more  par- 
ticularly, which  rivalled  the  best  days  of  antiquity 
The  period  before  us,  indeed,  the  commencement 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  was  that  of  their  meridian 
splendor,  when  Italian  genius,  breaking  through  the 
cloud  which  had  temporarily  obscured  its  early 
dawn,  shone  out  in  full  effulgence ;  for  we  are  now 
touching  on  the  age  of  Machiavelli,  Ariosto,  and  Mi- 
r.hael  Angelo,  —  the  golden  age  of  Leo  the  Tenfh. 
It  is  impossible,  even  at  this  distance  of  time,  to 
contemplate  without  feelings  of  sadness  the  fate  of 
such  a  country,  thus  suddenly  converted  into  an 
arena  for  the  bloody  exhibitions  of  the  gladiators  of 
Europe ;  to  behold  her  trodden  under  foot  by  the 
very  nations  on  whom  she  had  freely  poured  the  light 
of  civilization  ;  to  see  the  fierce  soldiery  of  Europe, 
from  the  Danube  to  the  Tagus,  sweeping  like  an 
army  of  locusts  over  her  fields,  defiling  her  pleasant 
places,  and  raising  the  shout  of  battle,  or  of  brutal 
triumph  under  the  shadow  of  those  monuments  of 
genius,  which  have  been  the  delight  and  despair  of 
succeeding  ages.  It  was  the  old  story  of  the  Goths 
and  Vandals  acted  over  again.  Those  more  refined 


]Q  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART  arts  of  the  cabinet,  on  which  the  Italians  were  ac- 
__  !!:  _  customed  to  rely,  much  more  than  on  the  sword,  in 
their  disputes  with  one  another,  were  of  no  avail 
against  these  rude  invaders,  whose  strong  arm  easily 
broke  through  the  subtile  webs  of  policy,  which  en- 
tangled the  movements  of  less  formidable  adver- 

o 

saries.  It  was  the  triumph  of  brute  force  over 
civilization,  —  one  of  the  most  humiliating  lessons 
by  which  Providence  has  seen  fit  to  rebuke  the 
pride  of  human  intellect.1 

The  fate  of  Italy  inculcates  a  most  important 
lesson.  With  all  this  outward  show  of  prosperity, 
her  political  institutions  had  gradually  lost  the  vital 
principle,  which  could  alone  give  them  stability  or 
real  value.  The  forms  of  freedom,  indeed,  in  most 
instances,  had  sunk  under  the  usurpation  of  some 
aspiring  chief.  Everywhere  patriotism  was  lost  in 
the  most  intense  selfishness.  Moral  principle  was 
at  as  low  an  ebb  in  private,  as  in  public  life.  The 
hands,  which  shed  their  liberal  patronage  over 
genius  and  learning,  were  too  often  red  with  blood. 
The  courtly  precincts,  which  seemed  the  favorite. 
haunt  of  the  Muses,  were  too  often  the  Epicurean 
sty  of  brutish  sensuality;  while  the  head  of  the 
church  itself,  whose  station,  exalted  over  that  of 
every  worldly  potentate,  should  have  raised  him  at 

1  "O  pria  si  cnra  al  ciel  del  mondo  pnrte,  O  pur  cosl  pietate  e  Dio  s'  onora  ? 

Che  I  acquacigne.e'lsasso  orridoserra;  Ahi  secol  duro,  ahi  tralignato  seme." 

O  lien  soj.ra  ogn'  altra  e  dolce  terra,  Bemho,  Rime,  Son.  108. 

one  'I  superboAppennin  segnaediparte-  rpi  •  •  •        i-  .1      i      •       •    e 

Che  val  omai,  se  ')  buon  popol  di  Marte  ihls  exquisite    little   lyric,   infe- 

Ti  lascio  del  mar  donna  e  de  la  terra  f  rior  to   none  Other  which   had  ap- 

5raMtf»TOS£SS      rtT  the  same  subject  since 

Lasso  nk  manca  de'  tuoi  figli  ancora,  ttie       -Italia  mia      01  retrarch,  was 

Chi  lepiustrane  a  techiamamlo  ineieme  Composed  by  Bembo  at  the  period 

La  spada  sua  nel  tuo  bel  corpo  adopre.  of  which  WP  are  trpatincr 

r  son  queste  simili  a  1'  antich'  opre  ?  '"  We  dre  treatlng- 


Or  so 


ARMIES  ON  THE   GARIGLIANO.  1  1  « 

least  above   their   grosser  vices,  was   sunk   in   the    CHAPTER 

foulest  corruptions  that  debase  poor  human  nature.  

Was  it  surprising  then,  that  the  tree,  thus  cankered 
at  heart,  with  all  the  goodly  show  of  blossoms  on  its 
branches,  should  have  fallen  before  the  blast,  which 
now  descended  in  such  pitiless  fury  from  the  moun- 
tains ? 

Had  there  been  an  invigorating  national  feeling, 
any  common  principle  of  coalition  among  the  Italian 
states ;  had  they,  in  short,  been  true  to  themselves, 
they  possessed  abundant  resources  in  their  wealth, 
talent,  and  superior  science,  to  have  shielded  their 
soil  from  violation.  Unfortunately,  while  the  other 
European  states  had  been  augmenting  their  strength 
incalculably  by  the  consolidation  of  their  scattered 
fragments  into  one  whole,  those  of  Italy,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  some  great  central  point  round  which  to 
rally,  had  grown  more  and  more  confirmed  in  their 
original  disunion.  Thus,  without  concert  in  action, 
and  destitute  of  the  vivifying  impulse  of  patriotic 
sentiment,  they  were  delivered  up  to  be  the  spoil 
and  mockery  of  nations,  whom  in  their  proud  lan- 
guage they  still  despised  as  barbarians  ;  an  impres- 
sive example  of  the  impotence  of  human  genius, 
and  of  the  instability  of  human  institutions,  however 
excellent  in  themselves,  when  unsustained  by  public 
and  private  virtue.2 

The  great  powers,  who  had  now  entered  the  lists. 


}  The   philosophic    Machiavelli  with  more  than  his  usual  boldnes* 

discerned   the  true  causes  of  the  and  bitterness  of  sarcasm,  in  the 

Calamities,  in  the  corruptions  of  his  seventh  book  of  his  "Arte  della 

rountry ;   which  he  has  exposed  Guerra." 


112  ITALIAN    WARS. 


PART      created  entirely  new  interests  in  Italy,  which  broke 

II 

up  the   old   political  combinations.     The  conquest 

Views  of  the  *  j        •  j      i 

Italian         of  Mi|an  enabled  France  to  assume  a  decided  con- 

•tate.s. 

trol  over  the  affairs  of  the  country.  Her  recent 
reverses  in  Naples,  however,  had  greatly  loosened 
this  authority  ;  although  Florence  and  pther  neigh- 
bouring states,  which  lay  under  her  colossal  shadow, 
still  remained  true  to  her.  Venice,  with  her  usual 
crafty  policy,  kept  aloof,  maintaining  a  position  of 
neutrality  between  the  belligerents,  each  of  whom 
made  the  most  pressing  efforts  to  secure  so  formida- 
ble an  ally.  She  had,  however,  long  since  enter- 
tained a  deep  distrust  of  her  French  neighbour; 
and,  although  she  would  enter  into  no  public  engage- 
ments, she  gave  the  Spanish  minister  every  assur- 
ance of  her  friendly  disposition  towards  his  govern- 
ment.8 She  intimated  this  still  more  unequivocally, 
by  the  supplies  she  had  allowed  her  citizens  to  carry 
into  Barleta  during  the  late  campaign,  and  by  other 
indirect  aid  of  a  similar  nature  during  the  present ; 


3   Lorenzo  Suarez  de  la  Vega  inter  ignaros  literarum  satis  esse 

filled  the  post  of  minister  at  the  re-  gnarum,   Rex  ipse   mihi  testatus 

public  during  the  whole  of  the  war.  est.      Cupissem   tamen   ego,   quw 

His  long  continuance  in  the  office  dixi."    (See  the  letter  to  the  Cath 

at  so  critical  a  period,  under  so  olic    queen,    Opus    Epist.,    epist 

vigilant  a  sovereign  as  Ferdinand,  246.)    The  objections  have  weight 

is  sufficient  warrant  for  his  ability,  undoubtedly,  the  Latin  being  the 

Peter  Martyr,  while  he  admits  his  common  medium  of  diplomatic  in- 

talcnts,  makes  some  objections  to  tercourse   at  that  time.      Martyr, 

his  appointment,  on  the  ground  of  who  on  his  return  through  Venice 

his  want   of  scholarship.     "  Nee  from   his   Egyptian    mission   took 

placet  quod    hunc    elegeritis   hac  charge  for  the  time  of  the  interests 

tempestate.      Maluissem    namque  of  Spain,  might  probably  have  been 

vmnn,   qui   Latinam   calleret,   vel  prevailed  on  to  assume  the  difficul- 

saltem   intelligeret,   linguam  ;  hie  ties  of  a  diplomatic  station  there 

tantum  suam  patriam  vernaculam  himself.     See  also  Part  II.,  Chap- 

oovit :  prudentem  esse  alias,  atque  ter  11,  note  7,  of  this  History. 


ARMIES  ON   THE   GARIGLIANO.  113 

for   all  which  she  was  one  day  to   be  callod   to  a    CHAPTER 

XIV. 

heavy  reckoning  by  her  enemies. 

The  disposition  of  the  papal  court  towards  the 
French  monarch  was  still  less  favorable  ;  and  it 
took  no  pains  to  conceal  this  after  his  reverses  in 
Naples.  Soon  after  the  defeat  of  Cerignola,  it 
entered  into  correspondence  with  Gonsalvo  de  Cor- 
dova ;  and,  although  Alexander  the  Sixth  refused  to 
break  openly  with  France,  and  sign  a  treaty  with 
the  Spanish  sovereigns,  he  pledged  himself  to  do 
so,  on  the  reduction  of  Gaeta.  In  the  mean  time, 
he  freely  allowed  the  Great  Captain  to  raise  such 
levies  as  he  could  in  Rome,  before  the  very  eyes  of 
the  French  ambassador.  So  little  had  the  immense 
concessions  of  Louis,  including  those  of  principle 
and  honor,  availed  to  secure  the  fidelity  of  this 
treacherous  ally.4 

With  the  emperor  Maximilian,  notwithstanding  oft 
repeated  treaties,  he  was  on  scarcely  better  terms. 
That  prince  was  connected  with  Spain  by  the  mat- 
rimonial alliances  of  his  family,  and  no  less  averse 
to  France  from  personal  feeling,  which,  with  the 
majority  of  minds,  operates  more  powerfully  than 
motives  of  state  policy.  He  had,  moreover,  always 
regarded  the  occupation  of  Milan  by  the  latter  as 
an  infringement,  in  some  measure,  of  his  imperial 
rights.  The  Spanish  government,  availing  itself  of 
these  feelings,  endeavoured  through  its  minister, 


4  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rev  Hernan-  tom.   iii.    p.    347.  —  Guicciardini, 

do,  tom.  i.   lib.  5,  cap.  38,  48. —  Istoria,  tom..i.  lib.  6,  p.  311,  ed. 

Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  tom.  iii.  !<M5.  —  P'jonaccorsi,   Diario,   pp. 

lib.  6.  — Daru,  Hist,   de  Vemse,  77,81, 

VOL.  III.  1.3 


114  ,  ITALIAN  WARS. 

PART  Don  Juan  Manuel,  to  stimulate  Maximilian  to  the 
— - —  invasion  of  Lombardy.  As  the  emperor,  however, 
demanded,  as  usual,  a  liberal  subsidy  for  carrying 
on  the  war,  King  Ferdinand,  who  was  seldom  in- 
commoded by  a  superfluity  of  funds,  preferred  re- 
serving them  for  his  own  enterprises,  to  hazarding 
them  on  the  Quixotic  schemes  of  his  ally.  But, 
although  the  negotiations  were  attended  with  no 

o  o 

result,  the  amicable  dispositions  of  the  Austrian 
government  were  evinced  by  the  permission  given 
to  its  subjects  to  serve  under  the  banners  of  Gon- 
salvo,  where  indeed,  as  we  have  already  seen,  they 
formed  some  of  his  best  troops.5 
Great  prep  But  while  Louis  the  Twelfth  drew  so  little  as- 

araticns  ol 

sistance  from  abroad,  the  heartiness  with  which  the 
whole  French  people  entered  into  his  feelings  at 
this  crisis,  made  him  nearly  independent  of  itj  and, 
in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time,  placed  him  in 
a  condition  for  resuming  operations  on  a  far  more 
formidable  scale  than  before.  The  preceding  fail- 
ures in  Italy  he  attributed  in  a  great  degree  to  an 
overweening  confidence  in  the  superiority  of  his 
own  troops,  and  his  neglect  to  support  them  with 
the  necessary  reinforcements  and  supplies.  He 
now  provided  against  this  by  remitting  large  sums 
to  Rome,  and  establishing  ample  magazines  of  grain 
and  military  stores  there,  under  the  direction  of 
commissaries  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army. 
He  equipped  without  loss  of  time  a  large  armament 

5  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Key  Hernan-     History  of  the  House  of  Austria, 
do,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  55.  — Coxe,     (London,  1807,)  vol.  i.  chap.  23 


ARMIES   ON  THE   GARIGLIANO.  115 

at   Genoa,  under   the   marquis  of  Saluzzo,  for  the    CHAPTER 

XIV 

relief  of  Gaeta,  still  blockaded   by  the  Spaniards. ! — 

He  obtained  a  small  supply  of  men  from  his  Italian 
allies,  and  subsidized  a  corps  of  eight  thousand 
Swiss,  the  strength  of  his  infantry  ;  while  the  re- 
mainder of  his  army,  comprehending  a  fine  body  of 
cavalry  and  the  most  complete  train  of  artillery, 
probably,  in  Europe,  was  drawn  from  his  own  do- 
minions. Volunteers  of  the  highest  rank  pressed 
forward  to  serve  in  an  expedition,  to  which  they 
confidently  looked  for  the  vindication  of  the  national 
honor.  The  command  was  intrusted  to  the  mare- 
chal  de  la  Tremouille,  esteemed  the  best  general  in 
France ;  and  the  whole  amount  of  force,  exclusive 
of  that  employed  permanently  in  the  fleet,  is  vari- 
ously computed  from  twenty  to  thirty  thousand 
men.6 

In  the  month  of  July,  the  army  was  on  its  march  Deat5of  * 

J*  J  exander  VL 

across  the  broad  plains  of  Lombardy,  but,  on  reach-  1503 
ing  Parma,  the  appointed  place  of  rendezvous  for 
the  Swiss  and  Italian  mercenaries,  was  brought  to 
a  halt,  by  tidings  of  an  unlooked-for  event,  the 
death  of  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth.  He  expired 
on  the  18th  of  August,  1503,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
two,  the  victim,  there  is  very  little  doubt,  of  poison 


6  Bnonaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  78.  —  ly  in  their  estimates  of  the  French 

St.  Gelais,  Hist,  de  Loiiys  XII.,  numbers.  Guicciardini,  whose  mod- 

pp.  173.  174.  —  Varillas,  Hist,  de  erate  computation  of  20,000  men  is 

Louis  XII.,  torn.  i.  pp.  386,  387. —  usually  followed,  does  not  take  the 

Memoires  de  la  Tre'moille,  chap,  trouble  to  reconcile  his  sum  total 

19,  apud  Petitot,  Collection  des  with  the  various  estimates  ^iven  by 

Memoires,  torn.  xiv.  —  Muratori,  him  in  detail,  which  considerably 

Annali  d'ltalia,  torn.  xiv.  anno  exceed  that  amount.  Istoria,  pp. 

1503.  —  Carta  de  Gonzalo,  MS.  308,  309,  312. 

Historians,  as  usual,  differ  wide- 


ITALIAN  WARS. 

he  had  prepared  for  others;  thus  closing  an  infa- 
mous  life  by  a  death  equally  infamous.  He  was  'a 
man  of  undoubted  talent,  and  uncommon  energy 
of  character.  But  his  powers  were  perverted  to 
the  worst  purposes,  and  his  gross  vices  were  unre- 
deemed, if  we  are  to  credit  the  report  of  his  most 
respectable  contemporaries,  by  a  single  virtue.  In 
him  the  papacy  reached  its  lowest  degradation. 
His  pontificate,  however,  was  not  without  its  use : 
since  that  Providence,  which  still  educes  good  from 
evil,  made  the  scandal,  which  it  occasioned  to  the 
Christian  world,  a  principal  spring  of  the  glorious 
Reformation.7 

The  death  of  this  pontiff  occasioned  no  particu- 
lar disquietude  at  the  Spanish  court,  where  his 
immoral  life  had  been  viewed  with  undisguised 
reprobation,  and  made  the  subject  of  more  than  one 
pressing  remonstrance,  as  we  have  already  seen. 
His  public  course  had  been  as  little  to  its  satisfac- 
tion ;  since,  although  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  being  a 
native  of  Valencia,  he  had  placed  himself  almost 


7  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  81.  —  qui  resta  ouverte.     La  biere  dans 

Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  lib.  6.  laquelle  il  fallait  mettre  le  corps  se 

The  little  ceremony  with  which  trouva  trop  petite  ;  on  1'y  enfonca 

Alexander's  remains  were  treated,  a  coups  de  poings.     Les  restes  du 

while  yet  scarcely  cold,  is  the  best  pape  insultes  par  ses  domestiques 

commentary   on    the    general    de-  furent  portes  dans  Tfeglise  'de  St. 

testation   in   which  he   was   held.  Pierre,  sans  6tre  accompagn^s  de 

"  Lorsque   Alexandre,"   says  the  pr6tres   ni   de   torches,  et   on   les 

pope's  maitre  des  ceremonies,  "  ren-  pla<ja  en  dedans   de   la   grille   du 

dit  le  dernier  soupir,  il  n'y  avait  chceur  pour  les  derober   aux  ou- 

dans  sa  chambre  que  1'eveque  de  trages  de  la  populace."   Notice  de 

Rieti,  le  dataire  et  quelques  pale-  Burchard,apudBrequigny,  Notices 

freniers.     Cette  chambre   fut  aus-  et  Extraits   des  Manuscrits  de  la 

shot   pillce.     La  face  du  cadavre  Bibliotheque  du  Roi,  (Paris   178"''  - 

deyint  noire  ;  la  langue  s'enfla  au  1818,)  torn.  i.  p.  120. 
point  qu'elle  remplissait  la  bouche 


ARMIES   ON   THE    GARIGLIANO.  H7 

wholly  at  the  disposal  of  Louis  the  Twelfth,  in  re-    CHAPTEV 

XIV 

turn  for  the  countenance  afforded  by  that  monarch  - 
to  the  iniquitous  schemes  of  his  son,  Caesar  Borgia. 

The  pope's  death  was  attended  with  important 
consequences  on  the  movements  of  the  French. 
Louis's  favorite  minister,  Cardinal  D'Amboise,  had 
long  looked  to  this  event  as  opening  to  him  the 
succession  to  the  tiara.  He  now  hastened  to  Italy, 
therefore,  with  his  master's  approbation,  proposing 
to  enforce  his  pretensions  by  the  presence  of  the 
French  army,  placed,  as  it  would  seem,  with  this 
view  at  his  disposal. 

The  army,  accordingly,  was  ordered  to  advance 
towards  Rome,  and  halt  within  a  few  miles  of  its 
gates.  The  conclave  of  cardinals,  then  convened 
to  supply  the  vacancy  in  the  pontificate,  were  filled 
with  indignation  at  this  attempt  to  overawe  their 
election ;  and  the  citizens  beheld  with  anxiety  the 
encampment  of  this  formidable  force  under  their 
walls,  anticipating  some  counteracting  movement  on 
the  part  of  the  Great  Captain,  which  might  involve 
their  capital,  already  in  a  state  of  anarchy,  in  all 
the  horrors  of  war.  Gonsalvo,  indeed,  had  sent 
forward  a  detachment  of  between  two  and  three 
thousand  men,  under  Mendoza  and  Fabrizio  Co- 
lonna,  who  posted  themselves  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  city,  where  they  could  observe  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.8 

At  length  Cardinal  D'Amboise,  yielding  to  pub- 

8  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  82.  —  Ammirato,  Istorie,  Florentine,  torn. 

Machiavelli,    Legazione    rrima    a  iii.  lib.  28.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn. 

Roma,  Let.  1,  3,  et  al.  —  Bembo,  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  47. 
Istoria  Viniziana,  torn.  iii.  lib.  6. — 


118  ITALIAN    WARS. 


PART      Jic    feeling,  and  the   representations  of  pretended 

1 —  friends,   consented   to   the   removal  of   the  French 

forces  from  the  neighbourhood,  and  trusted  for  suc- 
cess to  his  personal  influence.  He  over-estimated 
its  weight.  It  is  foreign  to  our  purpose  to  detail 
the  proceedings  of  the  reverend  body,  thus  convened 
to  supply  the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  They  are  dis- 
played at  full  length  by  the  Italian  writers,  and 
must  be  allowed  to  form  a  most  edifying  chapter  in 
ecclesiastical  history.9  It  is  enough  to  state,  that, 
on  the  departure  of  the  French,  the  suffrages  of  the 
sept.  22.  conclave  fell  on  an  Italian,  who  assumed  the  name 
of  Pius  the  Third,  and  who  justified  the  policy  of 
the  choice  by  dying  in  less  time  than  his  best 
friends  had  anticipated  ;  —  within  a  month  after  his 
elevation.10 

juiius ii.  The  new  vacancy  was  at  once  supplied  by  the. 
election  of  Julius  the  Second,  the  belligerent  pon 
tiff  who  made  his  tiara  a  helmet,  and  his  crosier  a 
sword.  It  is  remarkable,  that,  while  his  fierce, 
inexorable  temper  left  him  with  scarcely  a  personal 
friend,  he  came  to  the  throne  by  the  united  suffrages 
of  each  of  the  rival  factions,  of  France,  Spain,  and, 
above  all,  Venice,  whose  ruin  in  return  he  made 
the  great  business  of  his  restless  pontificate.11 

9  Guicciardini,  in  particular,  has  who  caused  Te  Deums  and  thanks- 
related  them  with  a  circumstantial-  givings   to   be    celebrated   in    the 
ity  which  could  scarcely  have  been  churches,  for  the   appointment  of 
exceeded  by  one  of  the  conclave  "  so    worthy   a    pastor    over    the 
itself.    Istoria,  lib.  6,  pp.  316-318.  Christian  fold."     See  Peter  Mar- 

10  Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  lib.     tyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  265. 

6, — Ammirato,  Istorie  Fiorentine,         u  Machiavelli,  Legazione  Prima 

torn.  iii.  lib.  28.  a  Roma,  let.  6.  —  Bembo,  Istoria 

The   election   of  Pius   was  ex-  Viniziana,  lib.  7. 
tremely  grateful  to  queen  Isabella, 


ARMIES  ON  THE    GAR1GL1ANO.  119 

No  sooner   had  the  game,  into  which  Cardinal   CHAPTER 

XIV. 

D'Amboise  had  entered  with  such  prospects  of  sue-  - 
cess,  been  snatched  from  his  grasp  by  the  sup*""'^* 
address  of  his  Italian  rivals,  and  the  election  of 
Pius  the  Third  been  publicly  announced,  than  the 
French  army  was  permitted  to  resume  its  march  on 
Nap'.es,  after  the  loss,  —  an  irreparable  loss,  —  of 
more  than  a  month.  A  still  greater  misfortune  had 
befallen  it,  in  the  mean  time,  in  the  illness  of  Tre- 
mouille,  its  chief;  which  compelled  him  to  resign 
the  command  into  the  hands  of  the  marquis  of 
Mantua,  an  Italian  nobleman,  who  held  the  second 
station  in  the  army.  He  was  a  man  of  some  mili- 
tary experience,  having  fought  in  the  Venetian  ser- 
vice, and  led  the  allied  forces,  with  doubtful  credit 
indeed,  y  gainst  Charles  the  Eighth  at  the  battle  of 
Fornovo  His  elevation  was  more  acceptable  to 
his  own  countrymen  than  to  the  French ;  and  in 
truth,  however  competent  to  ordinary  exigencies, 
he  was  altogether  unequal  to  the  present,  in  which 
he  was  compelled  to  measure  his  genius  with  that 
of  the  greatest  captain  of  the  age.12 

The  Spanish  commander,  in  the  mean  while,  was  J;0"8,^0^ 
detained    before    the    strong    post   of   Gaeta,    into  foreGaeta- 
which   Ives  d'Allegre    had  thrown  himself,  as  al- 
ready noticed,  with  the  fugitives  from  the  field  of 
Cerignola,  where  he  had   been   subsequently  rein- 
forced by  four  thousand  additional  troops  under  the 
marquis  of   Saluzzo.      From   these   circumstances, 

12  Gamier,  Hist.de France,  torn,     corsi,  Diario,  p.  83. —  St.  GcuiL, 
v.   pp.   435-438.  — Guicciardini,     Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  p.  173. 
Istoria,  lib.  6,  p.  316.  —  Buonac- 


120  ITALIAN    WARS. 


11 


PART  as  well  as  the  great  strength  of  the  place,  Gonsal- 
vo  experienced  an  opposition,  to  which,  of  late,  he 
had  been  wholly  unaccustomed.  His  exposed  sit- 
uation in  the  plains,  under  the  guns  of  the  city, 
occasioned  the  loss  of  many  of  his  best  men,  and, 
among  others,  that  of  his  friend  Don  Hugo  de  Car- 
dona,  one  of  the  late  victors  at  Seminara,  who  was 
shot  down  at  his  side,  while  conversing  with  him. 
At  length,  after  a  desperate  but  ineffectual  attempt 
to  extricate  himself  from  his  perilous  position,  by 
forcing  the  neighbouring  eminence  of  Mount  Orlan- 
do, he  was  compelled  to  retire  to  a  greater  distance, 
and  draw  off  his  army  to  the  adjacent  village  of 
Castellone,  which  may  call  up  more  agreeable  as- 
sociations in  the  reader's  mind,  as  the  site  of  the 
Villa  Formiana  of  Cicero.13  At  this  place  he  was 
still  occupied  with  the  blockade  of  Gaeta,  when  he 
received  intelligence,  that  the  French  had  crossed 
the  Tiber,  and  were  in  full  march  against  him.14 

While  Gonsalvo  lay  before  Gaeta,  he  had  been 
intent  on  collecting  such  reinforcements  as  he 
could  from  every  quarter.  The  Neapolitan  division 
under  Navarro  had  already  joined  him,  as  well  as 
the  victorious  legions  of  Andrada  from  Calabria. 
His  strength  was  further  augmented  by  the  arrival 
of  between  two  and  three  thousand  troops,  Span- 

13  Cicero's    country  seat  stood  Appian  way,  by  the  classical  and 

midway  between  Gaeta  and  Mola,  credulous  tourist. 
the   ancient   Formiae,    about    two        M  Giovio,  Vitse  Tllust.  Virorum 

miles  and  a  half  from  each.     (Clu-  fol.  258,  259.—  Chronica  del  Gran 

verms,  Ital.  Antiq.,lib.  3,  cap.  6.)  Capitan,  lib.  2,  cap.  95.  —  Ulloa, 

The  remains  of  his  mansion  and  of  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  19.  —  Petei 

his   mausoleum   may  still   be  dis-  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  261 
cerned,  on  the  borders  of  the  old 


AftMLES   ON    THE    GARIGL1ANO.  121 

ish,  German,  and  Italian,  which  the  Castilian  min-    CHAPTER 

X1V» 

ister,  Francisco  de  Roxas,  had  levied  in  Rome ; 
and  he  was  in  daily  hopes  of  a  more  important  ac- 
cession from  the  same  quarter,  through  the  good 
offices  of  the  Venetian  ambassador.  Lastly,  he 
had  obtained  some  additional  recruits,  and  a  remit- 
tance of  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  in  a  fleet  of 
Catalan  ships  lately  arrived  from  Spain.  With  all 
this,  however,  a  heavy  amount  of  arrears  remained 
due  to  his  troops.  In  point  of  numbers  he  was 
still  far  inferior  to  the  enemy ;  no  computation 
swelling  them  higher  than  three  thousand  horse, 
two  of  them  light  cavalry,  and  nine  thousand  foot. 
The  strength  of  his  army  lay  in  his  Spanish  in- 
fantry, on  whose  thorough  discipline,  steady  nerve, 
and  strong  attachment  to  his  person,  he  felt  he 
might  confidently  rely.  In  cavalry,  and  still  more 
in  artillery,  he  was  far  below  the  French,  which, 
together  with  his  great  numerical  inferiority,  made 
it  impossible  for  him  to  keep  the  open  country. 
His  only  resource  was  to  get  possession  of  some 
pass  or  strong  position,  which  lay  in  their  route, 
where  he  might  detain  them,  till  the  arrival  of  fur- 
ther reinforcements  should  enable  him  to  face  them 
on  more  equal  terms.  The  deep  stream  of  the 
Garigliano  presented  such  a  line  of  defence  as 
he  wanted. 15 

!5  Zurita,   Hist,   del   Key  Her-  lib.  19,  cap.  16.  —  Ferreras,  Hist, 

nando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  38,43,44,  d'Espagne,    torn.    viii.    pp.   252- 

48,  57. —  Giovio,  Vita  Illust.  Vi-  257.  —  Carta    del   Gran   Capitan, 

rorum,  fol.  258,  259.  —  Sismondi,  MS. 

Hist,  des  Francais,  torn.  xv.  p.  417.  The  Castilian  writers  do  not  state 

—  Garibay,    Compendio,   torn.  ii.  the  sum  total  of  the  Spanish  force. 

VOL.   III.  16 


122 


PART 
II. 

Occupies 
San  Ger- 

niauo. 


ITALIAN   WARS. 

On  the  6th  of  October,  therefore,  the  Great 
Captain  broke  up  his  camp  at  Castellone,  and, 
abandoning  the  whole  region  north  of  the  Garigli- 
ano  to  the  enemy,  struck  into  the  interior  of  the 
country,  and  took  post  at  San  Germano,  a  strong 
place  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  covered  by  the 
two  fortresses  of  Monte  Casino16  and  Rocca  Secca. 
Into  this  last  he  threw  a  body  of  determined  men 
under  Villalba,  and  waited  calmly  the  approach  of 
the  enemy. 

It  was  not  long;  before  the  columns  of  the  latter 

O 

were  descried  in  full  march  on  Ponte  Corvo,  at  a 
few  miles'  distance  only  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Garigliano.  After  a  brief  halt  there,  they  trav- 
ersed the  bridge  before  that  place,  and  advanced 
confidently  forward  in  the.  expectation  of  encoun- 
tering little  resistance  from  a  foe  so  much  their 
inferior.  In  this  they  were  mistaken  ;  the  garrison 
of  Rocca  Secca,  against  which  they  directed  their 
arms,  handled  them  so  roughly,  that,  after  in  vain 
endeavouring  to  carry  the  place  in  two  desperate 
assaults,  the  Marquis  of  Mantua  resolved  to  aban- 
don the  attempt  altogether,  and,  recrossing  the 
river,  to  seek  a  more  practicable  point  for  his  pur- 
pose l*ver  down. 17 


which  is  to  be  inferred  only  from 
the  scattered  estimates,  careless 
and  contradictory  as  usual,  of  the  va- 
rious detachments  which  joined  it. 
16  The  Spaniards  carried  Monte 
Casino  by  storm,  and  with  sacrile- 
gious violence  plundered  the  Bene- 
dictine monastery  of  all  its  costly 
plate.  They  were  compelled,  how- 
ever, to  respect  the  bones  of  the 


martyrs,  and  other  saintly  relics  , 
a  division  of  spoil  probably  not  en- 
tirely satisfactory  to  its  reverend 
inmates.  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gon 
salvi,  fol.  262. 

17  Chrcnica  del  Gran  Capitan, 
lib.  2,  cap.  102.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di 
Carlo  V.,  fol.  21. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  6,  pp.  326,  327. 
—  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist. ,  opist, 


ARMIES  ON  THE  GARIGLIANO.  123 

Keeping  along  the  right  bank,  therefore,  to  the   CHAPTER 


XIV. 


southeast  of  the  mountains  of  Fondi,  he  descended 
nearly  to  the  mouth  of  the  Garigliano,  the  site,  as  encamp  on 

*  .  theGarigli- 

commonly  supposed,  of  the  ancient  Minturnae. 18  ano- 
The  place  was  covered  by  a  fortress  called  the 
Tower  of  the  Garigliano,  occupied  by  a  small  Span- 
ish garrison,  who  made  some  resistance,  but  surren- 
dered on  being  permitted  to  march  out  with  the 
honors  of  war.  On  rejoining  their  countrymen  un- 
der Gonsalvo,  the  latter  were  so  much  incensed  that 
the  garrison  should  have  yielded  on  any  terms,  in- 
stead of  dying  on  their  posts,  that,  falling  on  them 
with  their  pikes,  they  massacred  them  all  to  a  man. 
Gonsalvo  did  not  think  proper  to  punish  this  out- 
rage, which,  however  shocking  to  his  own  feelings, 
indicated  a  desperate  tone  of  resolution,  which  he 
felt  he  should  have  occasion  to  tax  to  the  utmost  in 
the  present  exigency.19 

The  ground  now  occupied  by  the  armies  was  low 
and  swampy,  a  character  which  it  possessed  in  an- 
cient times;  the  marshes  on  the  southern  side  being 
supposed  to  be  the  same  in  which  Marius  concealed 
himself  from  his  enemies  during  his  proscription.20 

267.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  2°  The  marshes  of  Mintunue  lay 

MS.,  cap.  188.  between  the  city  and  the  mouth  of 

18  The  remains  of  this  city,  which  the  Liris.  (Cluverius,  Ital.  Antiq. 
stood  about  four  miles  above  the  lib.  3,  cap.  10,  sec.  9.)  The  Span- 
mouth  of  the  Liris,  are  still  to  be  ish  army  encamped,  says  Guicciar- 
seen  on  the  right  of  the  road.  In  dini,  "  in  a  place  called  by  Livy 
ancient  days  it  was  of  sufficient  from  its  vicinity  to  Sessa,  aqua.  Si- 
magnitude  to  cover  both  sides  of  nuessanse,  being  perhaps  the  marsh 
the  river.  See  Strabo,  Geogra-  es  in  which  Marius  hid  himself." 
phia.  lib.  5,  p.  233,  (Paris,  1629,  (Istoria,  lib.  6.)  The  historian 
with  Casaubon's  notes,)  p.  110.  makes  two  blunders  in  a  breath. 

!9   Chrcnica  del  Gran  Capitan,  1st.  A</ua  Smuessaiue  was  a  name 

lib.   2,   cap.    107.  —  Giovio,    Vita  derived  not  from  Sessa,  the  ancient 

Magni  Gonsalvi,  fol.  263.  Suessa  Aurunca,  but  from  the  ad- 


124  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART  Its  natural  humidity  was  greatly  increased,  at  tins 
-  time,  by  the  excessive  rains,  which  began  earlier 
and  with  much  more  violence  than  usual.  The 
French  position  was  neither  so  low,  nor  so  wet  as 
that  of  the  Spaniards.  It  had  the  advantage,  more- 
over, of  being  supported  by  a  well-peopled  and 
friendly  country  in  the  rear,  where  lay  the  large 
towns  of  Fondi,  Itri,  and  Gaeta ;  while  their  fleet, 
under  the  admiral  Prejan,  which  rode  at  anchor  in 
the  mouth  of  the  Garigliano,  might  be  of  essential 
service  in  the  passage  of  the  river. 

In  order  to  effect  this,  the  marquis  of  Mantua 
prepared  to  throw  a  bridge  across,  at  a  point  not  far 
from  Trajetto.  He  succeeded  in  it,  notwithstand- 
ing the  swollen  and  troubled  condition  of  the  wa- 
ters,21 in  a  few  days,  under  cover  of  the  artillery, 
which  he  had  planted  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and 
which  from  its  greater  elevation  entirely  com- 
manded the  opposite  shore, 
passage  of  The  bridge  was  constructed  of  boats  belonging 

the  bridge 

to  the  fleet,  strongly  secured  together  and  covered 
with  planks.     The  work  being  completed,  on  the 

jacent    Sinuessa,    a   town    about  and  still  less  with  that  of  Silius 

ten  miles  southeast  of  Minturnae.  Italicus, 

(Comp.  Livy,  lib.  22,  cap.  14,  and  "Liris       ....    qui  fonte  quieto 

Strabo,    lib.  5,    p.  233.)      2d.   The  Dissimulat  cursum,  et  nullo  mutabilis 

name  did  not  indicate  marshes   but        PersSft  tacitas  gemmanti  gurgite  ri- 
natural    hot   springs,   particularly  pas." 

noted  for  their  salubrity.     "  Salu-  Punica,  lib.  4. 

britate  harum  aquarum,"  says  Ta-  Indeed,  the  stream  exhibits  at  the 

citus  in  allusion  to  them  (Annales,  present  day  the  same  soft  and  tran- 

lib.   12),   and  Pliny  notices   their  quil  aspect  celebrated  by  the  Ro- 

medicinal  properties  more  explicit-  man  poets.     Its  natural  character, 

ly.    Hist.  Naturalis,  lib.  31,  cap.  2.  however,  was  entirely  changed  at 

21   This   does  not  accord   with  the    period    before   us,   in    conse- 

Horace's  character  of  the  Gariglia-  quence  of  the  unexampled  heavi- 

no,  the  ancient  Liris,  as  the  "  taci-  ness  and  duration  of  the  autumna. 

turnus  amnis,"  (Carm.  lib.  i.  30,)  rains. 


ARMIES    ON   THE    GARIGL1ANO. 

6th  of  November  the  army  advanced  upon  the  CHAPTER 
bridge,  supported  by  such  a  lively  cannonade  from  -  — — 
the  batteries  along  the  shore,  as  made  all  resistance 
on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  ineffectual.  The  im- 
petuosity with  which  the  French  rushed  forward 
was  such,  as  to  drive  back  the  advanced  guard  of 
their  enemy,  which,  giving  way  in  disorder,  retreated 
on  the  main  body.  Before  the  confusion  could  ex- 
tend further,  Gonsalvo,  mounted  d  la  gineta,  in  the 
manner  of  the  light  cavalry,  rode  through  the  broken 
ranks,  and  rallying  the  fugitives,  quickly  brought 
them  to  order.  Navarro  and  Andrada,  at  the  same 
time,  led  up  the  Spanish  infantry,  and  the  whole 
column  charging  furiously  against  the  French,  com- 
pelled them  to  falter,  and  at  length  to  fall  back  on 
the  bridge. 

The  struggle  now  became  desperate,  officers  and 
soldiers,  horse  and  foot,  mingling  together,  and 
fighting  hand  to  hand,  with  all  the  ferocity  kindled 
by  close  personal  combat.  Some  were  trodden  un- 
der the  feet  of  the  cavalry,  many  more  were  forced 
from  the  bridge,  and  the.  waters  of  the  Garigliang 
were  covered  with  men  and  horses,  borne  down  by 
the  current,  and  struggling  in  vain  to  gain  the  shore. 
It  was  a  contest  of  mere  bodily  strength  and  cour- 
age, in  which  skill  and  superior  tactics  were  of  little 
avail.  Among  those  who  most  distinguished  them- 
selves, the  name  of  the  noble  Italian,  Fabrizio  Colon- 
na,  is  particularly  mentioned.  An  heroic  action  is 
recorded  also  of  a  person  of  inferior  rank,  a  Spanish 
alfercz,  or  standard-bearer,  named  Illescas.  The 
right  hand  of  this  man  was  shot  away  by  a  cannon- 


ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      ball.     As  a  comrade  was  raising  up  the  fallen  colors, 
1L        the  gallant  ensign  resolutely  grasped  them,  exclaim- 
ing that  "  he  had  one  hand  still  left."    At  the  same 

o 

time,  muffling  a  scarf  round  the  bleeding  stump,  he 
took  his  place  in  the  ranks  as  before.  This  brave 
deed  did  not  go  unrewarded,  and  a  liberal  pension 
was  settled  on  him,  at  Gonsalvo's  instance. 

During  the  heat  of  the  melee,  the  guns  on  the 
French  shore  had  been  entirely  silent,  since  they 
could  not  be  worked  without  doing  as  much  mis- 
chief to  their  own  men  as  to  the  Spaniards,  with 
whom  they  were  closely  mingled.  But,  as  the 
French  gradually  recoiled  before  their  impetuous 
adversaries,  fresh  bodies  of  the  latter  rushing  for- 
ward to  support  their  advance  necessarily  exposed 
a  considerable  length  of  column  to  the  range  of  the 
French  guns,  which  opened  a  galling  fire  on  the 
further  extremity  of  the  bridge.  The  Spaniards, 
notwithstanding  "  they  threw  themselves  into  the 
face  of  the  cannon,"  as  the  marquis  of  Mantua 
exclaimed,  "  with  as  much  unconcern  as  if  their 
bodies  had  been  made  of  air  instead  of  flesh  and 
blood,"  found  themselves  so  much  distressed  by  this 
terrible  fire,  that  they  were  compelled  to  fall  back  ; 
and  the  van,  thus  left  without  support,  at  length 
retreated  in  turn,  abandoning  the  bridge  to  the 
enemy.22 

22  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  22.— 

MS.,  cap.  188.  —  Abarca,   Reyes  Machiavelli,   Legazione   Prima    a 

deAragon,tom.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  14.  Roma,  let.  11,  Nov.  10.  — let.  16 

—  Garibay,  Compendio, torn.  ii. lib.  Nov.  13.— let.  17.  —  Chr6nica  de. 

19,  cap,  16.  —  Pe'er  Martyr,  Opus  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  2,  cap.  106.- 

Epist.,  epist.  269. —  Giovio,  Vitas  Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  * 

Illust.  Virorum,  fol.  262-264. —  pp.  440,  441. 


ARMIES    ON   THE   GARIGLIANO.  127 

This  action  was  one  of  the  severest  which  occur-    CHAPTER 

XIV 

red   in  these   wars.     Don  Hugo  de  Moncada,  the  - 
veteran  of  many  a  fight  by  land  and  sea,  told  Paolo  resume  ^^ 

<f  J  quarters. 

Giovio,  that  "  he  had  never  felt  himself  in  such 
imminent  peril  in  any  of  his  battles,  as  in  this."  *3 
The  French,  notwithstanding  they  remained  mas- 
ters of  the  contested  bridge,  had  met  with  a  resist- 
ance, which  greatly  discouraged  them ;  and,  instead 
of  attempting  to  push  their  success  further,  retired 
that  same  evening  to  their  quarters  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  The  tempestuous  weather,  which 
continued  with  unabated  fury,  had  now  broken  up 
the  roads,  and  converted  the  soil  into  a  morass, 
nearly  impracticable  for  the  movements  of  horse, 
and  quite  so  for  those  of  artillery,  on  which  the 
French  chiefly  relied ;  while  it  interposed  compara- 
tively slight  obstacles  to  the  manoeuvres  of  infantry, 
which  constituted  the  strength  of  the  Spaniards 
From  a  consideration  of  these  circumstances,  the 
French  commander  resolved  not  to  resume  active 
operations,  till  a  change  of  weather,  by  restoring 
the  roads,  should  enable  him  to  do  so  with  advan- 
tage. Meanwhile  he  constructed  a  redoubt  on  the 
Spanish  extremity  of  the  bridge,  and  threw  a  body 
of  troops  into  it,  in  order  to  command  the  pass, 
whenever  he  should  be  disposed  to  use  it.24 

While   the   hostile   armies   thus   lay  facing   each  AencVa"J^6of 
other,  the  eyes  of  all  Italy  were  turned  to  them,  in  Italy' 

33  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  lust.  Virorum,  fol.  262.  —  Machia- 
fo!   264.  velli,  Legazione  Prima  a  Roma,  let. 

34  Guieciardini,  Istoria,  lib.   6,  29. — Gamier,   Hist,   de   France, 
pp.    327,   328.  —  Giovio,  Vitae  II-  torn.  v.  pp.  443 -445. 


ITALIAN    WAKo. 

PART  anxious  expectation  of  a  battle,  which  should  finally 
decide  the  fate  of  Naples.  Expresses  were  daily 
despatched  from  the  French  camp  to  Rome,  whence 
the  ministers  of  the  different  European  powers 
transmitted  the  tidings  to  their  respective  govern- 
ments. Machiavelli  represented  at  that  time  the 
Florentine  republic  at  the  papal  court,  and  his  cor- 
respondence teems  with  as  many  floating  rumors 
and  speculations  as  a  modern  gazette.  There  were 
many  French  residents  in  the  city,  with  whom  the 
minister  was  personally  acquainted.  He  frequently 
notices  their  opinions  on  the  progress  of  the  war, 
which  they  regarded  with  the  most  sanguine  confi- 
dence, as  sure  to  result  in  the  triumph  of  their  own 
arms,  when  once  fairly  brought  into  collision  with 
the  enemy.  The  calmer  and  more  penetrating  eye 
of  the  Florentine  discerns  symptoms  in  the  condi- 
tion of  the  two  armies  of  quite  a  different  ten- 
dency.25 

Strengthens  ^  seemed  now  obvious,  that  victory  must  declare 
for  that  party  which  could  best  endure  the  hard- 
ships and  privations  of  its  present  situation.  The 
local  position  of  the  Spaniards  was  far  more  unfa- 
vorable than  that  of  the  enemy.  The  Great  Cap- 
tain, soon  after  the  affair  of  the  bridge,  had  drawn 
off  his  forces  to  a  rising  ground  about  a  mile  from 

25  Legazione  Prima  a  Roma,  let.  give  20,000  ducats,  if  he  could  meet 

9,  10,  18.  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  in  the  plains 

The   French  showed   the  same  of  Viterbo  ;"  the  Spaniard  smartly 

confidence  from  the   beginning  of  replied,    "Nemours    would    have 

hostilities.    One  of  that  nation  hav-  given  twice  as  much  not  to  have 

ing  told  Suarez,  the  Castilian  min-  met  him   at   Cerignola."     Zurita, 

ister  at  Venice,  that  the  marshal  Anales,  torn   v   lib.  5,  cap.  36. 
de  la  Tremouille  said,  "  He  would 


ARMIES    ON  THE   GARIGLIANO. 

the  river,  which  was  crowned  by  the  little  hamlet  CHAPTER 

of  Cintura,  and  commanded  the  route  to  Naples.  . 

In  front  of  his  camp  he  sunk  a  deep  trench,  which, 
in  the  saturated  soil,  speedily  filled  with  water ; 
arid  he  garnished  it  at  each  extremity  with  a  strong 
redoubt.  Thus  securely  intrenched,  he  resolved 
patiently  to  await  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 

The  situation  of  the  army,  in  the  mean  time,  was  Great  di«- 

<f  '  tress  of  the 

indeed  deplorable.  Those  who  occupied  the  lower  anny* 
level  were  up  to  their  knees  in  mud  and  water ;  for 
the  excessive  rains,  and  the  inundation  of  the  Ga- 
rigliano  had  converted  the  whole  country  into  a 
mere  quagmire,  or  rather  standing  pool.  The  only 
way  in  which  the  men  could  secure  themselves  was 
by  covering  the  earth  as  far  as  possible  with  boughs 
and  bundles  of  twigs ;  and  it  was  altogether  uncer- 
tain how  long  even  this  expedient  would  serve 
against  the  encroaching  element.  Those  on  the 
higher  grounds  were  scarcely  in  better  plight.  The 
driving  storms  of  sleet  and  rain,  which  had  con- 
tinued for  several  weeks  without  intermission,  found 
their  way  into  every  crevice  of  the  flimsy  tents  and 
crazy  hovels,  thatched  only  with  branches  of  trees, 
which  afforded  a  temporary  shelter  to  the  troops. 
In  addition  to  these  evils,  the  soldiers  were  badly 
fed,  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  resources  in  the 
waste  and  depopulated  regions  in  which  they  were 
quartered,5"  and  badly  paid,  from  the  negligence,  or 

26  This  barren  tract  of  uninhah-  Sessa,  the  Massican  mountain,  and 

ited   country   must   have   been  of  Falernian   fields, —  names,   which 

very  limited  extent;  for  it  lay  in  c.iil  up  associations,  that  must  live 

the  Campania  Felix,  in  the  n<%.'i-  while  good  poetry  and  good  wine 

bourhood  of  the  cultivated  plains  of  shall  be  held  in  honor. 
VOL.  III.                          17 


130 


PART 
II. 


Gonsalvo's 
resolution. 


Remarkable 
inatance 
of  it. 


ITALIAN   WARS. 

perhaps  poverty,  of  King  Ferdinand,  whose  in-4 
adequate  remittances  to  his  general  exposed  him, 
among  many  other  embarrassments,  to  the  imminent 
hazard  of  disaffection  among  the  soldiery,  especially 
the  foreign  mercenaries,  which  nothing,  indeed, 
but  the  most  delicate  and  judicious  conduct  on  his 
part  could  have  averted.27 

In  this  difficult  crisis,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  re- 
lained  all  his  usual  equanimity,  and  even  the  cheer- 
fulness, so  indispensable  in  a  leader  who  would 
infuse  heart  into  his  followers.  He  entered  freely 
into  the  disti esses  and  personal  feelings  of  his  men, 
and,  instead  of  assuming  any  exemption  from  fa- 
tigue or  suffering  on  the  score  of  his  rank,  took  his 
turn  in  the  humblest  tour  of  duty  with  the  meanest 
of  them,  mounting  guard  himself,  it  is  said,  on 
more  than  one  occasion.  Above  all,  he  displayed 
that  inflexible  constancy,  which  enables  the  strong 
mind  in  the  hour  of  darkness  and  peril  to  buoy  up 
the  sinking  spirits  around  it.  A  remarkable  in- 
stance of  this  fixedness  of  purpose  occurred  at  this 
**me. 

The  forlorn  condition  of  the  army,  and  the  in- 
definite prospect  of  its  continuance,  raised  a  natural 
apprehension  in  many  of  the  officers,  that,  if  it  did 
not  provoke  some  open  act  of  mutiny,  it  would  in 
all  probability  break  down  the  spirits  and  constitu- 


27  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia, 
torn.  ii.  Hi).  28,  cap.  5.  — Guicciar- 
dini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  6,  p.  328. 
—  Machiavelli,  Legazione  Prima  a 
Roma,  let.  44.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di 
Carlo  V.,  fol.  22.— Chr6nira  del 
Gran  Capitan,  cap.  107,  108  - 


The  Neapolitan  conquests,  it  will 
be  remembered,  were  undertaken 
exclusively  for  the  crown  of  Ara- 
gon,  the  revenues  of  which  were 
far  more  limited  than  those  of  Cas- 
tile. 


ARMIES   ON  THE   GAR1GLIANO. 

tion  of  the  soldiers.     Several  of  them,  therefore,    CHA.PTEP 

XIV. 

among  the   rest  Mendoza   and  the  two  Colonnas,  '- — 

waited  on  the  commander-in-chief,  and,  after  stat- 
ing their  fears  without  reserve,  besought  him  to 
remove  the  camp  to  Capua,  where  the  troops  might 
find  healthy  and  commodious  quarters,  at  least  until 
the  severity  of  the  season  was  mitigated  ;  before 
which,  they  insisted,  there  was  no  reason  to  an- 
ticipate any  movement  on  the  part  of  the  French. 
But  Gonsalvo  felt  too  deeply  the  importance  of 
grappling  with  the  enemy,  before  they  should  gain 
the  open  country,  to  be  willing  to  trust  to  any  such 
precarious  contingency.  Besides,  he  distrusted  the 
effect  of  such  a  retrograde  movement  on  the  spirits 
of  his  own  troops.  He  had  decided  on  his  course 
after  the  most  mature  deliberation ;  and,  having 
patiently  heard  his  officers  to  the  end,  replied  in 
these  few  but  memorable  words ;  "  It  is  indispen- 
sable to  the  public  service  to  maintain  our  present 
position  ;  and  be  assured,  I  would  sooner  march 
forward  two  steps,  though  it  should  bring  me  to  my 
grave,  than  fall  back  one, to  gain  a  hundred  years." 
The  decided  tone  of  the  reply,  relieved  him  from 
further  importunity.28 

There  is  no  act  of  Gonsalvo's  life,  which  on  the 
whole  displays  more  strikingly  the  strength  of  his 
character.  When  thus  witnessing  his  faithful  fol- 
lowers drooping  and  dying  around  him,  with  the 
consciousness  that  a  word  could  relieve  them  from 

»  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  19,  cap.  16.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria, 

MS.,   cap.    188.  —  Chr6nica    del  lib.    6,  p.  328.  —  Zunta,  Anales 

Gran  Capitan,  lib.  2,  cap.  108.  —  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  58. 
Saribay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.  lib. 


132  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART      all  their  distresses,  he  jet  refrained  from  uttering 
-  it,  in  stern  obedience  to  what  he  regarded  as  the 
call  of  duty  ;  and  this,  too,  on  his  own  responsibil- 
ity, in  opposition  to  the  remonstrances  of  those  on 
whose  judgment  he  most  relied. 

patience  of  Gonsalvo  confided  in  the  prudence,  sobriety,  and 
uJd3pa'  excellent  constitution  of  the  Spaniards,  for  resisting 
the  bad  effects  of  the  climate.  He  relied  too  on 
their  tried  discipline,  and  their  devotion  to  himself, 
for  carrying  them  through  any  sacrifice  he  should 
demand  of  them.  His  experience  at  Barleta  led 
him  to  anticipate  results  of  a  very  opposite  charac- 
ter with  the  French  troops.  The  event  justified 
his  conclusions  in  both  respects. 

The  French,  as  already  noticed,  occupied  higher 
and  more  healthy  ground,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Garigliano,  than  their  rivals.  They  were  fortunate 
enough  also  to  find  more  effectual  protection  from 
the  weather  in  the  remains  of  a  spacious  amphi- 
theatre, and  some  other  edifices,  which  still  covered 
the  site  of  Minturnse.  With  all  this,  however,  they 
suffered  more  severely  from  the  inclement  season 
than  their  robust  adversaries.  Numbers  daily  sick- 
ened and  died.  They  were  much  straitened,  more- 
over, from  want  of  provisions,  through  the  knavish 
peculations  of  the  commissaries,  who  had  charge 
of  the  magazines  in  Rome.  Thus  situated,  the 
fiery  spirits  of  the  French  soldiery,  eager  for  prompt 
and  decisive  action,  and  impatient  of  delay,  gradu- 
ally sunk  under  the  protracted  miseries  of  a  war, 
where  the  elements  were  the  principal  enemy,  and 
where  they  saw  themselves  melting  away  like  slaves 


ARMIES  ON  THE  GARIGLIANO.  133 

in  a  prison-ship,  without  even  the  chance  of  win-  CHAPTER 
ning  an  honorable  death  on  the  field  of  battle.89 

The  discontent  occasioned  by  these  circumstan- 
ces was  further  swelled  by  the  imperfect  success, 
which  had  attended  their  efforts,  when  allowed  to 
measure  weapons  with  the  enemy. 


At  length  the  latent  mass  of  disaffection  found  Their  i 

ordination 

an  object  on  which  to  vent  itself,  in  the  person  of 
their  commander-in-chief,  the  marquis  of  Mantua, 
never  popular  with  the  French  soldiers.  They  now 
loudly  taxed  him  with  imbecility,  accused  him  of  a 
secret  understanding  with  the  enemy,  and  loaded 
him  with  the  opprobrious  epithets  with  which  Trans- 
alpine insolence  was  accustomed  to  stigmatize  the 
Italians.  In  all  this,  they  were  secretly  supported 
by  Ives  d'Allegre,  Sandricourt,  and  other  French 
officers,  who  had  always  regarded  with  dissatisfac- 
tion the  elevation  of  the  Italian  general  ;  till  at 
length  the  latter,  finding  that  he  had  influence 
with  neither  officers  nor  soldiers,  and  unwilling  to 
retain  command  where  he  had  lost  authority,  avail- 
ed himself  of  a  temporary  illness,  under  which  he 
was  laboring,  to  throw  up  his  commission,  and 
withdrew  abruptly  to  his  own  estates* 

He   was  succeeded   by  the  marquis  of  Saluzzo,  ^^e 
an  Italian,  indeed,  by  birth,  being  a  native  of  Pied-   commmd' 
mont,  but  who  had  long  served  under  the  French 
banners,  where  he  had  been  intrusted  by  Louis  the 


29  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsal-  Buonaccorsi,    Diario,    fol.    85.  — 

vi,   fol.   265.  — Gamier,   Hist,  de  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  22.  — 

.France,  torn.  v.  p.  445. — Zurita,  Varillas,    Hist,    de     Louis    XII., 

Ajiales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  59.  —  torn.  i.  pp.  401,  402. 


134  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      Twelfth  with  very  important  commands.  He  was  not 

l- deficient  in  energy  of  character,  or  military  science. 

But  it  required  powers  of  a  higher  order  than  his 
to  bring  the  army  under  subordination,  and  renew 
its  confidence  under  present  circumstances.  The 
Italians,  disgusted  with  the  treatment  of  their  for- 
mer chief,  deserted  in  great  numbers.  The  great 
body  of  the  French  chivalry,  impatient  of  their 
present  unhealthy  position,  dispersed  among  the 
adjacent  cities  of  Fondi,  Itri,  and  Gaeta,  leaving 
the  low  country  around  the  Tower  of  the  Garigli- 
ano  to  the  care  of  the  Swiss  and  German  infantry. 
Thus,  while  the  whole  Spanish  army  lay  within  a 
mile  of  the  river,  under  the  immediate  eye  of  their 
commander,  prepared  for  instant  service,  the  French 
were  scattered  over  a  country  more  than  ten  miles 
in  extent,  where,  without  regard  to  military  disci- 
pline, they  sought  to  relieve  the  dreary  monotony 
of  a  camp,  by  all  the  relaxations  which  such  com- 
fortable quarters  could  afford.30 
Heroism  or  It  must  not  be  supposed,  that  the  repose  of  the 

Paredea  and 

two  armies  was  never  broken  by  the  sounds  of  wai 
More  than  one  rencontre,  on  the  contrary,  with  va- 
rious fortune,  took  place,  and  more  than  one  display 
of  personal  prowess  by  the  knights  of  the  two  na- 
tions, as  formerly  at  the  siege  of  Barleta.  The 
Spaniards  made  two  unsuccessful  efforts  to  burn 
the  enemy's  bridge;  but  they  succeeded,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  carrying  the  strong  fortress  of  Rocca 

30  Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  p.  329.  —  Machiavelh,   Legazione 

v.  pp.    440-443.— Giovio,  Vitae  Prima    a    Roma,    let.   44.  —  St. 

Illust.  Virorum,  fpl.   264,  265.—  Gelais,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII.,  pp. 

Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  6,  173,   174. 


ARMIES   ON  THE   GARIGLIANO.  135 


XIV. 


Guglielma,  garrisoned  by  the  French.  Among  the  CHAPTER 
feats  of  individual  heroism,  the  Castilian  writers 
expatiate  most  complacently  on  that  of  their  favor- 
ite cavalier,  Diego  de  Paredes,  who  descended 
alone  on  the  bridge  against  a  body  of  French 
knights,  all  armed  in  proof,  with  a  desperate  hardi- 
hood worthy  of  Don  Quixote ;  and  would  most 
probably  have  shared  the  usual  fate  of  that  re- 
nowned personage  on  such  occasions,  had  he  not 
been  rescued  by  a  sally  of  his  own  countrymen. 
The  French  find  a  counterpart  to  this  adventure  in 
that  of  the  preux  chevalier  Bayard,  who,  with  his 
single  arm  maintained  the  barriers  of  the  bridge 
against  two  hundred  Spaniards,  for  an  hour  or 
more. 31 

Such  feats,  indeed,  are  more  easily  achieved 
with  the  pen  than  with  the  sword.  It  would  be 
injustice,  however,  to  the  honest  chronicler  of  the 
day  to  suppose  that  he  did  not  himself  fully 

"  Believe  the  magic  wonders  that  he  sung." 

Every  heart  confessed  the  influence  of  a  romantic 
age,  —  the  dying  age,  indeed,  of  chivalry,  —  but 
when,  with  superior  refinement,  it  had  lost  nothing 
of  the  enthusiasm  and  exaltation  of  its  prime.  A 
shadowy  twilight  of  romance  enveloped  every  ob- 
ject. Every  day  gave  birth  to  such  extravagances, 
not  merely  of  sentiment,  but  of  action,  as  made  it 
difficult  to  discern  the  precise  boundaries  of  fact 

31   Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  torn.  i.  p.  417. — Quintana,  Espano- 

lib.   2,   cap.    106.  — Memoires  de  les  Celebres,  torn.  i.  pp.  288-290. 

Bayard,   chap.   25,   apud   Petitot,  — Machiavelli,  Legazione  Prima  a 

Collection  des  Memoires,  torn.  xv.  Roma,  let.  39,  44. 
— -Varillas,  Hist,   de  Louis   XII., 


136  ITALIAN    WARS 

PART      and  fiction.     The  chronicler  might  innocently  en- 

! croach  sometimes  on  the  province  of  the  poet,  and 

the  poet  occasionally  draw  the  theme  of  his  visions 
from  the  pages  of  the  chronicler.  Such,  in  fact, 
was  the  case ;  and  the  romantic  Muse  of  Italy, 
then  coming  forth  in  her  glory,  did  little  more  than 
give  a  brighter  flush  of  color  to  the  chimeras  of 
real  life.  The  characters  of  living  heroes,  a  Bayard, 
a  Paredes,  and  a  La  Palice,  readily  supplied  her 
with  the  elements  of  those  ideal  combinations,  in 
which  she  has  so  gracefully  embodied  the  perfec- 
tions of  chivalry.82 

32   Compare  the  prose  roman-  ones  of  Ariosto,  Berni,  and    the 

ces  of  D'Auton,   of  the    "  loyal  like. 

serviteur"    of    Bayard,    and    the  " Magnanima  menzogna !  or  quando  4 

no   less  loyal  biographer  of    the  Hvero 

Great  Captain,    with     the    poetic  81  bello,  che  si  p088«  a  te  preporre  ? 


CHAPTER   XV. 


Orsini 


ITALIAN  WARS.  — ROUT  OF    THE  GARIGLIANO.  — TREATY  WITH 
FRANCE.  — GONSALVO'S  MILITARY  CONDUCT. 


1503,  1504. 

Gonsalvo  crosses  the  River.  —  Consternation  of  the  French.  —  Action 
near  Gaeta.  —  Hotly  contested.  —  The  French  defeated.  —  Gaeta  sur- 
renders. —  Public  Enthusiasm.  —  Treaty  with  France.  —  Review  of 
Gonsalvo's  Military  Conduct.  —  Results  of  the  Campaign. 

SEVEN  weeks  had  now  elapsed,  since  the  two  CHAPTER 
armies  had  lain  in  sight  of  each  other  without  any 
decided  movement  on  either  side.  During  this  culSfthe 
time,  the  Great  Captain  had  made  repeated  efforts 
to  strengthen  himself,  through  the  intervention  of 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  Francisco  de  Rojas,1  by 
reinforcements  from  Rome.  His  negotiations  were 
chiefly  directed  to  secure  the  alliance  of  the  Orsini, 
a  powerful  family,  long  involved  in  a  bitter  feud 
with  the  Colonnas,  then  in  the  Spanish  service.  A 
reconciliation  between  these  noble  houses  was  at 
length  happily  effected  ;  and  Bartolomeo  d'  Alviano, 
the  head  of  the  Orsini,  agreed  to  enlist  under 

1  He  succeeded  Garcilasso  de  la  nombre  notados  por  valerosos  ca- 

Vega  at  the  court  of  Rome.  Ovie-  balleros  y  valientes   milites  como 

do  says,  in  reference  to  the  illus-  deste  nombre  de   Rojas."      Quin- 

trious  house  of  Rojas,  "  En  todas  cuagenas,   MS.,  bat.   1,  quinc.  2, 

las  hislorias  de  Espafia  no  se  hallan  dial.  8. 
tantos  caballeros  de   un   linage  y 

VOL.   III.  18 


138  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART  the  Spanish  commander  with  three  thousand  men. 
"'  This  arrangement  was  finally  brought  about  through 
the  good  offices  of  the  Venetian  minister  at  Rome, 
who  even  advanced  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
towards  the  payment  of  the  new  levies.2 
M«imM  the  The  appearance  of  this  corps,  with  one  of  the 
most  able  and  valiant  of  the  Italian  captains  at  its 
head,  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  camp. 
Soon  after  his  arrival,  Alviano  strongly  urged  Gon- 
salvo  to  abandon  his  original  plan  of  operations,  and 
avail  himself  of  his  augmented  strength  to  attack 
the  enemy  in  his  own  quarters.  The  Spanish  com- 
mander had  intended  to  confine  himself  wholly  to 
the  defensive,  and,  too  unequal  in  force  to  meet  the 
French  in  the  open  field,  as  before  noticed,  had 
intrenched  himself  in  his  present  strong  position, 
with  the  fixed  purpose  of  awaiting  the  enemy  there. 
Circumstances  had  now  greatly  changed.  The 
original  inequality  was  diminished  by  the  arrival  of 
the  Italian  levies,  and  still  further  compensated  by 
the  present  disorderly  state  of  the  French  army. 
He  knew,  moreover,  that  in  the  most  perilous  en- 
terprises, the  assailing  party  gathers  an  enthusiasm 
and  an  impetus  in  its  career,  which  counterbalance 
large  numerical  odds ;  while  the  party  taken  by  sur 
prise  is  proportionably  disconcerted,  and  prepared, 
as  it  were,  for  defeat  before  a  blow  is  struck. 
From  these  considerations,  the  cautious  general 
acquiesced  in  Alviano's  project  to  cross  the  Gari- 

2  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espana,  torn.  48,  57.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara- 

li.  lib.  28,  cap.  5.  —  Guicciardini,  gon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  14,  sec. 

Istoria,  lib.  6,  pp.  319,  320.  —  Zu-  4,  5.  — Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise.  torn 

rita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  iii.  pp.  364,  365. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  139 

gliano,  bj  establishing  a  bridge  at  a  point  opposite   CUAPTEB 

Suzio,  a  small  place  garrisoned  by  the  French,  on - — 

the  right  bank,  about  four  miles  above  their  head- 
quarters. The  time  for  the  attack  was  fixed  as  soon 
as  possible  after  the  approaching  Christmas,  when 
the  French,  occupied  with  the  festivities  of  the 
season,  might  be  thrown  off  their  guard.8 

This  day  of  general  rejoicing  to  the  Christian 
world  at  length  arrived.  It  brought  little  joy  to 
the  Spaniards,  buried  in  the  depths  of  these  dreary 
morasses,  destitute  of  most  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
and  with  scarcely  any  other  means  of  resisting  the 
climate,  than  those  afforded  by  their  iron  constitu- 
tions and  invincible  courage.  They  celebrated  the 
day,  however,  with  all  the  devotional  feeling,  and 
the  imposing  solemnities,  with  which  it  is  commem- 
orated by  the  Roman  Catholic  church ;  and  the 
exercises  of  religion,  rendered  more  impressive  by 
their  situation,  served  to  exalt  still  higher  the  heroic 
constancy,  which  had  sustained  them  under  such 
unparalleled  sufferings. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  materials  for  the  bridge  pianofat 
were  collected,  and  the  work  went  forward  with 
such  despatch,  that  on  the  28th  of  December  all 
was  in  readiness  for  carrying  the  plan  of  attack  into 
execution.  The  task  of  laying  the  bridge  across 
the  river  was  intrusted  to  Alviano,  who  had  charge 
of  the  van.  The  central  and  main  division  of  the 
army  under  Gonsalvo  was  to  cross  at  the  same 

3  Giovio,  VitaR  Tllust.  Virorum,  toria,  torn.  i.  lib.  6,  pp.  329,  330. 
pp.  267,  268. —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Car-  — Machiavelli,  Legazione  Prima  a 
lo  V.,  fol.  22.  —  Guicciardini,  Is-  Roma,  let.  36. 


(40  ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART      point ;  while  Andrada  at  the  head  of  the  rear-guard 

"' was  to  force  a  passage  at  the  old   bridge,  lower 

down  the  stream,  opposite   to  the  Tower  of  the 
Garigliano.4 

The  night  was  dark  and  stormy.  Alviano  per- 
formed the  duty  intrusted  to  him  with  such  silence 
and  celerity,  that  the  work  was  completed  without 
attracting  the  enemy's  notice.  He  then  crossed 
over  with  the  van-guard,  consisting  chiefly  of  cavalry, 
supported  by  Navarro,  Paredes,  and  Pizarro  ;  and, 
falling  on  the  sleeping  garrison  of  Suzio,  cut  to 
pieces  all  who  offered  resistance. 

SoHfthe  ^e  rePort  °^  *he  Spaniards  having  passed  the 
river  spread  far  and  wide,  and  soon  reached  the 
head-quarters  of  the  marquis  of  Saluzzo,  near  the 
Tower  of  the  Garigliano.  The  French  commander- 
in-chief,  who  believed  that  the  Spaniards  were  lying 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  as  torpid  as  the  snakes 
in  their  own  marshes,  was  as  much  astounded  by 
the  event,  as  if  a  thunderbolt  had  burst  over  his 
head  from  a  cloudless  sky.  He  lost  no  time,  how- 
ever, in  rallying  such  of  his  scattered  forces  as  he 
could  assemble,  and  in  the  mean  while  despatched 
Ives  d'Allegre  with  a  body  of  horse  to  hold  the 
enemy  in  check,  till  he  could  make  good  his  own 
retreat  on  Gaeta.  His  first  step  was  to  demolish 
the  bridge  near  his  own  quarters,  cutting  the  moor- 
ings of  the  boats  and  turning  them  adrift  down  the 

4  Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  60. 

2,   cap.   110.  —  Bernaldez,   Reyes  — Peter    Martyr,     Opus     Epist., 

Cat61icos,  MS.,  cap.  189.—  Gio-  epist.  270.  —  Buonaccorsi,  Diario 

vio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  lib.  3,  p.  84. 
fol.  266.  —  Zurita,  Historia  del  Rey 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  14 1 

river.     He  abandoned  his  tents  and  baggage,  to-   CHAPTER 

XV. 

gether  with  nine  of  his  heaviest  cannon  ;   leaving  '- — 

even  the  sick  and  wounded  to  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy,  rather  than  encumber  himself  with  any 
thing  that  should  retard  his  march.  The  remainder 
of  the  artillery  he  sent  forward  in  the  van.  The 
infantry  followed  next,  and  the  rear,  in  which  Sa- 
luzzo  took  his  own  station,  was  brought  up  by  the 
men-at-arms,  to  cover  the  retreat. 

Before  Allegre  could  reach  Suzio,  the  whole  Span-  Theyretrem 

on  Gaeta 

ish  army  had  passed  the  Garigliano,  and  formed  on 
the  right  bank.  Unable  to  face  such  superior  num- 
bers, he  fell  back  with  precipitation,  and  joined 
himself  to  the  main  body  of  the  French,  now  in  full 
retreat  on  Gaeta. 5 

Gonsalvo,  afraid  the  French  might  escape  him, 
sent  forward  Prospero  Colonna,  with  a  corps  of 
light  horse,  to  annoy  and  retard  their  march  until 
he  could  come  up.  Keeping  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  with  the  main  body,  he  marched  rapidly 
through  the  deserted  camp  of  the  enemy,  leaving 
little  leisure  for  his  men  to  glean  the  rich  spoil, 
which  lay  tempting  them  on  every  side.  It  was 
not  long  before  he  came  up  with  the  French,  whose 
movements  were  greatly  retarded  by  the  difficulty 
of  dragging  their  guns  over  the  ground  completely 

5  Bernaldez,    Reyes    Catolicos,  lib.  2,  cap.  110.  —  Abarca,  Reyes 

MS.,  cap.   189.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  14 

Carlo  V.,  fol.  22,  23. — Guicciar-  sec.  6.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn,  v 

dini,   Istoria,    p.   330. —  Gamier,  lib.  5,  cap.  60.  —  Senarega,   apud 

Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  pp.  448,  Muratori,  Rerum  Ital.  Script.,  torn. 

449.  —  Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  xxiv.  p.  579. 


142  ITALIAN   WARS 

PART  saturated  with  rain.  The  retreat  was  conducted, 
however,  in  excellent  order ;  they  were  eminently 
favored  by  the  narrowness  of  the  road,  which,  allow 
ing  but  a  comparatively  small  body  of  troops  on 
either  side  to  come  into  action,  made  success  chiefly 
depend  on  the  relative  merits  of  these.  The  French 
rear,  as  already  stated,  was  made  up  of  their  men- 
at-arms,  including  Bayard,  Sandricourt,  La  Fayette, 
and  others  of  their  bravest  chivalry,  who,  armed  at 
all  points,  found  no  great  difficulty  in  beating  off 
the  light  troops  which  formed  the  advance  of  the 
Spaniards.  At  every  bridge,  stream,  and  narrow 
pass,  which  afforded  a  favorable  position,  the  French 
cavalry  closed  their  ranks,  and  made  a  resolute 
stand  to  gain  time  for  the  columns  in  advance. 
thcebridgeof  ^n  tn's  waJ>  alternately  halting  and  retreating, 
with  perpetual  skirmishes,  though  without  much 
loss  on  either  side,  they  reached  the  bridge  before 
Mola  di  Gaeta.  Here,  some  of  the  gun-carriages, 
breaking  down  or  being  overturned,  occasioned 
considerable  delay  and  confusion.  The  infantry 
pressing  on,  became  entangled  with  the  artillery. 
The  marquis  of  Saluzzo  endeavoured  to  avail  him- 
self of  the  strong  position  afforded  by  the  bridge  to 
restore  order.  A  desperate  struggle  ensued.  >  The 
French  knights  dashed  boldly  into  the  Spanish 
ranks,  driving  back  for  a  time  the  tide  of  pursuit. 
The  chevalier  Bayard,  who  was  seen  as  usual  in 
the  front  of  danger,  had  three  horses  killed  under 
him  ;  and,  at  length,  carried  forward  by  his  ardor 
into  the  thickest  of  the  enemy,  was  retrieved  with 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES. 

difficulty  from  their  hands  by  a  desperate  charge  of    CHAPTER 
his  friend  Sandricourt.6 

The  Spaniards,  shaken  by  the  violence  of  the  Hotiy  con- 
assault,  seemed  for  a  moment  to  hesitate  ;  but  Gon- 
salvo  had  now  time  to  bring  up  his  men-at-arms, 
who  sustained  the  faltering  columns,  and  renewed 
the  combat  on  more  equal  terms.  He  himself  was 
in  the  hottest  of  the  melee  ;  and  at  one  time  was 
exposed  to  imminent  hazard  by  his  horse's  losing 
his  footing  on  the  slippery  soil,  and  coming  with 
him  to  the  ground.  The  general  fortunately  expe- 
rienced no  injury,  and,  quickly  recovering  himself, 
continued  to  animate  his  followers  by  his  voice  and 
intrepid  bearing,  as  before. 

The  fight  had  now  lasted  two  hours.  The 
Spaniards,  although  still  in  excellent  heart,  were 
faint  with  fatigue  and  want  of  food,  having  trav- 
elled six  leagues,  without  breaking  their  fast  since 
the  preceding  evening.  It  was,  therefore,  with  no 
little  anxiety,  that  Gonsalvo  looked  for  the  coming 
up  of  his  rear-guard,  left,  as  the  reader  will  remem- 
ber, under  Andrada  at  the  lower  bridge,  to  decide 
the  fortune  of  the  day. 

The  welcome  spectacle   at   length  presented  it-  Arrival « 
self.     The    dark    columns  of  the    Spaniards  were  ««*• 
seen,  at  first  faint  in  the  distance,  by  degrees  grow- 
ing more  and  more  distinct  to  the  eye.     Andrada 

6   Guicciardini,   Istoria,    lib.   6,  mirato,  Istorie  Florentine,  torn.  iii. 

pp.  330,  331.  —  Gamier,  Hist,  de  lib.  28,  p.  273.  —  Summonte,  Hist. 

France,   torn.  v.  pp.  449-451.  —  di  Napoli,  torn.  iii.  p.  555.  —  Buo- 

ChrAnica   del   Gran    Capitan,   ubi  naccorsi.    Diario,    pp.    84,   85.  — 

Bupra.  —  Varillas,  Hist,  de  Louis  Giovio,  Vitae  Magni  Gonsalvi,  fol. 

XII.,  torn.  i.  pp.  416- 418. —  Am-  268. 


J44  ITALIAN  WARS. 


PART 
II. 


had  easily  carried  the  French  redoubt  on  has  iidti 
of  the  Garigliano ;  but  it  was  not  without  difficulty 
and  delay,  that  he  recovered  the  scattered  boats 
which  the  French  had  set  adrift  down  the  stream, 
and  finally  succeeded  in  reestablishing  his  commu- 
nications with  the  opposite  bank.  Having  accom- 
plished this,  he  rapidly  advanced  by  a  more  direct 
road,  to  the  east  of  that  lately  traversed  by  Gon- 
salvo  along  the  sea-side,  ID  pursuit  of  the  French. 
The  latter  beheld  with  dismay  the  arrival  of  this 
fresh  body  of  troops,  who  seemed  to  have  dropped 
from  the  clouds  on  the  field  of  battle.  They 
scarcely  waited  for  the  shock  before  they  broke, 
and  gave  way  in  all  directions.  The  disabled  car- 
riages of  the  artillery,  which  clogged  up  the  avenues 
in  the  rear,  increased  the  confusion  among  the  fugi- 
tives, and  the  foot  were  trampled  down  without 
mercy  under  the  heels  of  their  own  cavalry,  in  the 
eagerness  of  the  latter  to  extricate  themselves  from 
their  perilous  situation.  The  Spanish  light  horse 
followed  up  their  advantage  with  the  alacrity  of 
vengeance  long  delayed,  inflicting  bloody  retribu- 
tion for  all  they  had  so  long  suffered  in  the  marshes 
of  Sessa. 
The  French  At  no  great  distance  from  the  bridge  the  road 

routed. 

takes  two  directions,  the  one  towards  Itri,  the  other 
to  Gaeta.  The  bewildered  fugitives  here  separat- 
ed; by  far  the  greater  part  keeping  the  latter  route. 
Gonsalvo  sent  forward  a  body  of  horse  under  Na- 
varro  and  Pedro  de  la  Paz,  by  a  short  cut  across 
the  country,  to.  intercept  theJr  flight.  A  large 
.  number  fell  into  his  hands  in  consequence  of  this 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  1  45 

manoeuvre;    but   the   greater   part  of    those    who   CHAPTER 


escaped   the  sword   succeeded  in   throwing  them- 
selves  into  Gaeta.7 

The  Great  Captain  took  up  his  quarters  that 
night  in  the  neighbouring  village  of  Castellone. 
His  brave  followers  had  great  need  of  refreshment, 
having  fasted  and  fought  through  the  whole  day, 
and  that  under  a  driving  storm  of  rain  which  had 
not  ceased  fcr  a  moment.  Thus  terminated  the 
battle,  or  rout,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  of  the  Ga- 
rigliano,  the  most  important  in  its  results  of  all 
Gonsalvo's  victories,  and  furnishing  a  suitable  close 
to  his  brilliant  military  career.  8  The  loss  of  the  Their  KM. 
French  is  computed  at  from  three  to  four  thousand 
men,  left  dead  on  the  field,  together  with  all  their 
baggage,  colors,  and  splendid  train  of  artillery. 
The  Spaniards  must  have  suffered  severely  during 
the  sharp  conflict  on  the  bridge  ;  but  no  estimate 
of  their  loss  is  to  be  met  with,  in  any  native  or 
foreign  writer.9  It  was  observed  that  the  29th  of 


7  Bernaldez,    Reyes    Catolicos,  "  Ben  devria  farvi  onor  d'  eterno  esemplo 
Hfc,                   in~          v-i             .     TT-  .          Napoli  vostra,e  'n  mezzo  ai  suohel  monte 
MS.,   cap.    190.  —  Gamier,    Hist.         gcoipirvi  in  lietaecoronatafronte, 

de  France,  tom.  v.  pp.  452,  453. —        Gir  trionfando,  e  dar  i  voti  al  tempio: 

Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  23.  —  Poi  che  ''  avete  «»'  orgoglioso  ed  empio 
/-,    .     -       ,.    •    T  .            1-1     a          «joi  Stuolo  ritolta,  e  pareggiate  1  onte; 

GuiCCiardmi,  Istoria,  lib.  6,  p.  331.         Or  ch'  avea  pii.  la  voglia  e  le  man  pronte 
—  Garibay,    Compendio,    tom.     ii.         A  far  d'  Italia  tutta  acerbo  scempio. 

lib.  19,  cap.  16.  -Chronica  del  Gran  Torcwtei  voi,  signor,  dai  corso  ardito, 

,-i      •  rL  •  -n  •  E  foste  tal,  ch'  ancora  esser  vorebbe 

Uapitan,  ubi  supra.  —  tiuonaccorsi,        A  por  jj  qua  jan>  Alpenostra  il  piede. 

Di;irio,    pp.    84,    85. — AmmiratO,  L'  onda  Tirrena  del  suo gangiie  crebbe, 

Istorie  Fiorentine,  ubi  supra.— Va-       ^  di.lrolicfl!  res'°  c°i)erto  n  "t0',, 
...         tT.          IT-     -vrf  E  gli  augelli  ne  fer  secure  prede." 

nllas,  Hist,  de  Louis  XII.,  tom.  i.  Opere,  torn.  ii.  p.  57. 

pp.  416-418.  9  The  Curate  of  Los  Palacios  sums 

8  Soon  after  the  rout  of  the  Ga-  up  the  ]otiS  Of  tne  French,  from  the 
nghano,  Bembo  produced  the  fol-  time  of  Gonsalvo's  occupation  of 
lowing  sonnet,  which  most  critics  flarleta  to»the  surrender  of  Gaeta, 
agree  was  intended,  although  no  jn   tne   following    manner;     6000 
name  appears  in  it,  forGonsalvo  de  prisoners,  14,000  killed  in  battle,  a 
Cordova.  stijj  greater  number  by  exposure 

VOL.   in  19 


146  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART      December,  on  which  this  battle  was  won,  came  on 
'.!: Friday,  the  same  ominous  day  of  the  week,  which 

had  so  often  proved  auspicious   to   the  Spaniards 

under  the  present  reign.10 
Gaiiamry or       The  disparity  of  the  forces  actually  engaged  was 

their  chival-  J  •> 

ry-  probably  not  great,  since  the  extent  of  country  over 

which  the  French  were  quartered  prevented  many 
of  them  from  coming  up  in  time  for  action.  Sev- 
eral corps,  who  succeeded  in  reaching  the  field  at 
the  close  of  the  fight,  were  seized  with  such  a 
panic  as  to  throw  down  their  arms  without  attempt- 
ing resistance.11  The  admirable  artillery,  on  which 
the  French  placed  chief  reliance,  was  not  only  of 
no  service,  but  of  infinite  mischief  to  them,  as  we 
have  seen.  The  brunt  of  the  battle  fell  on  their 
chivalry,  which  bore  itself  throughout  the  day  with 
the  spirit  and  gallantry  worthy  of  its  ancient 
renown ;  never  flinching,  till  the  arrival  of  the 
Spanish  rear-guard  fresh  in  the  field,  at  so  critical 
a  juncture,  turned  the  scale  in  their  adversaries' 
favor. 

Early  on  the  following  morning,  Gonsalvo  made 
preparations  for  storming  the  heights  of  mount  Or- 
lando, which  overlooked  the  city  of  Gaeta.  Such 

and  fatigue,  besides  a  considerabb  Guicciardini,  who  has  been  fol- 

body  cut  off  by  the  peasantry.    To  lowed  in  this  by  the  French  writers, 

balance  this  bloody  roll,  he  com-  fixes  the  date  of  the  rout  at  the 

pules  the  Spanish  loss  at  two  hun-  28th  of  December.     If,  however,  it 

dred  slain  in  the  field  !     Reyes  Ca-  occurred  on  Friday,  as  he,  and  ev- 

t61icos,  MS.,  cap.  191.  ery   authority,   indeed,   asserts,  it 

10  Chronica   del   Gran   Capitnn,  must  have  been  on  the   29lh,  aa 

lib.  2,  cap.  1 10.— Zurita^  Anales,  stated   by  the   Spanish   historians, 

uhi  supra.  —  Garibay,  Compendio,  Istoria,  lib.  6,  p.  330. 

lib.   19,  cap.  1C.—  Quintana,  Es-  »  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi. 

pafioles  Celebres,  torn.  i.  pp.  296,  fol.  268. 
«97. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  147 

was  the  despondency  of  its  garrison,  however,  that   CHAPTER 

this   strong  position,   which    bade  defiance   a  few  I_. 

months  before  to  the  most  desperate  efforts  of 
Spanish  valor,  was  now  surrendered  without  a 
struggle.  The  same  feeling  of  despondency  had 
communicated  itself  to  the  garrison  of  Gaeta  ;  and, 
before  Navarro  could  bring  the  batteries  of  mount 
Orlando  to  bear  upon  the  city,  a  flag  of  truce 
arrived  from  the  marquis  of  Saluzzo  with  proposals 
for  capitulation. 

This  was  more  than  the  Great  Captain  could 
have  ventured  to  promise  himself.  The  French 
were  in  great  force ;  the  fortifications  of  the  place 
in  excellent  repair ;  it  was  well  provided  with  artil- 
lery and  ammunition,  and  with  provisions  for  ten 
days  at  least ;  while  their  fleet,  riding  in  the  har- 
bour, afforded  the  means  of  obtaining  supplies  from 
Leghorn,  Genoa,  and  other  friendly  ports.  But 
the  French  had  lost  all  heart ;  they  were  sorely 
wasted  by  disease ;  their  buoyant  self-confidence 
was  gone,  and  their  spirits  broken  by  the  series  of 
reverses,  which  had  followed  without  interruption 
from  the  first  hour  of  the  campaign,  to  the  last  dis- 
astrous affair  of  the  Garigliano.  The  very  elements 
seemed  to  have  leagued  against  them.  Further 
efforts  they  deemed  a  fruitless  struggle  against  des- 
tiny ;  and  they  now  looked  with  melancholy  longing 
to  their  native  land,  eager  only  to  quit  these  ill- 
omened  shores  for  ever. 

The  Great  Captain  made  no  difficulty  in  granting 
such  terms,  as,  while  they  had  a  show  of  liberality, 
secured  him  the  most  important  fruits  of  victory. 


148  ITALIAN   WARS. 

PART  This  suited  his  cautious  temper  far  better  than 
"'  pressing  a  desperate  foe  to  extremity.  He  was, 
moreover,  with  all  his  successes,  in  no  condition  tc 
do  so;  he  was  without  funds,  and,  as  usual,  deeply 
in  arrears  to  his  army ;  while  there  was  scarcely  a 
ration  of  bread,  says  an  Italian  historian,  in  his 
whole  camp.12 

It  was  agreed  by  the  terms  of  capitulation,  Jan 
1504.  uary  1st,  1504,  that  the  French  should  evacuate 
Gaeta  at  once,  and  deliver  it  up  to  the  Spaniards 
with  its  artillery,  munitions,  and  military  stores  of 
every  description.  The  prisoners  on  both  sides, 
including  those  taken  in  the  preceding  campaign, 
an  arrangement  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the 
enemy,  were  to  be  restored ;  and  the  army  in  Gaeta 
was  to  be  allowed  a  free  passage  by  land  or  sea,  as 
they  should  prefer,  to  their  own  country.13 

12  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  MagniGonsalvi.fol.  252,  253,269.) 
fol.  268,  269.  —  Chr6nica  del  Gran  Gonsalvo,   in  consequence  of  this 
Capitan,  lib.  2,  cap.  111.  —  Peter  manifest  breach  of  faith,  refusing 
Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  270. —  to  regard  them  as  comprehended 
Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  6,  p.  331.  in  the   treaty,  sent  them  all  pris- 
—  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  oners  of  state  to  the  dungeons  of 
61.  —  Gamier,   Hist,   de   France,  Castel  Nuovo  in  Naples.     This  ac- 
tom.  v.  pp.  454,  455. —  Sismondi,  tion  has  brought  on  him  much  un- 
Hist.  des  Frangais,  torn.  xv.  cap.  merited  obloquy  with  the  French 
29.  writers.     Indeed,  before  the  treaty 

13  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rey  Hernan-  was  signed,   if  we  are  to   credit 
dp,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  61.  —  Gar-  the  Italian  historians,  Gonsalvo  pe- 
nier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  pp.  remptorily  refused   to  include  the 
454,455. — Bernaldez,  Reyes  Oa-  Neapolitan  lords  within  it.     Thus 
tolicos,   MS.,   cap.    190.  —  Gian-  much  is  certain  ;   that,  after  hav- 
none,  Istoria  di   Napoli,   lib.   29,  ing  been  taken  and  released ,  they 
cap.  4.  were  now  found  under  the  French 

No  particular  mention  was  made  banners  a  second  time.     It  seems 

of  the  Italian  allies  in  the  capitula-  not  improbable,  therefore,  that  the 

tion.     It  so  happened  that  several  French,  however  naturally  desirous 

of  the  great  Angevin  lords,  who  they  may  have  been  of  protection 

had   been  taken  in  the  preceding  for  their  allies,  finding  themselves 

campaigns  of  Calabria,  were  found  unable  to  enforce  it,  acquiesced  in 

in  arms  in  the  place.  (Giovio,  Vita  such  an  equivocal  silence  with  re< 


THE   FRENCH   DRIVEN   FROM   NAPLES.  149 

From  the  moment  hostilities  were  brought  to  a  CHAPTEB 

XV 

2lose,  Gonsalvo  displayed  such  generous  sympathy 
for  his  late  enemies,  and  such  humanity  in  relieving  cour<«sy- 
them,  as  to  reflect  more  honor  on  his  character  than 
all  his  victories.  He  scrupulously  enforced  the 
faithful  performance  of  the  treaty,  and  severely  pun- 
ished any  violence  offered  to  the  French  by  his  own 
men.  His  benign  and  courteous  demeanour  to- 
wards the  vanquished,  so  remote  from  the  images 
of  terror  with  which  he  had  been  hitherto  associated 
in  their  minds,  excited  unqualified  admiration ;  and 
they  testified  their  sense  of  his  amiable  qualities, 
by  speaking  of  him  as  the  "  gentil  capitaine  et  gen- 
til  cavalier."  u 

The  news  of  the  rout  of  the  Garigliano  and  the  chagrin  of 

Louis  XII. 

surrender  of  Gaeta  diffused  general  gloom  and  con- 
sternation over  France.  There  was  scarcely  a  fam- 
ily of  rank,  says  a  writer  of  that  country,  that  had 
not  some  one  of  its  members  involved  in  these  sad 
disasters.15  The  court  went  into  mourning.  The 
king,  mortified  at  the  discomfiture  of  all  his  lofty 

spect  to  them  as,  without  apparent-  5,    apud    Petitot,    Collection    des 

ly  compromising  their  own  honor,  Memoires,  torn.  xvi.  —  Bernaldez, 

left  the  whole  affair  to  the  discre-  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  190. — 

tion  of  the  Great  Captain.  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  fol. 

With   regard   to    the  sweeping  269,    270.  —  Chronica    del    Gran 

charge   made   hy   certain    modern  Capitan,  cap.  111. 
French  historians  against  the  Span-        15  Brantome,    who    visited    the 

ish  general,  of  a  similar  severity  to  banks  of  the  Garigliano,  some  fifty 

the  other  Italians  indiscriminately,  years   after   this,  beheld   them   in 

found  in  the  place,  there  is  not  the  imagination     thronged     with    the 

slightest  foundation  for  it  in  any  shades    of    the    illustrious    dead, 

contemporary  authority.    See  Gail-  whose  bones  lay  buried  in  its  drea- 

lard,  Rivalite,  torn.  iv.  p.  254. —  ry  and  pestilent  marshes.     There 

Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  v.  is  a  sombre  coloring  in  the  vision 

p.  456.  —  Varillas,  Hist,  de  Louis  of  the  old  chronicler,  not  unpoet- 

A!!.,  torn.  i.  pp.  419,  420.  ical.     Vies  des  Hommes  Illustres, 

14  Fleurange,  Memoires,  chap.  disc.  6. 


150  ITALIAN   WARS 


PART      schemes,  by  the  foe  whom  he  despised,  shut  himself 

—  up  in  his  palace,  refusing  access  to  every  one,  until 

the  agitation  of  his  spirits  threw  him  into  an  illness, 
which  had  wellnigh  proved  fatal. 

Meanwhile  his  exasperated  feelings  found  an  ob- 
ject on  which  to  vent  themselves  in  the  unfortunate 
garrison  of  Gaeta,  who  so  pusillanimously  aban- 
doned their  post  to  return  to  their  own  country. 
He  commanded  them  to  winter  in  Italy,  and  not  to 
recross  the  Alps  without  further  orders.  He  sen- 
tenced Sandricourt  and  Allegre  to  banishment  for 
insubordination  to  their  commander-in-chief ;  the 
latter,  for  his  conduct,  more  particularly,  before  the 
battle  of  Cerignola ;  and  he  hanged  up  the  com- 
missaries of  the  army,  whose  infamous  peculations 
had  been  a  principal  cause  of  its  ruin.16 
sufferings  of  But  the  impotent  wrath  of  their  monarch  was  not 

the  French. 

needed  to  fill  the  bitter  cup,  which  the  French 
soldiers  were  now  draining  to  the  dregs.  A  large 
number  of  those,  who  embarked  for  Genoa,  died  of 
the  maladies  contracted  during  their  long  bivouac 
in  the  marshes  of  Minturnae.  The  rest  recrossed 
the  Alps  into  France,  too  desperate  to  heed  their 
master's  prohibition.  Those  who  took  their  way 
by  land  suffered  still  more  severely  from  the  Italian 
peasantry,  who  retaliated  in  full  measure  the  bar- 
barities they  had  so  long  endured  from  the  French. 
They  were  seen  wandering  like  spectres  along  the 
high  roads  and  principal  cities  on  the  route,  pining 

J6  Gamier,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  i.  lib.  6, 
v.  pp.  456  -  458.  —  Giovio,  Vita  pp.  332,  337.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist, 
Illust.  Virorum,  fol.  269,  270.—  de  Louys  XII.,  p.  173. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  151 

with  cold  and   famine ;    and  all    the   hospitals   in   CHAPTER 

Rome,  as  well  as  the  stables,  sheds,  and  every  other   L_ 

place,  however  mean,  affording  shelter,  were  filled 
with  the  wretched  vagabonds,  eager  only  to  find 
some  obscure  retreat  to  die  in. 

The  chiefs  of  the  expedition  fared  little  better. 
Among  others,  the  marquis  of  Saluzzo,  soon  after 
reaching  Genoa,  was  carried  off  by  a  fever,  caused 
by  his  distress  of  mind.  Sandricourt,  too  haughty 
to  endure  disgrace,  laid  violent  hands  on  himself. 
Allegre,  more  culpable,  but  more  courageous,  sur- 
vived to  be  reconciled  with  his  sovereign,  and  to 
die  a  soldier's  death  on  the  field  of  battle.17 

Such  are  the  dismal  colors  in  which  the  French 
historians  depict  the  last  struggle  made  by  their 
monarch  for  the  recovery  of  Naples.  Few  military 
expeditions  have  commenced  under  more  brilliant 
and  imposing  auspices ;  few  have  been  conducted 
in  so  ill-advised  a  manner  through  their  whole  pro- 
gress ;  and  none  attended  in  their  close  with  more 
indiscriminate  and  overwhelming  ruia 

On  the  3d  of  January,  1504,  Gonsalvo  made  his  Thespan- 

J  '  iards  occupy 

entry  into  Gaeta;  and  the  thunders  of  his  ordnance,  Gaeta- 
now  for  the  first  time  heard  from  its  battlements, 
announced  that  this  strong  key  to  the  dominions  of 
Naples  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  Aragon.  After 
a  short  delay  for  the  refreshment  of  his  troops,  he 
set  out  for  the  capital.  But,  amidst  the  general 
jubilee  which  greeted  his  return,  he  was  seized 

'7  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  86. —  cap.  190.  —  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust. 
Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  23. —  Virorum,  ubi  supra.  — Gaillard, 
Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  Rivalite,  torn.  iv.  pp.  254-256. 


152  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      with  a  fever,  brought  on  by  the  incessant  fatigue 

. !L_ and  high  mental  excitement  in  which  he  had  been 

kept  for  the  last  four  months.  The  attack  was 
severe,  arid  the  event  for  some  time  doubtful.  Dur- 
ing this  state  of  suspense  the  public  mind  was  in 
the  deepest  agitation.  The  popular  manners  of 
Gonsalvo  had  won  the  hearts  of  the  giddy  people 
of  Naples,  who  transferred  their  affections,  indeed, 
as  readily  as  their  allegiance  ;  and  prayers  and 
vows  for  his  restoration  were  offered  up  in  all  the 
churches  and  monasteries  of  the  city.  His  excel- 
lent constitution  at  length  got  the  better  of  his  dis- 
ease. As  soon  as  this  favorable  result  was  ascer- 
tained, the  whole  population,  rushing  to  the  other 
extreme,  abandoned  itself  to  a  delirium  of  joy  ;  and, 
when  he  was  sufficiently  recovered  to  give  them 
audience,  men  of  all  ranks  thronged  to  Castel  Nuovo 
to  tender  their  congratulations,  and  obtain  a  sight 
of  the  hero,  who  now  returned  to  their  capital,  for 
the  third  time,  with  the  laurel  of  victory  on  his 
brow.  Every  tongue,  says  his  enthusiastic  biogra- 
pher, was  eloquent  in  his  praise  ;  some  dwelling  on 
his  noble  port,  and  the  beauty  of  his  countenance  ; 
others  on  the  elegance  and  amenity  of  his  manners  ; 
and  all  dazzled  by  a  spirit  of  munificence,  which 
would  have  become  royalty  itself.18 
public  en-  The  tide  of  panegyric  was  swelled  by  more  than 

thusiasm.  OJ  J 

one  bard,  who  sought,  though  with  indifferent  sue- 


18  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  cap.  1.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara- 

fol.  270,  271.  —  Quintana,  Espa-  eon,  torn.  ii.  fol.  359.  —  Bernaldez, 

noles  Celebres,  torn.  i.   p.  298. —  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.   190, 

Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  3,  191. 


THE   FRENCH   DRIVEN  FROM   NAPLES.  153 

cess,  to  catch  inspiration  from  so  glorious  a  theme  ;  CHAPTER 
trusting  doubtless  that  his  liberal  hand  would  not  - 
stint  the  recompense  to  the  precise  measure  of  de- 
sert. Amid  this  general  burst  of  adulation,  the 
muse  of  Sannazaro,  worth  all  his  tribe,  was  alone 
silent ;  for  the  trophies  of  the  conqueror  were  raised 
on  the  ruins  of  that  royal  house,  under  which  the 
bard  had  been  so  long  sheltered  ;  and  this  silence, 
so  rare  in  his  tuneful  brethren,  must  be  admitted  to 
reflect  more  credit  on  his  name,  than  the  best  he 
ever  sung.19 

The  first  business  of  Gonsalvo  was  to  call  to-  Extortions 

of  the  Span- 

gether  the  different  orders  of  the  state,  and  receive  lsht">°ps- 
their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  King  Ferdinand.  He 
next  occupied  himself  with  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  reorganization  of  the  government, 
and  for  reforming  various  abuses  which  had  crept 
into  the  administration  of  justice,  more  particularly. 
In  these  attempts  to  introduce  order,  he  was  not  a 
little  thwarted,  however,  by  the  insubordination  of 
his  own  soldiery.  They  loudly  clamored  for  the 
discharge  of  the  arrears,  still  shamefully  protracted, 
till,  their  discontents  swelling  to  open  mutiny,  they 
forcibly  seized  on  two  of  the  principal  places  in  the 
kingdom  as  security  for  the  payment.  Gonsalvo 
chastised  their  insolence  by  disbanding  several  of 
the  most  refractory  companies,  and  sending  them 
home  for  punishment.  He  endeavoured  to  relieve 
them  in  part  by  raising  contributions  from  the 
Neapolitans.  But  the  soldiers  took  the  matter  into 

»  Giovio,  Vita;  Illust.  Virorum,  fol.  271. 
VOL.  III.  2° 


154 


ITALIAN  WARS. 


PART 
II. 


their  own  hands,  oppressing  the  unfortunate  people 
on  whom  hey  were  quartered  in  a  manner  which 
rendered  their  condition  scarcely  more  tolerable, 
than  when  exposed  to  the  horrors  of  actual  war. 20 
This  was  the  introduction,  according  to  Guicciar- 
dini,  of  those  systematic  military  exactions  in  time 
of  peace,  which  became  so  common  afterwards  in 
Italy,  adding  an  inconceivable  amount  to  the  long 
catalogue  of  woes,  which  afflicted  that  unhappy 
land.21 
Gonsaivn's  Amidst  his  manifold  duties,  Gonsalvo  did  not 

liberality  to 

his  officers,  forget  the  gallant  officers  who  had  borne  with  him 
the  burdens  of  the  war,  and  he  requited  their  ser- 
vices in  a  princely  style,  better  suited  to  his  feel- 
ings than  his  interests,  as  subsequently  appeared. 
Among  them  were  Navarro,  Mendoza,  Andrada, 
Benavides,  Leyva,  the  Italians  Alviano  and  the  two 
Colonnas,  most  of  whom  lived  to  display  the  les- 
sons of  tactics,  which  they  learned  under  this  great 
commander,  on  a  still  wider  theatre  of  glory,  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  He  made  them  grants 
of  cities,  fortresses,  and  extensive  lands,  according 
to  their  various  claims,  to  be  held  as  fiefs  of  the 
crown.  All  this  was  done  with  the  previous  sanc- 
tion of  his  royal  master,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic. 
.  They  did  some  violence,  however,  to  his  more 
economical  spirit,  and  he  was  heard  somewhat 


20  "Perservir  sempre,  viucitrice  ovinta." 
The  Italians  began  at  this  early 
period  to  feel  the  pressure  of  those 
woes,  which  a  century  and  a  half 
later  wrung  out  of  Filicaja  the 
beautiful  lament,  which  has  lost 
something  of  its  touching  graces, 


even  under  the  hand  of  Lord  By- 
ron. 

21  Zurita,  Anales,  torn  v.  lib.  5, 
cap.  64.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria, 
lib.  6,  pp.  340,  341.  —  Abarca, 
Reyes  de  Aragon,  ubi  supra.  — 
Carta  del  Gran  Capitan,  MS. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  155 

peevishly  to  exclaim,  "  It  boots  little  for  Gonsalvo   CHAPTER 
de  Cordova  to  have  won  a  kingdom  for  me,  if  he  - 
lavishes  it  all  away  before  it  comes  into  my  hands." 
It  began  to  be  perceived  at  court,  that  the  Great 
Captain  was  too  powerful  for  a  subject.22 

Meanwhile,  Louis  the  Twelfth   was  filled  with  Apprehen- 
sions of 

serious  apprehensions  for  the  fate  of  his  possessions 
in  the  north  of  Italy.  His  former  allies,  the  empe- 
ror Maximilian  and  the  republic  of  Venice,  the  lat- 
ter more  especially,  had  shown  many  indications, 
not  merely  of  coldness  to  himself,  but  of  a  secret 
understanding  with  his  rival,  the  king  of  Spain. 
The  restless  pope,  Julius  the  Second,  had  schemes 
of  his  own,  wholly  independent  of  France.  The 
republics  of  Pisa  and  Genoa,  the  latter  one  of  her 
avowed  dependencies,  had  entered  into  correspon- 
dence with  the  Great  Captain,  and  invited  him  to 
assume  their  protection  ;  while  several  of  the  dis- 
affected party  in  Milan  had  assured  him  of  their 
active  support,  in  case  he  would  march  with  a  suffi- 
cient force  to  overturn  the  existing  government. 
Indeed,  not  only  France,  but  Europe  in  general, 
expected  that  the  Spanish  commander  would  avail 
himself  of  the  present  crisis,  to  push  his  victorious 
arms  into  upper  Italy,  revolutionize  Tuscany  in  his 
way,  and,  wresting  Milan  from  the  French,  drive 
them,  crippled  and  disheartened  by  their  late  re- 
verses, beyond  the  Alps.83 

22  Giovio,  Vita;  Ulust.  Virorum,  p.   338.  —  Zurita,  Hist,   del  Key 
fol.  270,271.  —  Chronica  del  Gran  Hernando,  torn.  i.  lib.  5,  cap.  64. 
Capitan,   lib.  3,  cap.   1.  —  Ulloa,  — Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  rey 
Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol   24.  30,  cap.  14.  —  Buonaccorsi,  Diario, 

23  Guicciardini,   Istoria,   lib.   6,  pp.  85,  86. 


156  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART  But  Gonsalvo  had  occupation  enough  on  his 
- — .  hands  in  settling  the  disordered  state  of  Naples. 
King  Ferdinand,  his  sovereign,  notwithstanding  the 
ambition  of  universal  conquest  absurdly  imputed  to 
him  by  the  French  writers,  had  no  design  to  extend 
his  acquisitions  beyond  what  he  could  permanently 
maintain.  His  treasury,  never  overflowing,  was  too 
deeply  drained  by  the  late  heavy  demands  on  it,  for 
him  so  soon  to  embark  on  another  perilous  enter- 
prise, that  must  rouse  anew  the  swarms  of  enemies, 
who  seemed  willing  to  rest  in  quiet  after  their  long 
and  exhausting  struggle ;  nor  is  there  any  reason  to 
suppose  he  sincerely  contemplated  such  a  movement 
for  a  moment.24 
Treaty  with  The  apprehension  of  it,  however,  answered  Fer 

France. 

dinand's  purpose,  by  preparing  the  French  monarch 
to  arrange  his  differences  with  his  rival,  as  the  lat- 
ter now  earnestly  desired,  by  negotiation.  Indeed, 
two  Spanish  ministers  had  resided  during  the  great- 
er part  of  the  war  at  the  French  court,  with  the 
view  of  improving  the  first  opening  that  should 
occur  for  accomplishing  this  object ;  and  by  their 
agency  a  treaty  was  concluded,  to  continue  for  three 
years,  which  guarantied  to  Aragon  the  undisturbed 
possession  of  her  conquests  during  that  period. 
The  chief  articles  provided  for  the  immediate  ces- 
sation of  hostilities  between  the  belligerents,  and 

24  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  charge  enough  for  the  conquest  of 

cap.  66.  a  kingdom  ;  and  made  still  lighter 

The  campaign  against  Louis  XII.  to  the  Spaniards  by  one  fifth  of  the 

had  cost  the   Spanish  crown  331  whole   being  drawn   from  Naples 

cuentos  or  millions  of  maravedies,  itself.     See  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara 

equivalent    to    9,268,000     dollars  gon,  torn.  ii.  fol.  359.     ' 
of  the  present  time.     A  moderate 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  157 

the  complete  reestablishment  of  their  commercial   CHAPTER 

XV. 

relations  and  intercourse,  with  the  exception  of 
Naples,  from  which  the  French  were  to  be  exclud- 
ed. The  Spanish  crown  was  to  have  full  power  to 
reduce  all  refractory  places  in  that  kingdom ;  and 
the  contracting  parties  solemnly  pledged  themselves, 
each  to  render  no  assistance,  secretly  or  openly,  to 
the  enemies  of  the  other.  The  treaty,  which  was 
to  run  from  the  25th  of  February,  1504,  was  signed 
by  the  French  king  and  the  Spanish  plenipoten- 
tiaries at  Lyons,  on  the  llth  of  that  month,  and 
ratified  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  at  the  convent 
of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Mejorada,  the  31st  of  March 
following.25 

There  was  still  a  small  spot  in  the  heart  of  Na-  Gauntry  of 

Louis  d'AiK. 

pies,  comprehending  Venosa  and  several  adjoining 
towns,  where  Louis  d'Ars  and  his  brave  associates 
yet  held  out  against  the  Spanish  arms.  Although 
cut  off  by  the  operation  of  this  treaty  from  the  hope 
of  further  support  from  home,  the  French  knight 
disdained  to  surrender ;  but  sallied  out  at  the  head 
of  his  little  troop  of  gallant  veterans,  and  thus, 
armed  at  all  points,  says  Brantome,  with  lance  in 
rest,  took  his  way  through  Naples,  and  the  centre 
of  Italy.  He  marched  in  battle  array,  levying  con- 
tributions for  his  support  on  the  places  through 
which  he  passed.  In  this  manner  he  entered 
France,  and  presented  himself  before  the  court  at 
Blois  The  king  and  queen,  delighted  with  his 

85  The  treaty  is  to  be  found  in  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  64.  — 
Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  torn.  Machiavelli,  Lepazione  Seconda  a 
iv.  no.  26,  pp.  51-53.  — Zurita,  Francia,  let.  9,  Feb.  11. 


158  ITALIAN   WARS 

PART  prowess,  came  forward  to  welcome  him,  and  made 
good  cheer,  says  the  old  chronicler,  for  himself  and 
his  companions,  whom  they  recompensed  with  lib- 
eral largesses,  proffering  at  the  same  time  any  boon 
to  the  brave  knight,  which  he  should  demand  for 
himself.  The  latter  in  return  simply  requested  that 
his  old  comrade  Ives  d'Allegre  should  be  recalled 
from  exile.  This  trait  of  magnanimity,  when  con- 
trasted with  the  general  ferocity  of  the  times,  has 
something  in  it  inexpressibly  pleasing.  It  shows, 
like  others  recorded  of  the  French  gentlemen  qf 
that  period,  that  the  age  of  chivalry,  —  the  chivalry 
of  romance,  indeed,  had  not  wholly  passed  away.26 
The  pacification  of  Lyons  sealed  the  fate  of 
Naples ;  and,  while  it  terminated  the  wars  in  that 
kingdom,  closed  the  military  career  of  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova.  It-is  impossible  to  contemplate  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  results,  achieved  with  such  slender 
resources,  and  in  the  face  of  such  overwhelming 
odds,  without  deep  admiration  for  the  genius  of  the 
man  by  whom  they  were  accomplished. 
fheTrench  ^IS  successj  ^  's  true,  is  imputable  in  part  to  the 
signal  errors  of  his  adversaries.  The  magnificent 
expedition  of  Charles  the  Eighth,  failed  to  produce 
any  permanent  impression,  chiefly  in  consequence 
of  the  precipitation  with  which  it  had  been  entered 
into,  without  sufficient  concert  with  the  Italian 

26  Brantome,  CEuvres,   torn.  ii.  See   also    Memoires    de    Baynrd, 

disc.  11.  —  Fleurange,  M&reoires,  chap.  25  ;  the  pood  knight,  "  sans 

chap.   5,  apud  Petitot,  Collection  peur  et  sans  reproclie,"  made  one 

des  Memoires,    lorn.   xvi.  —  Buo-  of  this  intrepid  little  band,  having 

naccorsi,  Diario,  p.  85.  —  Gaillard,  joined  Louis  d'Ars  after  the  capit- 

Rivalite,   torn.    iv.    pp.   255-260.  ulation  of  Gaeta. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  159 

states,  who  became  a  formidable  enemy  when  unit-    CHAPTER 

XV. 

ed  in  his  rear.     He  did  not  even  avail  himself  of  '. — 

his  temporary  acquisition  of  Naples  to  gather  sup- 
port from  the  attachment  of  his  new  subjects. 
Far  from  incorporating  with  them,  he  was  regarded 
as  a  foreigner  and  an  enemy,  and,  as  such,  expelled 
by  the  joint  action  of  all  Italy  from  its  bosom,  as 
soon  as  it  had  recovered  sufficient  strength  to  rally. 

Louis  the  Twelfth  profited  by  the  errors  of  his 
predecessor.  His  acquisitions  in  the  Milanese 
formed  a  basis  for  future  operations  ;  and  by  ne- 
gotiation and  otherwise  he  secured  the  alliance  and 
the  interests  of  the  various  Italian  governments  on 
his  side.  These  preliminary  arrangements  were 
followed  by  preparations  every  way  commensurate 
with  his  object.  He  failed  in  the  first  campaign, 
however,  by  intrusting  the  command  to  incompe- 
tent hands,  consulting  birth  rather  than  talent  or 
experience. 

In  the  succeeding  campaigns,  his  failure,  though 
partly  chargeable  on  himself,  was  less  so  than  on 
circumstances  beyond  his  control.  The  first  of 
these  was  the  long  detention  of  the  army  before 
Rome  by  cardinal  D'Amboise,  and  its  consequent 
exposure  to  the  unexampled  severity  of  the  ensuing 
winter.  A  second  was  the  fraudulent  conduct  of 
the  commissaries,  implying,  no  doubt,  some  degree 
of  negligence  in  the  person  who  appointed  them; 
and  lastly,  the  want  of  a  suitable  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army.  La  Tremouille  being  ill, 
and  D'Aubigny  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  en- 
emy, there  appeared  no  one  among  the  French 


160  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      qualified  to  cope  with  the  Spanish  general.     The 
- —  marquis  of  Mantua,  independently  of  the  disadvan- 
tage of  being  a  foreigner,  was  too  timid  in  council, 
and  dilatory  in  conduct,  to  be  any  way  competent 
to  this  difficult  task. 

Gonla7v°'s  H  his  enemies,  however,  committed  great  errors, 
it  is  altogether  owing  to  Gonsalvo  that  he  was  in 
a  situation  to  take  advantage  of  them.  Nothing 
could  be  more  unpromising  than  his  position  on 
first  entering  Calabria.  Military  operations  had 
been  conducted  in  Spain  on  principles  totally  dif- 
ferent from  those  which  prevailed  in  the  rest  of 
Europe.  This  was  the  case  especially  in  the  late 
Moorish  wars,  where  the  old  tactics  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  ground  brought  light  cavalry  chiefly 
into  use.  This,  indeed,  constituted  his  principal 
strength  at  this  period ;  for  his  infantry,  though 
accustomed  to  irregular  service,  was  indifferently 
armed  and  disciplined.  An  important  revolution, 
however,  had  occurred  in  the  other  parts  of  Europe. 
The  infantry  had  there  regained  the  superiority 
which  it  maintained  in  the  days  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  The  experiment  had  been  made  on  more 
than  one  bloody  field  ;  and  it  was  found,  that  the 
solid  columns  of  Swiss  and  German  pikes  not  only 
bore  down  all  opposition  in  their  onward  march, 
but  presented  an  impregnable  barrier,  not  to  be 
shaken  by  the  most  desperate  charges  of  the  best 
heavy-armed  cavalry.  It  was  against  these  dreaded 
battalions  that  Gonsalvo  was  now  called  to  measure 
for  the  first  time  the  bold,  but  rudely  armed  and 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  161 

comparatively  raw  recruits  from  Galicia  and  the  CHAPTER 
Asturias. 

He  lost  his  first  battle,  into  which  it  should  be  HI*  reform 

or  ibe  Mr- 
remembered  he  was  precipitated  against  his  will.  vice- 

He  proceeded  afterwards  with  the  greatest  caution, 
gradually  familiarizing  his  men  with  the  aspect  and 
usages  of  the  enemy  whom  they  held  in  such  awe, 
before  bringing  them  again  to  a  direct  encounter. 
He  put  himself  to  school  during  this  whole  cam- 
paign, carefully  acquainting  himself  with  the  tac- 
tics, discipline,  and  novel  arms  of  his  adversaries, 
and  borrowing  just  so  much  as  he  could  incorporate 
into  the  ancient  system  of  the  Spaniards,  without 
discarding  the  latter  altogether.  Thus,  while  he 
retained  the  short  sword  and  buckler  of  his  country- 
men, he  fortified  his  battalions  with  a  large  number 
of  spearmen,  after  the  German  fashion.  The  ar- 
rangement is  highly  commended  by  the  sagacious 
Machiavelli,  who  considers  it  as  combining  the  ad- 
vantages of  both  systems ;  since,  while  the  long 
spear  served  all  the  purposes  of  resistance,  or  even 
of  attack  on  level  ground,  the  short  swords  and  tar- 
gets enabled  their  wearers,  as  already  noticed,  to  cut 
in  under  the  dense  array  of  hostile  pikes,  and  bring 
the  enemy  to  close  quarters,  where  his  formidable 
weapon  was  of  no  avail.27 

While  Gonsalvo  made  this  innovation  in  the  anns 


27  Machiavelli,  Arte  della  Guer-  among  the  deep  ranks  of  the  Swiss 

ra,  lib.  2.  —  Machiavelli  considers  spearmen,  brought  them  to  close 

the    victory    over    D'Aubigny    at  combat,  where  the  former  had  the 

Seminara  as  imputable  in  a  great  whole    advantage.       Another    in- 

degree  to  the  peculiar  arms  of  the  stance  of  the  kind  occurred  at  the 

Spaniards;  who.  with   their  short  memorable  battle  of  Ravenna  pome 

swords    and     shields,    gliding    in  years  later.     Ubi  supra. 
vol.   Ml.                          21 


162  ITALIAN   WARS. 

P-JRT  and  tactics,  he  paid  equal  attention  to  the  formation 
-  of  a  suitable  character  in  his  soldiery.  The  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  was  placed  at  Barleta,  and 
on  the  Garigliano,  imperatively  demanded  this. 
Without  food,  clothes,  or  pay,  without  the  chance 
even  of  retrieving  his  desperate  condition  by  ven- 
turing a  blow  at  the  enemy,  the  Spanish  soldier 
was  required  to  remain  passive.  To  do  this  de- 
manded patience,  abstinence,  strict  subordination, 
and  a  degree  of  resolution  far  higher  than  that 
required  to  combat  obstacles,  however  formidable 
in  themselves,  where  active  exertion,  which  tasks 
the  utmost  energies  of  the  soldier,  renews  his  spirits 
and  raises  them  to  a  contempt  of  danger.  It  was 
calling  on  him,  in  short,  to  begin  with  achieving 
that  most  difficult  of  all  victories,  the  victory  over 
himself. 
influence  All  this  the  Spanish  commander  effected.  He 

over  the 

infused  into  his  men  a  portion  of  his  own  invincible 
energy.  He  inspired  a  love  of  his  person,  which 
led  them  to  emulate  his  example,  and  a  confidence 
in  his  genius  and  resources,  which  supported  them 
under  all  their  privations  by  a  firm  reliance  on  a 
fortunate  issue.  His  manners  were  distinguished 
by  a  graceful  courtesy,  less  encumbered  with  eti- 
quette than  was  usual  with  persons  of  his  high 
rank  in  Castile.  He  knew  well  the  proud  and  in- 
dependent feelings  of  the  Spanish  soldier;  and, 
far  from  annoying  him  by  unnecessary  restraints, 
showed  the  most  liberal  indulgence  at  all  times. 
But  his  kindness  was  tempered  with  severity,  which 
displayed  itself,  on  such  occasions  as  required  inter- 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  165 

posii.oh,  in  a  manner  that  rarely  failed  to  repress  CHAPTER 
every  thing  like  insubordination.  The  reader  will 
readily  recall  an  example  of  this  in  the  mutiny 
before  Tarento ;  and  it  was  doubtless  by  the  asser- 
tion of  similar  power,  that  he  was  so  long  able  to 
keep  in  check  his  German  mercenaries,  distin- 
guished above  the  troops  of  every  other  nation  by 
their  habitual  license  and  contempt  of  authority. 

While    Gonsalvo    relied   so   freely  on   the    hardy  His  confi- 
dence in 

constitution  and  patient  habits  of  the  Spaniards,  he  £«* 
trusted  no  less  to  the  deficiency  of  these  qualities 
in  the  French,  who,  possessing  little  of  the  artificial 
character  formed  under  the  stern  training  of  later 
times,  resembled  their  Gaulish  ancestors  in  the  fa- 
cility with  which  they  were  discouraged  by  unex- 
pected obstacles,  and  the  difficulty  with  which  they 
could  be  brought  to  rally.28  In  this  he  did  not  mis- 
calculate. The  French  infantry,  drawn  from  the 
militia  of  the  country,  hastily  collected  and  soon  to 
be  disbanded,  and  the  independent  nobility  and 
gentry  who  composed  the  cavalry  service,  were  alike 
difficult  to  be  brought  within  the  strict  curb  of  mili- 
tary rule.  The  severe  trials,  which  steeled  the 
souls,  and  gave  sinewy  strength  to  the  constitutions, 
of  the  Spanish  soldiers,  impaired  those  of  their  ene- 
mies, introduced  divisions  into  their  councils,  and 
relaxed  the  whole  tone  of  discipline.  Gonsalvo 
watched  the  operation  of  all  this,  and,  coolly  waiting 
the  moment  when  his  weary  and  disheartened  ad- 

28  "  Primn."  says  Livy  pithily,  plusquam  virorum,postrema  minus 
speaking  of  the  Gauls  in  the  time  quara  foeminarum."  Lib.  10,  cap. 
of  the  Republic,  "  eorum  proelia  28. 


lt>4  ITALIAN    WARS. 

PART      versary  should  be  thrown  off  his  guard,  collected  all 
, ! his  strength  for  a  decisive  blow,  by  which  to  termi- 
nate  the  action.     Such  was   the  history  of  those 
memorable  campaigns,  which  closed  with  the  bril- 
liant victories  of  Cerignola  and  the  Garigliano. 

In  a  review  of  his  military  conduct,  we  must  not 
overlook  his  politic  deportment  towards  the  Italians, 
altogether  the  reverse  of  the  careless  and  insolent 

o 

bearing  of  the  French.  He  availed  himself  liberally 
of  their  superior  science,  showing  great  deference, 
and  confiding  the  most  important  trusts,  to  their 
officers.29  Far  from  the  reserve  usually  shown  to 
foreigners,  he  appeared  insensible  to  national  dis- 
tinctions, and  ardently  embraced  them  as  compan- 
ions in  arms,  embarked  in  a  common  cause  with 
himself.  In  their  tourney  with  the  French  before 
Barleta,  to  which  the  whole  nation  attached  such 
importance  as  a  vindication  of  national  honor,  they 
were  entirely  supported  by  Gonsalvo,  who  furnished 
them  with  arms,  secured  a  fair  field  of  fight,  and 
shared  the  triumph  of  the  victors  as  that  of  his  own 
countrymen,  —  paying  those  delicate  attentions, 
which  cost  far  less,  indeed,  but  to  an  honorable 
mind  are  of  greater  value,  than  more  substantial 
benefits.  He  conciliated  the  good-will  of  the  Italian 
states  by  various  important  services  ;  of  the  Vene- 
tians, by  his  gallant  defence  of  their  possessions  in 
the  Levant ;  of  the  people  of  Rome,  by  delivering 

29  Two  of  the  most  distinguished  tary  on  the  military  reputation  of 

of  these  were  the  Colonnas,  Pros-  the  latter,  is  the  fac-t,   that  he  ia 

pero  and  Fabrizio,  of  whom   fre-  selected  by  Machiavelli  as  the  prin- 

quent  mention  has  been  made  in  cipal  interlocutor  in  his  Dialogues 

our  narrative.     The  best  commen-  on  the  Art  of  War. 


THE  FRENCH  DRIVEN  FROM  NAPLES.  165 

them  from  the  pirates  of  Ostia ;  while  he  succeeded,   CHAPTEB 

XV 

notwithstanding  the  excesses  of  his  soldiery,  in  cap- 1 

tivating  the  giddy  Neapolitans  to  such  a  degree,  by 
his  affable  manners  and  splendid  style  of  life,  as 
seemed  to  efface  from  their  minds  every  recollection 
of  the  last  and  most  popular  of  their  monarchs,  the 
unfortunate  Frederic. 

The  distance  of  Gonsalvo's  theatre  of  operations  Position  of 

the  army. 

from  his  own  country,  apparently  most  discouraging, 
proved  extremely  favorable  to  his  purposes.  The 
troops,  cut  off  from  retreat  by  a  wide  sea  and  an 
impassable  mountain  barrier,  had  no  alternative  but 
to  conquer,  or  to  die.  Their  long  continuance  in 
the  field  without  disbanding  gave  them  all  the  stern, 
inflexible  qualities  of  a  standing  army;  and,  as  they 
served  through  so  many  successive  campaigns  under 
the  banner  of  the  same  leader,  they  were  drilled  in 
a  system  of  tactics  far  steadier  and  more  uniform 
than  could  be  acquired  under  a  variety  of  com- 
manders, however  able.  Under  these  circumstan- 
ces, which  so  well  fitted  them  for  receiving  impres- 
sions, the  Spanish  army  was  gradually  moulded  into 
the  form  determined  by  the  will  of  its  great  chief. 

When  we   look  at  the  amount  of  forces  at  the  Results** 

the  cam- 

disposal  of  Gonsalvo,  it  appears  so  paltry,  especially  P^""- 
compared  with  the  gigantic  apparatus  of  later  wars, 
that  it  may  well  suggest  disparaging  ideas  of  the 
whole  contest.  To  judge  correctly,  we  must  direct 
our  eyes  to  the  result.  With  this  insignificant  force, 
we  shall  then  see  the  kingdom  of  Naples  conquer- 
ed, and  the  best  generals  and  armies  of  France 
annihilated ;  an  important  innovation  effected  in 


166 


ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART 
II. 


military  science  ;  the  art  of  mining,  if  not  invent- 
ed, carried  to  unprecedented  perfection  ;  a  thorough 
reform  introduced  in  the  arms  and  discipline  of  the 
Spanish  soldier ;  and  the  organization  completed 
of  that  valiant  infantry,  which  is  honestly  eulogized 
by  a  French  writer,  as  irresistible  in  attack,  and 
impossible  to  rout ; 30  and  which  carried  the  ban- 


s''See  Dubos,  Ligue  de  Cam-  bears  to  the  character  of  these  brave 

bray,  dissert.  pr61im.  p.  60. — This  troops.      See  a  similar  strain  of 

French  writer  has  shown  himself  panegyric  from  the  chivalrous  pen 

superior  to  national  distinctions,  in  of  old  Brantome,  CEuvres,  torn.  i. 

the    liberal    testimony    which    he  disc.  27. 


Memoirs  of 
Gonsalvo  do 
Cordova. 


The  brilliant  qualities  and  achieve- 
ments of  Gonzalo  de  Cordova  have 
naturally  made  him  a  popular  theme 
both  for  history  and  romance.  Va- 
rious biographies  of  him  have  ap- 
peared in  the  different  European 
languages,  though  none,  I  believe, 
hitherto  in  English.  The  authori- 
ty of  principal  reference  in  these 
pages  is  the  Life  which  Paolo  Gio- 
vio  has  incorporated  in  his  great 
work,  "  Vitse  Illustrium  Virorum," 
which  I  have  elsewhere  noticed. 
This  Life  of  Gonsalvo  is  not  exempt 
from  the  prejudices,  nor  from  the 
minor  inaccuracies,  which  may  be 
charged  on  most  of  this  author's 
productions;  but  these  are  abun- 
dantly compensated  by  the  stores 
of  novel  and  interesting  details, 
which  Giovio's  familiarity  with  the 
principal  actors  of  the  time  enabled 
him  to  throw  into  his  work,  and  by 
the  skilful  arrangement  of  his  nar- 
rative, so  disposed  as,  without  studi- 
ed effort,  to  bring  into  light  the 
prominent  qualities  of  his  hero. 
Every  page  bears  the  marks  of  that 
"golden  pen,"  which  the  politic 
Italian  reserved  for  his  favorites; 
and,  while  this  obvious  partiality 
may  put  the  reader  somewhat  on 
his  guard,  it  gives  an  interest  to  the 


work,  inferior  to  none  other  of  his 
agreeable  compositions. 

The  most  imposing  of  the  Span- 
ish memoirs  of  Gonsalvo,  in  bulk 
at  least,  is  the  "  Chr6nicadel  Gran 
Capitan ,"  Alcala  de  Henares,  1584. 
Nic.  Antonio  doubts  whether  the 
author  were  Pulgar,  who  wrote  the 
"  History  of  the  Catholic  Kings," 
of  such  frequent  reference  in  the 
Granadine  wars,  or  another  Pulgar 
del  Salar,  as  he  is  called,  who  re- 
ceived the  honors  of  knighthood 
from  King  Ferdinand  for  his  valor- 
ous exploits  against  the  Moors. 
(See  Bibliotheca  Nova,  torn.  i.  p. 
387.)  With  regard  to  the  first  Pul- 
gar, there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  he  lived  into  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury ;  and,  as  to  the  second,  the 
work  composed  by  him,  so  far  from 
being  the  one  in  question,  was  a 
compendium,  bearing  the  title  of 
"  Sumario  de  los  Hechos  del  Gran 
Capitan,"  printed  as  early  as  1527, 
at  Seville.  (See  the  editor's  pro- 
logue to  Pulgar's  "  Chronica  de  los 
Reyes  Catolicos,"  ed.  Valencia, 
1780.)  Its  author,  therefore,  re- 
mains in  obscurity.  He  sustains  no 
great  damage  on  the  score  of  rep- 
utation, however,  from  thiscirvjum- 
stance  ;  as  his  work  is  but  an  mdif- 


THE    FRENCH   DRIVEN  FROM   NAPLES. 

ners  of  Spain  victorious,  for  more  than  a  century, 
over  the  most  distant  parts  of  Europe. 


167 


ferent  specimen  of  the  rich  old 
Spanish  chronicle,  exhibiting  most 
of  its  characteristic  hlemishes,  with 
a  very  small  admixture  of  its  beau- 
ties. "  The  long  and  prosy  narra- 
tive is  overloaded  with  the  most 
frivolous  details,  trumpeted  forth  in 
a  strain  of  glorification,  which  some- 
times disfigures  more  meritorious 
compositions  in  the  Castilian.  No- 
thing like  discrimination  of  charac- 
ter, of  course,  is  to  he  looked  for  in 
the  unvarying  swell  of  panegyric, 
which  claims  for  its  subject  all  the 
extravagant  flights  of  a  hero  of  ro- 
mance. With  these  deductions, 
however,  and  a  liberal  allowance, 
consequently,  for  the  nationality  of 
the  work,  it  has  considerable  value 
as  a  record  of  events,  too  recent  in 
their  occurrence  to  be  seriously  de- 
faced by  those  deeper  stains  of  er- 
ror, which  are  so  apt  to  settle  on 
the  weather-beaten  monuments  of 
antiquity.  It  has  accordingly  form- 
ed a  principal  source  of  the  "  Vida 
del  Gran  Capitan,"  introduced  by 
Quintana  in  the  first  volume  of  his 
"  Espafioles  Celebres,"  printed  at 
Madrid,  in  1807.  This  memoir,  in 
which  the  incidents  are  selected 
with  discernment,  displays  the  usual 
freedom  and  vivacity  of  its  poetic 
author.  It  does  not  bring  the  gen- 
eral politics  of  the  period  under  re- 
view, hut  will  not  be  found  deficient 
in  particulars  having  immediate 
connexion  with  the  personal  histo- 
ry of  its  subject ;  and,  on  the  wliole, 
exhibits  in  an  agreeable  and  com- 
pendious form  whatever  is  of  most 
interest  or  importance  for  the  gen- 
eral reader. 

The  French  have  also  a  "  His- 
toire  de  Gonsalve  de  Cordoue," 
composed  by  father  Duponcet,  a  Je- 
suit, in  two  vols.  12mo.  Paris,  1714. 
Though  an  ambitious,  it  is  a  bung- 
ling performance,  most  unskilfully 
put  together,  and  contains  quite  as 


much  of  what  its  hero  did  not  do, 
as  of  what  he  did.  The  prolixity  of 
the  narrative  is  not  even  relieved  by 
that  piquancy  of  style,  which  forms 
something  like  a  substitute  for 
thought  in  many  of  the  lower  or- 
der of  French  historians.  It  is  less 
to  history,  however,  than  to  ro- 
mance, that  the  French  public  is 
indebted  for  its  conceptions  of  the 
character  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova, 
as  depicted  by  the  gaudy  pencil  of 
Florian,  in  that  highly  poetic  color- 
ing, which  is  more  attractive  to  the 
majority  of  readers  than  the  cold 
and  sober  delineations  of  truth. 

The  contemporary  French  ac-  French 
counts  of  the  Neapolitan  wars  of  chronicle*. 
Louis  XII.  are  extremely  meagre, 
and  few  in  number.  The  most 
striking,  on  the  whole, is  D'Auton's 
chronicle,  composed  in  the  true 
chivalrous  vein  of  old  Froissart,  but 
unfortunately  terminating  before  the 
close  of  the  first  campaign.  St. 
Gelais  and  Claude  Seyssel  touch 
very  lightly  on  this  part  of  their 
subject.  History  becomes  in  their 
hands,  moreover,  little  better  than 
fulsome  panegyric,  carried  to  such 
a  height,  indeed,  by  the  latter  writ- 
er, as  brought  on  him  the  most  se- 
vere strictures  from  his  contempo- 
raries ;  so  that  he  was  compelled  to 
take  up  the  pen  more  than  once  in 
his  own  vindication.  The  "  Me- 
rnoiresde  Bayard,'*  Fleurange,  and 
La  Tremouille,  so  diffuse  in  most 
military  details,  are  nearly  silent  in 
regard  to  those  of  the  Neapolitan 
war.  The  truth  is,  the  subject  was 
too  ungrateful  in  itself,  and  present- 
ed too  unbroken  a  series  of  calami- 
ties and  defeats,  to  invite  the  atten- 
tion of  the  French  historians,  who 
willingly  turned  to  those  brilliant 
passages  in  this  reign,  more  sooth- 
ing to  national  vanity. 

The  blank  has  been  filled  up,  or 
rather  attempted  to  be  so,  by  the 


168 


ITALIAN   WARS. 


PART 

II. 


assiduity  of  their  later  writers. 
Among  these,  occasionally  consult- 
ed by  me,  are  Varillas,  whose 
"Histoire  de  Louis  XII.,"  loose  as 
it  is,  rests  on  a  somewhat  more  solid 
basis  than  his  metaphysical  rever- 
ies, assuming  the  title  of  "Politi- 
que  de  Ferdinand,"  already  repeat- 
edly noticed  ;  Gamier,  whose  per- 
spicuous narrative,  if  inferior  to 
that  of  Gaillard  in  acuteness  and 
epigrammatic  point,  makes  a  much 
nearer  approach  to  trutli ;  and, 
lastly,  Sismondi,  who,  if  he  may 
be  charged,  in  his  "  Histoire  des 
Frangais,"  with  some  of  the  de- 
fects incident  to  indiscreet  rapidity 
of  composition,  succeeds  by  a  few 
brief  and  animated  touches  in  open- 
ing deeper  views  into  character  and 
conduct  than  can  be  got  from  vol- 
umes of  ordinary  writers. 

The  want  of  authentic  materials 
for  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the 
reign  of  Louis  XII.  is  a  subject 
of  complaint  with  French  writers 
themselves.  The  memoirs  of  the 
period,  occupied  with  the  more  daz- 
zling military  transactions,  make  no 
attempt  to  instruct  us  in  the  interior 
organization  or  policy  of  the  gov- 
ernment. One  might  imagine,  that 
their  authors  lived  a  century  be- 
fore Philippe  de  Comines,  instead 
of  coming  after  him,  so  inferior  are 
they,  in  all  the  great  properties  of 
historic  composition,  to  this  emi- 
nent statesman.  The  French  savans 
have  made  slender  contributions  to 
the  stock  of  original  documents, 
collected  more  than  two  centuries 
ago  by  Godefroy  for  the  illustration 
of  this  reign.  It  can  scarcely  be 
supposed,  however,  that  the  labors 
of  this  early  antiquary  exhausted 
the  department,  in  which  the  French 
are  rich  beyond  all  others,  and  that 
those,  who  work  the  same  mine 
hereafter,  should  not  find  valuable 
materials  for  a  broader  foundation 
of  this  interesting  portion  of  their 
history. 

It  is  fortunate  that  the  reserve  of 
he  French  in  regard  to  their  rela- 
tions with  Italy,  at  this  time,  has 


been  abundantly  compensated  by 
the  labors  of  the  most  eminent  con- 
temporary writers  of  the  latter 
country,  as  Bembo,  Machiavelli, 
Giovio,  a*d  the  philosophic  Guic- 
ciardini ;  whose  situation  as  Ital- 
ians enabled  them  to  maintain  the 
balance  of  historic  truth  undisturb- 
ed, at  least  by  undue  partiality  for 
either  of  the  two  great  rival  pow- 
ers ;  whose  high  public  stations 
introduced  them  to  the  principal 
characters  of  the  day,  and  to  springs 
of  action  hidden  from  vulgar  eyes; 
and  whose  superior  science,  as 
well  as  genius,  qualified  them  for 
rising  above  the  humble  level  of 
garrulous  chronicle  and  memoir  to 
the  classic  dignity  of  history.  It  is 
with  regret  that  we  must  now  strike 
into  a  track  unillumined  by  the  la- 
bors of  these  great  masters  of  their 
art  in  modern  times. 

Since  the  publication  of  this 
History,  the  Spanish  Minister  at 
Washington,  Don  Angel  Calde- 
ron  de  la  Barca,  did  me  the  fa- 
vor to  send  me  a  copy  of  the 
biography  above  noticed  as  the 
"  Sumario  de  los  Hechos  del  Gran 
Capitan."  It  is  a  recent  reprint 
from  the  ancient  edition  of  1527, 
of  which  the  industrious  editor, 
Don  F.  Martinez  de  la  Rosa,  was 
able  to  find  but  one  copy  in  Spain. 
In  its  new  form,  it  covers  about 
a  hundred  duodecimo  pages.  It 
has  positive  value,  as  a  contem- 
porary document,  and  as  such  I 
gladly  avail  myself  of  it.  But  the 
greater  part  is  devoted  to  the  early 
history  of  Gonsalvo,  over  which 
my  limits  have  compelled  me  to 
pass  lightly  ;  and,  for  the  rest,  I 
am  happy  to  find,  on  the  perusal 
of  it,  nothing  of  moment,  which 
conflicts  with  the  statements  drawn 
from  other  sources.  The  able  ed- 
itor has  also  combined  an  interest- 
ing notice  of  its  author,  Pulgar,  El 
de  las  Hazaflas,  one  of  those  heroes 
whose  doughty  feats  shed  the  illu- 
sions of  knight-errantry  over  the 
war  of  Granada. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA.  —  HER  CHARACTER. 

1504. 

Decline  of  the  Queen's  Health.  —  Alarm  .of  the  Nation.  —  Her 
Testament.  — And  Codicil.  —  Her  Resignation,  and  Death.  —  Her 
Remains  transported  to  Granada.  —  Isabella's  Person.  —  Her  Man- 
ners. —  Her  Character.  —  Parallel  with  Queen  Elizabeth. 

THE  acquisition  of  an  important  kingdom  in  the   CHAPTER 

heart  of  Europe,  and  of  the  New  World  beyond  • 

1-1  .     i  •        i       i        11  Declineof 

the  waters,  which  promised  to  pour  into  her  lap  all 

the  fabled  treasures  of  the  Indies,  was  rapidly  rais- 
ing Spain  to  the  first  rank  of  European  powers. 
But,  in  this  noontide  of  her  success,  she  was  to  ex- 
perience a  fatal  shock  in  the  loss  of  that  illustrious 
personage,  who  had  so  long  and  so  gloriously  pre- 
sided over  her  destinies.  We  have  had  occasion  to 
notice  more  than  once  the  declining  state  of  the 
queen's  health  during  the  last  few  years.  Her 
constitution  had  been  greatly  impaired  by  incessant 
personal  fatigue  and  exposure,  and  by  the  unremit- 
ting activity  of  her  mind.  It  had  suffered  far  more 
severely,  however,  from  a 'series  of  heavy  domestic 
calamities,  which  had  fallen  on  her  with  little  inter- 
mission since  the  death  of  her  mother  in  1496. 
VOL.  in  22 


170  ILLNESS  AND    DEATH    OF   ISABELLA. 

PART  The  next  year,  she  followed  to  the  grave  the  re- 

. L mains  of  her  only  son,  the  heir  and  hope  of  the 

monarchy,  just  entering  on  his  prime ;  and  in  the 
succeeding,  was  called  on  to  render  the  same  sad 
offices  to  the  best  beloved  of  her  daughters,  the 
amiable  queen  of  Portugal. 

The  severe  illness  occasioned  by  this  last  blow 
terminated  in  a  dejection  of  spirits,  from  which  she 
never  entirely  recovered.  Her  surviving  children 
were  removed  far  from  her  into  distant  lands ;  with 
the  occasional  exception,  indeed,  of  Joanna,  who 
caused  a  still  deeper  pang  to  her  mother's  affection- 
ate heart,  by  exhibiting  infirmities,  which  justified 
the  most  melancholy  presages  for  the  future. 

Far  from  abandoning  herself  to  weak  and  use- 
less repining,  however,  Isabella  sought  consolation, 
where  it  was  best  to  be  found,  in  the  exercises  of 
piety,  and  in  the  earnest  discharge  of  the  duties 
attached  to  her  exalted  station.  Accordingly,  we 
find  her  attentive  as  ever  to  the  minutest  inter- 
ests of  her  subjects ;  supporting  her  great  minister 
Ximenes  in  his  schemes  of  reform,  quickening  the 
zeal  for  discovery  in  the  west,  and,  at  the  close  of 
the  year  1503,  on  the  alarm  of  the  French  inva- 
sion, rousing  her  dying  energies,  to  kindle  a  spirit 
of  resistance  in  her  people.  These  strong  mental 
exertions,  however,  only  accelerated  the  decay  of 
her  bodily  strength,  which  was  gradually  sinking 
under  that  sickness  of  the  heart,  which  admits  of 
no  cure,  and  scarcely  of  consolation. 

In  the  beginning  of  that  very  year  she  had  de- 
clined so  visibly,  that  the  cortes  of  Castile,  much 


HER   CHARACTER.  171 

alarmed,  petitioned  her  to  provide  for  the  govern-  CHAPTER 
ment  of  the  kingdom  after  her  decease,  in  case  of 
the  absence  or  incapacity  of  Joanna.1  She  seems 
to  have  rallied  in  some  measure  after  this,  but  it 
was  only  to  relapse  into  a  state  of  greater  debility, 
as  her  spirits  sunk  under  the  conviction,  which 
now  forced  itself  on  her,  of  her  daughter's  settled 
insanity. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  that  JJ?f0~"^ct 
unfortunate  lady  embarked  for  Flanders,  where  soon  1504. 
after  her  arrival,  the  inconstancy  of  her  husband, 
and  her  own  ungovernable  sensibilities,  occasioned 
the  most  scandalous  scenes.  Philip  became  openly 
enamoured  of  one  of  the  ladies  of  her  suite,  and  his 
injured  wife,  in  a  paroxysm  of  jealousy,  personally 
assaulted  her  fair  rival  in  the  palace,  and  caused  the 
beautiful  locks,  which  had  excited  the  admiration 
of  her  fickle  husband,  to  be  shorn  from  her  head. 
This  outrage  so  affected  Philip,  that  he  vented  his 
indignation  against  Joanna  in  the  coarsest  and  most 
unmanly  terms,  and  finally  refused  to  have  any  fur- 
ther intercourse  with  her.2 

The   account  of  this   disgraceful   scene   reached  The  queen 

seized  with 

Castile  in  the  month  of  June.     It  occasioned  the  afever> 
deepest  chagrin  and   mortification  to  the  unhappy 
parents.     Ferdinand  soon  after  fell  ill  of  a  fever, 
and  the  queen  was  seized  with  the  same  disorder, 
accompanied   by  more   alarming  symptoms.      Her 


1  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  lib.  19,  cap.  16. — Peter  Martyr, 

ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  11.  —  Zurila,  Ana-  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  271,  272.— 

les,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  84.  Gomez,  De  Rebus Gestis,  fol.46.— 

3  Garibay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  aiio  1504. 


ILLNESS  AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

illness  was  exasperated  by  anxiety  for  her  husband, 
and  she  refused  to  credit  the  favorable  reports  of 
his  physicians,  while  he  was  detained  from  her 
presence.  His  vigorous  constitution,  however, 
threw  off  the  malady,  while  hers  gradually  failed 
under  it.  Her  tender  heart  was  more  keenly  sen- 
sible than  his  to  the  unhappy  condition  of  their 
child,  and  to  the  gloomy  prospects,  which  awaited 
her  beloved  Castile.3 

Her  faithful  follower,  Martyr,  was  with  the  court 
at  this  time  in  Medina  del  Campo.  In  a  letter  to 
the  count  of  Tendilla,  dated  October  7th,  he  states, 
that  the  most  serious  apprehensions  were  enter- 
tained by  the  physicians  for  the  queen's  fate. 
"  Her  whole  system,"  he  says,  "  is  pervaded  by  a 
consuming  fever.  She  loathes  food  of  every  kind, 
and  is  tormented  with  incessant  thirst,  while  the 
disorder  has  all  the  appearance  of  terminating  in  a 
dropsy." 4 
Retains  her  In  the  mean  while,  Isabella  lost  nothing  of  her 

energies. 

solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  her  people,  and  tfie 
great  concerns  of  government.  While  reclining,  as 
she  was  obliged  to  do  great  part  of  the  day,  on  her 
couch,  she  listened  to  the  recital  or  reading  of  what- 
ever occurred  of  interest,  at  home  or  abroad.  She 
gave  audience  to  distinguished  foreigners,  especially 
such  Italians  as  could  acquaint  her  with  particulars 
of  the  late  war,  and  above  all  in  regard  to  Gonsalvc 
de  Cordova,  in  whose  fortunes  she  had  always  taken 

3  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.        4  Opus  Epist.,  epfet.  274. 
46,    47.  —  Peter     Martyr,    Opus 


Epist..,     epist.     273.  —  Carbajal, 
Anales,  MS.,  afio  1501. 


HER  CHARACTER.  173 

the  liveliest  concern.5     She  received  with  pleasure,  CHAPTER 

XVI 

too,  such  intelligent  travellers,  as  her  renown  had  — 
attracted  to  the  Castilian  court.  She  drew  forth 
their  stores  of  various  information,  and  dismissed 
them,  says  a  writer  of  the  age,  penetrated  with  the 
deepest  admiration  of  that  masculine  strength  of 
mind,  which  sustained  her  so  nobly  under  the  weight 
of  a  mortal  malady. 6 

This  malady  was  now  rapidly  gaining  ground. 
On  the  15th  of  October  we  have  another  epistle  of 
Martyr,  of  the  following  melancholy  tenor.  "  You 
ask  me  respecting  the  state  of  the  queen's  health. 
We  sit  sorrowful  in  the  palace  all  day  long,  trem- 
blingly waiting  the  hour,  when  religion  and  virtue 
shall  quit  the  earth  with  her.  Let  us  pray  that  we 
may  be  permitted  to  follow  hereafter  where  she  is 
soon  to  go.  She  so  far  transcends  all  human  excel- 
lence, that  there  is  scarcely  any  thing  of  mortality 
about  her.  She  can  hardly  be  said  to  die,  but  to 
pass  into  a  nobler  existence,  which  should  rather 
excite  our  envy  than  our  sorrow.  She  leaves  the  * 

world  filled  with  her  renown,  and  she  goes  to  enjoy 


5  A  short  time  before  her  death,  to  the  queen  at  this  time,  was  a 
she  received  a  visit  from  the  distin-  celebrated  Venetian  traveller,  nam- 
guished  officer,  Prospero  Colonna.  ed  Vianelli,  who  presented  her  with 
The  Italian  noble,  on   being-  pre-  a  cross  of  pure  gold  set  with  pre- 
sented to  King  Ferdinand,  told  him,  cious    stones,   among    which   was 
that   "  he  had  come  to  Castile  to  a  carbuncle  of  inestimable  value, 
behold  the  woman,  who  from  her  The  liberal  Italian  met  with  rather 
iick  bed  ruled  the  world;"  "  ver  an  uncourtly  rebuke  from  Ximenes, 
ma    sefiora   que    desde    la   cama  who  told  him,  on  leaving  the  pres- 
mandava   al  mundo."      Sandoval,  ence,  that   "  he   had  rather  have 
Hist,  del  Kmp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  the  money   his  diamonds  cost,  to 
p.  8.  —  Carta  de  Gonzalo,  MS.  spend  in  the  service  of  the  church, 

6  Gomez,     De    Rebus    Gestis,  than  all  the  gems  of  the  Indies  " 
tol.  47.  Ibid. 

Among  the  foreigners  introduced 


.74  ILLNESS   AND    DEATH    OF   ISABELLA. 

PART      life  eternal  with  her  God  in  heaven.     I  write  this,' 

'- —  he  concludes,  "  between  hope  and  fear,  while  the 

breath  is  still  fluttering  within  her."7 

Alarm  of  the  The  deepest  gloom  now  overspread  the  nation. 
Even  Isabella's  long  illness  had  failed  to  prepare 
the  minds  of  her  faithful  people  for  the  sad  catasy 
trophe.  They  recalled  several  ominous  circum- 
stances which  had  before  escaped  their  attention. 
In  the  preceding  spring,  an  earthquake,  accom- 
panied by  a  tremendous  hurricane,  such  as  the 
oldest  men  did  not  remember,  had  visited  Andalu- 
sia, and  especially  Carmona,  a  place  belonging  to 
the  queen,  and  occasioned  frightful  desolation  there. 
The  superstitious  Spaniards  now  read  in  these 
portents  the  prophetic  signs,  by  which  Heaven  an- 
nounces some  great  calamity.  Prayers  were  put 
up  in  every  temple ;  processions  and  pilgrimages 
made  in  every  part  of  the  country  for  the  recovery 
of  their  beloved  sovereign, -- but  in  vain.8 

Isabella,  in  the  mean  time,  was  deluded  with  no 
false  hopes.  She  felt  too  surely  the  decay  of  her 
bodily  strength,  and  she  resolved  to  perform  what 
temporal  duties  yet  remained  for  her,  while  hei 
faculties  were  still  unclouded. 

^t*esta-         On  the  12th  of  October  she  executed  that  cele- 
cct°ii'    Crated  testament,  which  reflects  so  clearly  the  pe- 
culiar qualities  of  her  mind   and  character.     She 
begins  with  prescribing  the  arrangements  for  hei 


'  Opus  Epist.,epist.  276.  bay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19, 

B  Bernaldez,    Reyes    Cat61icos,  cap.  16.  —  Zufii°a,  Annales  de  Se- 

MS.,   cap.   200,  201.—  Caibajal,  villa,  pp.  423,  424. 

Anales,   MS.,  afio   1504.  —  Gari- 


HER    CHARACTER.  175 

burial.     She  orders  her  remains  to  be  transported   CHAPTER 

XVI. 

to  Granada,  to  the  Franciscan  monastery  of  Santa  - 
Isabella  in  the  Alhambra,  and  there  deposited  in  a 
low  and  humble  sepulchre,  without  other  memorial 
than  a  plain  inscription  on  it.  "  But,"  she  con- 
tinues, "  should  the  king,  my  lord,  prefer  a  sepulchre 
in  some  other  place,  then  my  will  is  that  my  body 
be  there  transported,  and  laid  by  his  side ;  that  the 
union  we  have  enjoyed  in  this  world,  and,  through 
the  mercy  of  God,  may  hope  again  for  our  souls  in 
heaven,  may  be  represented  by  our  bodies  in  the 
earth."  Then,  desirous  of  correcting  by  her  exam- 
ple, in  this  last  act  of  her  life,  the  wasteful  pomp 
of  funeral  obsequies  to  which  the  Castilians  were 
addicted,  she  commands  that  her  own  should  be 
performed  in  the  plainest  and  most  unostentatious 
manner,  and  that  the  sum  saved  by  this  economy 
should  be  distributed  in  alms  among  the  poor. 

She  next  provides  for  several  charities,  assigning, 
among  others,  marriage  portions  for  poor  maidens, 
and  a  considerable  sum  for  the  redemption  of  Chris- 
tian captives  in  Barbary.  She  enjoins  the  punctual 
discharge  of  all  her  personal  debts  within  a  year: 
she  retrenches  superfluous  offices  in  the  royal  house- 
hold, and  revokes  all  such  grants,  whether  in  the 
forms  of  hinds  or  annuities,  as  she  conceives  to  have 
been  made  without  sufficient  warrant.  She  incul- 
cates on  her  successors  the  importance  of  maintain- 
ing the  integrity  of  the  royal  domains,  and,  above 
all,  of  never  divesting  themselves  of  their  title  to 
the  important  fortress  of  Gibraltar. 

After  this,  she  comes  to  the  succession   of  the  setti«nhe 

succession. 


176  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF  ISABELLA. 

PART  crown,  which  she  settles  on  the  infanta  Joanna,  as 
— —  "  queen  proprietor,"  and  the  archduke  Philip  as  her 
husband.  She  gives  them  much  good  counsel  re- 
specting their  future  administration;  enjoining  them, 
as  they  would  secure  the  love  and  obedience  of 
their  subjects,  to  conform  in  all  respects  to  the  laws 
and  usages  of  the  realm,  to  appoint  no  foreigner  to 
office,  —  an  error,  into  which  Philip's  connexions, 
she  saw,  would  be  very  likely  to  betray  them, — 
and  to  make  no  laws  or  ordinances,  "  which  neces- 
sarily require  the  consent  of  cortes,"  during  their 
absence  from  the  kingdom.9  She  recommends  to 
them  the  same  conjugal  harmony  which  had  ever 
subsisted  between  her  and  her  husband;  she  be- 
seeches them  to  show  the  latter  all  the  deference 
and  filial  affection  "due  to  him  beyond  every  other 
parent,  for  his  eminent  virtues  " ;  and  finally  incul- 
cates on  them  the  most  tender  regard  for  the  lib- 
erties and  welfare  of  their  subjects. 
Ferdiiwmd  She  next  comes  to  the  great  question  proposed 

named  re- 

jent.  by  tjie  Cortes  of  1503,  respecting  the  government 

of  the  realm  in  the  absence  or  incapacity  of  Joanna. 
She  declares  that,  after  mature  deliberation,  and 
with  the  advice  of  many  of  the  prelates  and  nobles 
of  the  kingdom,  she  appoints  King  Ferdinand  her 
husband  to  be  the  sole  regent  of  Castile,  in  that  ex- 
igency, until  the  majority  of  her  grandson  Charles ; 

9  "  Ni  fagan  fuera  de  los  dichos  343.)    an   honorable   testimony   to 

mis  Reynos  e  Sefiorios,   Lcyes   e  the  legislative  rights  of  the  cortes, 

Prematicas,  ni  las  otras  cosas  que  which  contrasts  strongly  with  the 

en  Cortes  se  deven  lia/er  segund  despotic  assumption  of  preceding 

las  Leyes  de  ellos  ;"  (Testamento,  and  succeeding  princes, 
apud  Dormer,  Discursos  Varios,  p 


HER   CHARACTER.  177 

being  led  to  this,  she  adds,  "  by  the  consideration   CHAPTER 
of  the  magnanimity  and  illustrious  qualities  of  the  . — 


king,  my  lord,  as  well  as  his  large  experience,  and 
the  great  profit,  which  will  redound  to  the  state 
from  his  wise  and  beneficent  rule."  She  expresses 
her  sincere  conviction,  that  his  past  conduct  affords 
a  sufficient  guaranty  for  his  faithful  administration, 
but,  in  compliance  with  established  usage,  requires 
the  customary  oath  from  him  on  entering  on  the 
duties  of  the  office. 

She  then  makes  a  specific  provision  for  her  hus-  Provision 

for  him. 

band's  personal  maintenance,  which,  "  although  less 
than  she  could  wish,  and  far  less  than  he  deserves, 
considering  the  eminent  services  he  had  rendered 
the  state,"  she  settles  at  one  half  of  all  the  net 
proceeds  and  profits  accruing  from  the  newly  dis- 
covered countries  in  the  west ;  together  with  ten 
million  maravedies  annually,  assigned  on  the  alca- 
valas  of  the  grandmasterships  of  the  military  orders. 

After  some  additional  regulations,  respecting  the 
descent  of  the  crown  on  failure  of  Joanna's  lineal 
heirs,  she  recommends  in  the  kindest  and  most 
emphatic  terms  to  her  successors  the  various  mem- 
bers of  her  household,  and  her  personal  friends, 
among  whom  we  find  the  names  of  the  marquis  and 
marchioness  of  Moya,  (Beatrice  de  Bobadilla,  the 
companion  of  her  youth,)  and  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
the  accomplished  minister  at  the  papal  court. 

And,  lastly,  concluding  in  the  same  beautiful 
strain  of  conjugal  tenderness  in  which  she  began, 
she  says,  "  1  beseech  the  king  my  lord,  that  he  will 
accept  all  my  jewels,  or  such  as  he  shall  select,  so 

VOL.  in.  23 


178  ILLNESS   AND    DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

FART      that,  seeing  them,  he  may  be  reminded  of  the  sm- 

— gular  love  I  always  bore  him  while  living,  and  that 

I  am  now  waiting  for  him  in  a  better  world  ;  by 
which  remembrance  he  may  be  encouraged  to  live 
the  more  justly  and  holily  in  this." 

Six  executors  were  named  to  the  will.  The  two 
principal  were  the  king  and  the  primate  Ximenes, 
who  had  full  powers  to  act  in  conjunction  with  any 
one  of  the  others.10 

I  have  dwelt  the  more  minutely  on  the  details  of 
Isabella's  testament,  from  the  evidence  it  affords  of 
her  constancy  in  her  dying  hour  to  the  principles 
which  had  governed  her  through  life ;  of  her  expan- 
sive and  sagacious  policy ;  her  prophetic  insight 
into  the  evils  to  result  from  her  death,  —  evils,  alas ! 
which  no  forecast  could  avert;  her  scrupulous  at- 
tention to  all  her  personal  obligations ;  and  that 
warm  attachment  to  her  friends,  which  could  never 
falter  while  a  pulse  beat  in  her  bosom. 
Her codidi.  After  performing  this  duty,  she  daily  grew  weak- 
er, the  powers  of  her  mind  seeming  to  brighten,  as 
those  of  her  body  declined.  The  concerns  of  her 
government  still  occupied  her  thoughts  ;  and  several 
public  measures,  which  she  had  postponed  through 
urgency  of  other  business,  or  growing  infirmities, 
pressed  so  heavily  on  her  heart,  that  she  made 
them  the  subject  of  a  codicil  to  her  former  will. 

10  1  have  before  me  three  copies  apend.  no.  1  ;  and  a  third  published 

of  Isabella's  testament ;  one  in  MS.  in  Dormer's  Discursos    Varios  de 

apudCarbajal,  Anales,afio  1504;  a  Historia,  pp.  314-388.     I  am  not 

second  printed  in  the  beautiful  Va-  aware  that  it  has  been  printed  else- 

lencia  edition  of  Mariana,  torn.  ix.  where. 


HER  CHARACTER. 


179 


11  The  "Ordenan<jas  Reales  de 
Castilla,"    published   in  1484,  and 
the   "  Prarrmalicas    del    Reyno," 
first  printed  in    1503,  comprehend 
the  general  legislation  of  this  reign  ; 
a  particular  account  of  which  the 
reader  may  find  in  Part  I.  Chapter 
6,  and  Part  II.  Chapter  26,  of  this 
History. 

12  Las    Casas,   who    will    not 
be   suspected  of  sycophancy,   re- 
marks, in  his  narrative  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  Indies,  "  Les  plus 
grandes  horreurs  de  ces  guerres  et 
de  cette  boucherie   commencerent 
aussitOt  qu'on  sut  en  Amerique  que 


la  reine  Isabelle  venait  de  mourir  ; 
car  jusqu'alors  il  ne  s'etait  pas 
commis  autant  de  crimes  dans  1'tle 
Espagnole,  et  Ton  avail  meme  eu 
soin  de  lescacher  a  cette  princesse, 
parcequ'elle  ne  cessait  de  recom- 
mander  de  trailer  les  Indiens  avec 
douceur,  et  de  ne  rien  negliger 
pour  les  rendre  heureux  :  fai  vu, 
ainsi  que  beaucoup  (TEspagnols,  les 
lettres  qu'elle  icrivail  h  ce  sujet,  et 
les  ordres  qu'elle  enroyait ;  ce  qui 
prouve  que  cette  admirable  reine  au- 
rait  mis  fin  a  tant  de  cruautes,  si 
elle  avail  pu  les  connaitre."  CEu- 
vres,  ed.  de  Llorente,tom.  i.  p.  21. 


1504. 
Nov   23. 


It  was  executed  November  23d,  only  three    days   CHAPTER 

XVI. 

before  her  death. 

Three  of  the  provisions  contained  in  it  are  too 
remarkable  to  pass  unnoticed.  The  first  concerns 
the  codification  of  the  laws.  For  this  purpose,  the 
queen  appoints  a  commission  to  make  a  new  digest 
of  the  statutes  and  pragmaticas,  the  contradictory 
tenor  of  which  still  occasioned  much  embarrass- 
ment in  Castilian  jurisprudence.  This  was  a  sub- 
ject she  always  had  much  at  heart ;  but  no  nearer 
approach  had  been  made  to  it,  than  the  valuable, 
though  insufficient  work  of  Montalvo,  in  the  early 
part  of  her  reign  ;  and,  notwithstanding  her  pre- 
cautions, none  more  effectual  was  destined  to  take 
place  till  the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second.11 

The  second  item  had  reference  to  the  natives  of 
the  New  World.  Gross  abuses  had  arisen  there 
since  the  partial  revival  of  the  repartimicntos,  al- 
though Las  Casas  says,  "  intelligence  of  this  was 
carefully  kept  from  the  ears  of  the  queen."18  Some 
vague  apprehension  of  the  truth,  however,  appears 
to  have  forced  itself  on  her ;  and  she  enjoins  her 


180  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

PART      successors,  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  to  quicken 

-  the  good  work  of  converting  and  civilizing  the  poor 

Indians,  to  treat  them  with  the  greatest  gentleness, 

and  redress  any  wrongs  they  may  have  suffered  in 

their  persons  or  property. 

Lastly,  she  expresses  her  doubts  as  to  the  legal- 
ity of  the  revenue  drawn  from  the  alcavalas,  con- 
stituting the  principal  income  of  the  crown.  She 
directs  a  commission  to  ascertain  whether  it  were 
originally  intended  to  be  perpetual,  and  if  this  were 
done  with  the  free  consent  of  the  people  ;  enjoin- 
ing her  heirs,  in  that  event,  to  collect  the  tax  so 
that  it  should  press  least  heavily  on  her  subjects. 
Should  it  be  found  otherwise,  however,  she  directs 
that  the  legislature  be  summoned  to  devise  proper 
measures  for  supplying  the  wants  of  the  crown,  — 
"  measures  depending  for  their  validity  on  the  good 
pleasure  of  the  subjects  of  the  realm."13 

Such  were  the  dying  words  of  this  admirable 
woman  ;  displaying  the  same  respect  for  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  nation,  which  she  had  shown 
through  life,  and  striving  to  secure  the  blessings 
of  her  benign  administration  to  the  most  distant 
and  barbarous  regions  under  her  sway.  These 
two  documents  were  a  precious  legacy  bequeathed 
to  her  people,  to  guide  them  when  the  light  of  her 
personal  example  should  be  withdrawn  for  ever. 
S£tiiy.to  Tne  queen's  signature  to  the  codicil,  which  still 

exists  among  the  manuscripts  of  the  royal  library  at 

13  The  original  codicil  is  still    It  is  appended  to  the  queen's  testa- 
preserved  among  the  manuscripts    ment  in  the  works  before  noticed, 
of  the   Royal   Library  at  Madrid. 


HER   CHARACTER. 

Madrid,  shows,  by  its  irregular  and  scarcely  legible  CHAPTER 
characters,  the  feeble  state  to  which  she  was  then  XVL 
reduced.14  She  had  now  adjusted  all  her  worldly 
concerns,  and  she  prepared  to  devote  herself,  dur- 
ing the  brief  space  which  remained,  to  those  of  a 
higher  nature.  It  was  but  the  last  act 'of  a  life  of 
preparation.  She  had  the  misfortune,  common  to 
persons  of  her  rank,  to  be  separated  in  her  last 
moments  from  those  whose  filial  tenderness  might 
have  done  so  much  to  soften  the  bitterness  of 
death.  But  she  had  the  good  fortune,  most  rare, 
to  have  secured  for  this  trying  hour  the  solace  of 
disinterested  friendship  ;  for  she  beheld  around  her 
the  friends  of  her  childhood,  formed  and  proved  in 
the  dark  season  of  adversity. 

As  she  saw  them  bathed  in  tears  around  her  bed,  Her 

tion,  and 

she  calmly  said,  "  Do  not  weep  for  me,  nor  waste  death- 
your  time  in  fruitless  prayers  for  my  recovery,  but 
pray  rather  for  the  salvation  of  my  soul."15  On 
receiving  the  extreme  unction,  she  refused  to  have 
her  feet  exposed,  as  was  usual  on  that  occasion  ;  a 
circumstance,  which,  occurring  at  a  time  when 
there  can  be  no  suspicion  of  affectation,  is  often 
noticed  by  Spanish  writers,  as  a  proof  of  that  sensi- 
tive delicacy  and  decorum,  which  distinguished  her 
through  life.16  At  length,  having  received  the  sa- 
craments, and  performed  all  the  offices  of  a  sincere 

14  Clemencin  has   given   a  fac-  1G  Arevalo,  Historia   Palentina, 

simile  of  this  last  signature  of  the  MS.,  apud   Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de 

queen,  in  the  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  p.  572.  —  L.  Ma- 

Hist.,  torn.  vi.  Ilust.  21.  rineo,     Cosas     Memorables,     fol. 

'5  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memora-  187.  —  Garibay,    Compendio,    ubi 

bles,  fol.  187.  —  Garibay,  Compen-  supra, 
dio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  16. 


182  ILLNESS  AND   DEATH   OF  ISABELLA. 


PART      and  devout  Christian,  she  gently  expired  a  little 
"'        before  noon,  on  Wednesday,  November  26th,  1504, 
1 4  •    in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  her  age,  and  thirtieth  of 


Nov.  26. 


her  reign.17 


"  My  hand,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter  writ- 
ten on  the  same  day  to  the  archbishop  of  Granada, 
"  falls  powerless  by  my  side,  for  very  sorrow.  The 
world  has  lost  its  noblest  ornament ;  a  loss  to  be 
deplored  not  only  by  Spain,  which  she  has  so  long 
carried  forward  in  the  career  of  glory,  but  by  every 
nation  in  Christendom  ;  for  she  was  the  mirror  of 
every  virtue,  the  shield  of  the  innocent,  and  an 
avenging  sword  to  the  wicked.  I  know  none  of 
her  sex,  in  ancient  or  modern  times,  who  in  my 
judgment  is  at  all  worthy  to  be  named  with  this 
incomparable  woman." 
Her  remains  No  time  was  lost  in  making  preparations  for 

.ransported 

.o Granada,  transporting  the  queen's  body  unembalmed  to  Gra- 
nada, in  strict  conformity  to  her  orders.  It  was 
escorted  by  a  numerous  cortege  of  cavaliers  and 
ecclesiastics,  among  whom  was  the  faithful  Martyr. 
The  procession  began  its  mournful  march  the  day 
following  her  death,  taking  the  route  through  Are- 
valo,  Toledo,  and  Jaen.  Scarcely  had  it  left  Medina 
del  Campo,  when  a  tremendous  tempest  set  in, 
which  continued  with  little  interruption  during  the 
whole  journey.  The  roads  were  rendered  nearly 
impassable  ;  the  bridges  swept  away,  the  small 
streams  swollen  to  the  size  of  the  Tagus,  and  the 

17  Isabella  was  born  April  22d,         18  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  279. 
1451,  and  ascended  the  throne  De- 
cember 12th,  1474. 


HER  CHARACTER.  183 

level  country  buried  under  a  deluge  of  water.    Nei-  CHAPTER 

•  XVI 

ther  sun  nor  stars  were  seen   during  their  whole  ! 

progress.  The  horses  and  mules  were  borne  down 
by  the  torrents,  and  the  riders  in  several  instances 
perished  with  them.  "  Never,"  exclaims  Martyr, 
"  did  I  encounter  such  perils,  in  the  whole  of  my 
hazardous  pilgrimage  to  Egypt." 19 

At  length,  on  the  18th  of  December,  the  melan-  ^dll?the 

Alhambra. 

choly  and  way-worn  cavalcade  reached  the  place  of 
its  destination  ;  and,  amidst  the  wild  strife  of  the 
elements,  the  peaceful  remains  of  Isabella  were  laid, 
with  simple  solemnities,  in  the  Franciscan  monas- 
tery of  the  Alhambra.  Here,  under  the  shadow  of 
those  venerable  Moslem  towers,  and  in  the  heart  of 
the  capital,  which  her  noble  constancy  had  recov- 
ered for  her  country,  they  continued  to  repose  till 
after-  the  death  of  Ferdinand,  when  they  were  re- 
moved to  be  laid  by  his  side,  in  the  stately  mauso- 
leum of  the  cathedral  church  of  Granada.20 

I  shall  defer,  the  review  of  Queen  Isabella's  ad- 
ministration, until  it  can  be  done  in  conjunction 
with  that  of  Ferdinand  ;  and  shall  confine  myself  at 
present  to  such  considerations  on  the  prominent 
traits  of  her  character,  as  have  been  suggested  by 
the  preceding  history  of  her  life. 

Her  person,  as  mentioned  in  the  early  part  of  the  Isabels 

.  .  .  person. 

narrative,  was  of  the  middle  height,  and  well  pro- 


!9  Opus  Epist.,epist.  280. —  The  MS.,  afio  1504.  —  Garibay,  Corn- 
text  does  not  exaggerate  the  Ian-  pendio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  19,  cap.  16. — 
guage  of  the  epistle,  Zurita,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  84.— 

20  Bernaldfcz,   Reyes  Catolicos,  Navagiero,  Viaggio,  fol.  23. 
MS.,  cap.  201.  —  Carbajal,  Anales, 


184  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

PART      portioned.     She  had  a  clear,  fresh  complexion,  with 

_ "; light  blue  eyes  and  auburn  hair,  —  a  style  of  beauty 

exceedingly  rare  in  Spain.  Her  features  were 
regular,  and  universally  allowed  to  be  uncommonly 
handsome.21  The  illusion  which  attaches  to  rank, 
more  especially  when  united  with  engaging  man- 
ners, might  lead  us  to  suspect  some  exaggeration  in 
the  encomiums  so  liberally  lavished  on  her.  But 
they  would  seem  to  be  in  a  great  measure  justified 
by  the  portraits  that  remain  of  her,  which  combine 
a  faultless  symmetry  of  features  with  singular  sweet- 
ness and  intelligence  of  expression. 
Herman-  Her  manners  were  most  gracious  and  pleasing. 

nen. 

They  were  marked  by  natural  dignity  and  modest 
reserve,  tempered  by  an  affability  which  flowed 
from  the  kindliness  of  her  disposition.  She  was 
the  last  person  to  be  approached  with  undue  famil- 
iarity ;  yet  the  respect  which  she  imposed  was  min- 
gled with  the  strongest  feelings  of  devotion  and 
love.  She  showed  great  tact  in  accommodating 
herself  to  the  peculiar  situation  and  character  of 
those  around  her.  She  appeared  in  arms  at  the 
head  of  her  troops,  and  shrunk  from  none  of  the 


1   The  Curate  of  Los  Palacios  graciosa  hermosura,  y  en  entram- 

remarks  of  her,  "  Fue  muger  her-  bos  se  mostrava  una  majestad  ve- 

mosa,   de    muy   gentil    cuerpo,   e  nerable,aunque  a  juyzio  de  muchos 

gesto,   e   composition."      (Reyes  la  reyna  era  de  mayor  hermosura." 

Catolicos,  MS.,   cap.  201.)     Pul-  (Cosas    Memorable,     fol.    182.) 

gar,  another  contemporary,  eulo-  And  Oviedo,  who  had  likewise  fre- 

gizes  "el   mirar  muy   gracioso,  y  quent  opportunities  of  personal  ob- 

honesto,   las   facciones  del   rostro  servation,  does  not  hesitate  to  de- 

bien    puestas,   la   cara   toda  muy  c}are,    "  En    hermosura     puestas 

hermosa."    (Reyes  Catolicos,  part,  delante  de  S.  A.  todas  las  mugeres 

1,    cap.    4.)      L.    Marineo    says,  que  yo   he   visto,  ninguna  yi  tan 

Todo  lo  que  avia  en  el  rey  de  graciosa,  ni  tanto  de  ver  como  su 

dignidad,  se  hallava  en  la  reyna  de  persona."     Quincuagenas,  MS. 


HER    CHARACTER.  185 


XVI. 


hardships  of  war.  During  the  reforms  introduced  CHAPTER 
into  the  religious  houses,  she  visited  the  nunneries 
in  person,  taking  her  needle-work  with  her,  and 
passing  the  day  in  the  society  of  the  inmates. 
When  travelling  in  Galicia,  she  attired  herself  in 
the  costume  of  the  country,  borrowing  for  that  pur- 
pose the  jewels  and  other  ornaments  of  the  ladies 
there,  and  returning  them  with  liberal  additions.22 
By  this  condescending  and  captivating  deportment, 
as  well  as  by  her  higher  qualities,  she  gained  an 
ascendency  over  her  turbulent  subjects,  which  no 
king  of  Spain  could  ever  boast. 

She  spoke  the  Castilian  with  much  elegance  and 
correctness.  She  had  an  easy  fluency  of  discourse, 
which,  though  generally  of  a  serious  complexion, 
was  occasionally  seasoned  with  agreeable  sallies, 
some  of  which  have  passed  into  proverbs.23  She 
was  temperate  even  to  abstemiousness  in  her  diet, 
seldom  or  never  tasting  wine;24  and  so  frugal  in 
her  table,  that  the  daily  expenses  for  herself  and 
family  did  not  exceed  the  moderate  sum  of  forty 
ducats.25  She  was  equally  simple  and  economical 
in  her  apparel.  On  all  public  occasions,  indeed, 
she  displayed  a  royal  magnificence;26  but  she  had 

29  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  monial  of  the  baptism  and  presenta- 

tom.  vi.  Ilust.  8.  tion  of  prince  John  at  Seville,  147P, 

23  Ibid,  ubi  supra.  as  related  by  the  good  Curate  of 

24  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memora-  Los   Palacios.     (Reyes  Catolicos, 
bles,  fol.  182.  —  Pulgar,  Reyes  Ca-  MS.,  cap.  32,  33.)     "  Isabella  was 
tolicos.  part.  1,  cap.  4.  surrounded  and  served,"  says  Pul- 

25  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  gar,  "  by  grandees  and  lords  of  the 
torn.  vi.  p.  323.  highest  rank,  so  that  it  was  said  she 

2ti   Such     occasions    have    rare  maintained  too  great  pomp ;  pompa 

charms,  of  course,  for  the  gossiping  demasiada."  Reyes  Catolicos,  part, 

chroniclers  of  the   period.      See,  1,  cap.  4. 
among  others,  the  gorgeous  cere- 

VOL.   in.  24 


186  ILLNESS    AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 


PART  no  relish  for  it  in  private,  and  she  freely  gave  away 
'  her  clothes27  and  jewels,28  as  presents  to  her  friends. 
Naturally  of  a  sedate,  though  cheerful  temper,29 
she  had  little  taste  for  the  frivolous  amusements, 
which  make  up  so  much  of  a  court  life ;  and,  if 
she  encouraged  the  presence  of  minstrels  and  mu- 
sicians in  her  palace,  it  was  to  wean  her  young 
nobility  from  the  coarser  and  Jess  intellectual  pleas- 
ures to  which  they  were  addicted.30 

nimitnagna'  Among  her  moral  qualities,  the  most  conspicuous, 
perhaps,  was  her  magnanimity.  She  betrayed 
nothing  little  or  selfish,  in  thought  or  action.  Her 
schemes  were  vast,  and  executed  in  the  same  noble 
spirit,  in  which  they  were  conceived.  She  never 
employed  doubtful  agents  or  sinister  measures,  but 
the  most  direct  and  open  policy.31  She  scorned  to 
avail  herself  of  advantages  offered  by  the  perfidy  of 
others.32  Where  she  had  once  given  her  confi- 
dence, she  gave  her  hearty  and  steady  support ;  and 
she  was  scrupulous  to  redeem  any  pledge  she  had 
made  to  those  who  ventured  in  her  cause,  however 


27  Florez  quotes  a  passage  from  29  "  Alegre,"  says  ihe  author  of 
an  original  letter  of  the  queen,  writ-  the  "  Carro  de  las  Donas,"   "  de 
ten  soon  after  one  of  her  progresses  una  alegria  honesta  y  mui  mesura- 
into  Galicia,  showing  her  habitual  da."     Ibid.,  p.  558. 

liberality  in  this  way.  "  Decid  a  30  Among  the  retainers  of  the 
dona  Luisa,  que  porque  vengo  de  court,  Bernaldez  notices  "  la  molti- 
Galicia  desecha  de  vestidos,  no  le  tud  de  poetas,  de  trobadores,  e  mu- 
envio  para  su  hermana  ;  que  no  sicos  de  todas  partes."  Reyes  Ca- 
tengo  agora  cosa  buena ;  mas  yo  ge  tolicos,  MS.,  cap.  201. 
los  enviare  presto  buenos."  Rey-  31  "  Queria  que  sus  cartas  €  man- 
nas Catholicas,  torn.  ii.  p.  839.  "  damientos  fuesen  complidos  cou 

28  See  the  magnificent  inventory  diligencia."     Pulgar,  Reyes  Cat6- 
presented  to  her  daughter-in-law,  licos,  part.  1,  cap.  4. 

Margaret  of  Austria,  and   to  her  32  See  a  remarkable  instance  of 

daughter  Maria,  queen  of  Portugal,  this,  in  her  treatment  of  the  faith- 

apud  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  less  Juan  de  Corral,  noticed  in  Part 

torn,  vi   Ilust.  12.  I.  Chapter  10,  of  this  History. 


HER   CHARACTER.  187 

unpopular.     She  sustained  Ximenes  in  all  his  ob-    CHAPTER 

XVI 

noxious,  but  salutary  reforms.  She  seconded  Co-  — 
lumbus  in  the  prosecution  of  his  arduous  enterprise, 
and  shielded  him  from  the  calumny  of  his  enemies. 
She  did  the  same  good  service  to  her  favorite,  Gon- 
salvo  de  Cordova ;  and  the  day  of  her  death  was 
felt,  and,  as  it  proved,  truly  felt  by  both,  as  the 
last  of  their  good  fortune.83  Artifice  and  duplicity 
were  so  abhorrent  to  her  character,  and  so  averse 
from  her  domestic  policy,  that  when  they  appear  in 
the  foreign  relations  of  Spain,  it  is  certainly  not 
imputable  to  her.  She  was  incapable  of  harbour- 
ing any  petty  distrust,  or  latent  malice ;  and,  al- 
though stern  in  the  execution  and  exaction  of  public 
justice,  she  made  the  most  generous  allowance,  and 
even  sometimes  advances,  to  those  who  had  person- 
ally injured  her.84 

But  the  principle,  which  gave  a  peculiar  coloring  Her  piety. 
to  every  feature  of  Isabella's  mind,  was  piety.     It 
shone  forth  from  the  very  depins  of  her  soul  with 
a  heavenly  radiance,  which  illuminated  her  whole 
character.     Fortunately,  her  earliest  years  had  been 

33  The  melancholy  tone  of  Co-  fnisse   fatebatur,   rege   ipso  quan- 

lumbus's  correspondence  after  the  quam    minus    benigno    parumque 

queen's  death,  shows  too  well  the  liberali  nunquam  reginse  voluntati 

color  of  his  fortunes  and  feelings,  reluctari   auso.     Id  vero  pra?clare 

(Navarrete,  Coleccion  de   Viages,  tanquam  verissimum  apparuit  elata 

torn.  i.  pp.  341  et  seq.)  The  senti-  regina."     Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  p. 

ments  of  the  Great  Captain  were  275. 

still  more  unequivocally  expressed,  34  The  reader  may  recall  astrik- 

according  to  Giovio.    "  Nee  multis  ing  example  of  this,  in  the  early 

inde  diebus  Regina  fato  concessit,  part  of  her  reign,  in  her  great  ten- 

incredibili  cum  dolore  atque  jactu-  derriess   and    forbearance   towards 

ra  Consalvi;  nam  ab  ea  tanquam  the  humors  of  Carillo,  archbishop 

alumnus,  ac  in  ejus  regia  educatus,  of  Toledo,  her  quondam  friend,  but 

cuncta  qua  exoptari  possent  virtutis  then  her  most  implacable  foe. 
et  dignitatis  incrementa  ademptum 


188  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF  ISABELLA. 

PART  passed  in  the  rugged  school  of  adversity,  under  the 
—  eye  of  a  mother,  who  implanted  in  her  serious  mind 
such  strong  principles  of  religion  as  nothing  in  after 
life  had  power  to  shake.  At  an  early  age,  in  the 
flower  of  youth  and  beauty,  she  was  introduced  to 
her  brother's  court;  but  its  blandishments,  so  daz- 
zling to  a  young  imagination,  had  no  power  over 
hers  ;  for  she  was  surrounded  by  a  moral  atmo- 
sphere of  purity, 

"  Driving  far  off  each  thing  of  sin  and  guilt."  35 

Such  was  the  decorum  of  her  manners,  that,  though 
encompassed  by  false  friends  and  open  enemies, 
not  the  slightest  reproach  was  breathed  on  her  fair 
name  in  this  corrupt  and  calumnious  court, 
nar  bigotry.  She  gave  a  liberal  portion  of  her  time  to  private 
devotions,  as  well  as  to  the  public  exercises  of  re- 
ligion.36 She  expended  large  sums  in  useful  chari- 
ties, especially  in  the  erection  of  hospitals,  and 
churches,  and  the  more  doubtful  endowments  of 
monasteries.37  Her  piety  was  strikingly  exhibited 

35  Isabella  at  her  brother's  court  negocios  de  la  governacion  de  mu- 

mig-ht  well  have  sat  for  the  whole  chos   reynos   y   sefiorios,  parescia 

of  Milton's  beautiful  portraiture.  que  su  vida  era  mas  contemplativa 

"  So  dear  to  heaven  is  saintly  chastity,  </ue  activa.      Porque  siempre  se  ha- 

That,  when  a  soul  is  found" sincerely  so,  Uava  presente  a  los  divinos  oficios  V 

A  thousand  liveried  angels  lackey  her,  „   !„    -I_i_u,0    j~   TV   «,       IT1  « 

Driving  far  off  each  thing  of  sin  and  guilt,  a  la   Pa!abra   de   »1OS.      Era    tanta 

And,  in  clear  dream  and  solemn  vision,  SU    atencion   que  SI    algUOO    de    los 

Tell  her  of  things  that  no  gross  ear  can  que  celebravan  o  cantavan  los  psal- 

Till  oft  converse  with  heavenly  habitants     mos>  °  otras   cosas    de    la    y?lesia 
Begin  to  cast  a  beam  OQ  the  outward     errava  alguna  dicion  o  syllaba,  lo 

TI,Q    shaPe>  sintia  y  lo  notava,  y  despues  como 
The  unpolluted  temple  of  the  mind,  .  J          j-     •      i  i 

And  turns  it  by  degrees  to  the  soul's  es-  maestro   a    dlSClpulo   se  lo  emenda- 

sence,  va  y  corregia.    Acostumbrava  ca- 

Till  all  be  made  immortal."  da  dia  dezir  todas  ]as  horas  Can6n|. 

Era  tanto,"  says  L.  Mari-  cas   demas  de  otras  muchas  voti- 

neo,   "el    ardor  y  diligencia  que  vas    y   extraordinarias    devociones 

tenia   cerca    el   culto   divino,   que  que  tenia."  Cosas  Memorables,  fol. 

aunque  de  dia  y  de  noche   estava  183- 

muy  ocupada  en  grandes  y  arduos  37  pu]gar,  Reyes  Catolicos,  part. 


HER   CHARACTER. 

n    that   unfeigned   humility,  which,  although    the   CHAPTER 

very  essence  of  our  faith,  is  so  rarely  found ;  and ' — 

most  rarely  in  those,  whose  great  powers  and  ex- 
alted stations  seem  to  raise  them  above  the  level  of 
ordinary  mortals.  A  remarkable  illustration  of  this 
is  afforded  in  the  queen's  correspondence  with 
Talavera,  in  which  her  meek  and  docile  spirit  is 
strikingly  contrasted  with  the  Puritanical  intole- 
rance of  her  confessor.38  Yet  Talavera,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  sincere,  and  benevolent  at  heart. 
Unfortunately,  the  royal  conscience  was  at  times 
committed  to  very  different  keeping;  and  that  hu- 
mility which,  as  we  have  repeatedly  had  occasion 
to  notice,  made  her  defer  so  reverentially  to  her 
ghostly  advisers,  led,  under  the  fanatic  Torquemada, 
the  confessor  of  her  early  youth,  to  those  deep 
blemishes  on  her  administration,  the  establishment 
of  the  Inquisition,  and  the  exile  of  the  Jews. 

But,  though  blemishes  of  the  deepest  dye  on  her  common  to 

*  her  age. 

administration,  they  are  certainly  not  to  be  re- 
garded as  such  on  her  moral  character.  It  will  be 
difficult  to  condemn  her,  indeed,  without  condemn- 

1,  cap.  4.  —  Lucio    Marineo  enu-  well's  court.     The  queen, far  from 

merates   many   of  these   splendid  taking   exception   at  it,  vindicates 

charities.    (Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  herself  from  the  grave  imputations 

165.)     See  also  the  notices  scat-  with  a  degree  of  earnestness  and 

tered  over  the   Itinerary  (Viaggio  simplicity,  which   may  provoke   a 

in   Spagna)    of    Navagiero,    who  smile  in  the  reader.  "I  am  aware," 

travelled    through    the   country   a  she  concludes,  "  that  custom  cannot 

few  years  after.  make  an  action,  bad  in  itself,  good  ; 

38  The  archbishop's   letters  are  but  I  wish  your  opinion,  whether, 

little  better  than  a  homily  on  the  under  all  the  circumstances,  these 

sins  of  dancing,  feasting,  dressing,  can  be  considered  bad  ;  that,  if  so, 

and  the  like,  garnished  with  scrip-  they  maf  be   discontinued   in   fu- 

tural  allusions,  and  conveyed  in  a  ture."      See    this    curious    corre- 

tone  of  sour  rebuke,  that   would  spondence  in  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de 

have  done  credit  to  the  most  cant-  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  Ilust.  13. 
ing   Roundhead    in   Oliver  Crom- 


190  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 


TART  ing  the  age  ;  for  these  very  acts  are  not  only  ex- 
cused, but  extolled  by  her  contemporaries,  as  con- 
stituting her  strongest  claims  to  renown,  and  to  the 
gratitude  of  her  country.89  They  proceeded  from 
the  principle,  openly  avowed  by  the  court  of  Rome, 
that  zeal  for  the  purity  of  the  faith  could  atone  for 
every  crime.  This  immoral  maxim,  flowing  from 
the  head  of  the  church,  was  echoed  in  a  thousand 
different  forms  by  the  subordinate  clergy,  and  greed- 
ily received  by  a  superstitious  people.40  It  was 
not  to  be  expected,  that  a  solitary  woman,  filled 
with  natural  diffidence  of  her  own  capacity  on 
such  subjects,  should  array  herself  against  those 
venerated  counsellors,  whom  she  had  been  taught 
from  her  cradle  to  look  to  as  the  guides  and  guar- 
dians of  her  conscience. 
And  later  However  mischievous  the  operations  of  the  In- 

times. 

quisition  may  have  been  in  Spain,  its  establishment, 
in  point  of  principle,  was  not  worse  than  many 
other  measures,  which  have  passed  with  far  less 
censure,  though  in  a  much  more  advanced  and  civ- 
ilized age.41  Where,  indeed,  during  the  sixteenth, 

39  Such  encomiums  become  still     Spain,  under  the  pontificate  of  Al- 
ii more  striking-  in  writers  of  sound     exanderVI.  and  his  immediate  pre- 

and  expansive  views  like  Zurita  decessors,  in  the  90th  chapter  of  his 
and  Blancas,  who,  although  flour-  eloquent  and  philosophical  "  His- 
ishing  in  a  better  instructed  age,  toire  des  Republiques  Italiennes." 
do  not  scruple  to  pronounce  the  41  I  borrow  almost  the  words  of 
Inquisition  "  the  greatest  evidence  Mr.  Hallam,  who,  noticing  the  pe- 
of  her  prudence  and  piety,  whose  nal  statutes  against  Catholics  under 
uncommon  ^utility,  not  only  Spain,  Elizabeth,  says,  "  They  establish- 
but  all  Christendom,  freely  ac-  ed  a  persecution,  which  fell  not  at 
knpwledged"!  Blancas,  Common-  all  short  in  principle  of  that  for 
tarii,  p.  '263.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  which  the  Inquisition  had  become 
torn.  v.  lib.  1,  cap.  6.  so  odious."  (Constitutional  His- 

40  Sismondi   displays  the   mis-  tory   of  England,    (Paris,    1827,) 
chievous  influence  of  these  theolog-  vol.  i.  chap.  3.)     Even  Lord  Bur- 
ical   dogmas  in  Italy,  as  well  as  leigh,   commenting   on   the    mode 


HER   CHARACTER. 


and  the  greater  part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  CHAPTER 
was  the  principle  of  persecution  abandoned  by  the  - 
dominant  party,  whether  Catholic  or  Protestant  ? 
And  where  that  of  toleration  asserted,  except  by 
the  weaker  ?  It  is  true,  to  borrow  Isabella's  own 
expression,  in  her  letter  to  Talavera,  the  prevalence 
of  a  bad  custom  cannot  constitute  its  apology. 
But  it  should  serve  much  to  mitigate  our  condem- 
nation of  the  queen,  that  she  fell  into  no  greater 
error,  in  the  imperfect  light  in  which  she  lived,  than 
was  common  to  the  greatest  minds  in  a  later  and 
far  riper  period.42 

Isabella's  actions,  indeed,  were  habitually  based  H,er  s«renstM 

J  of  principle 

on  principle.  Whatever  errors  of  judgment  be  im- 
puted to  her,  she  most  anxiously  sought  in  all  situ- 
ations to  discern  and  discharge  her  duty.  Faithful 
in  the  dispensation  of  justice,  no  bribe  was  large 
enough  to  ward  off  the  execution  of  the  law.43  No  . 
motive,  not  even  conjugal  affection,  could  induce 
her  to  make  an  unsuitable  appointment  to  public 


of  examination  adopted  in  certain 
cases  by  the  High  Commission 
court,  does  not  hesitate  to  say.  tho 
interrogatories  were  "so  curiously 
penned,  so  full  of  branches  and  cir- 
cumstances, as  he  thought  the  in- 
quisitors of  Spain  used  not  so  many 
questions  to  comprehend  and  to 
trap  their  preys."  Ibid.,  chap.  4. 
42  Even  Milton,  in  his  essny  on 
the  "  Liberty  of  Unlicensed  Print- 
ing," the  most  splendid  argument, 
perhaps,  the  world  had  then  wit- 
nessed in  behalf  of  intellectual  lib- 
erty, would  exclude  Popery  from 
the  benefits  of  toleration,  as  a  re- 
ligion which  the  public  good  re- 
quired at  all  events  to  be  extir- 
pated. Such  were  the  crude  views 
of  the  rights  of  conscience  enter- 


tained in  the  latter  half  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  by  one  of  those 
gifted  minds,  whose  extraordinary 
elevation  enabled  it  to  catch  and 
reflect  back  the  coming  light  of 
knowledge,  long  before  it  had  fall- 
en on  the  rest  of  mankind. 

43  The  most  remarkable  exam- 
ple of  this,  perhaps,  occurred  in 
the  case  of  the  wealthy  Galician 
knight,  Yafiez  de  Lugo,  who  en- 
deavoured to  purchase  a  pardon  of 
the  queen  by  the  enormous  bribe 
of  40,000  doblas  of  gold.  The  at- 
tempt failed,  though  warmly  sup- 
ported by  some  of  the  royal  coun- 
sellors. The  story  is  well  vouched. 
Pulgar,  Reves  Catolicos,  part.  2, 
cap.  97.  —  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Me- 
morables,  fol.  180. 


192  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

PART  office.44  No  reverence  for  the  ministers  of  religion 
-  could  lead  her  to  wink  at  their  misconduct ; 45  nor 
could  -the  deference  she  entertained  for  the  head  of 
the  church,  allow  her  to  tolerate  his  encroachments 
on  the  rights  of  her  crown.46  She  seemed  to  con- 
sider herself  especially  bound  to  preserve  entire  the 
peculiar  claims  and  privileges  of  Castile,  after  its 
union  under  the  same  sovereign  with  Aragon.47 
And  although,  "while  her  own  will  was  law,"  says 
Peter  Martyr,  "  she  governed  in  such  a  manner 
that  it  might  appear  the  joint  action  of  both  Fer- 
dinand and  herself,"  yet  she  was  careful  never  to 
surrender  into  his  hands  one  of  those  prerogatives, 
which  belonged  to  her  as  queen  proprietor  of  the 
kingdom.48 
STJn8?1"  Isabella's  measures  were  characterized  by  that 

i  --it  sense  •/ 

practical  good  sense,  without  which  the  most  bril- 
liant parts  may  work  more  to  the  woe,  than  to  the 
weal  of  mankind.  Though  engaged  all  her  life  in 
reforms,  she  had  none  of  the  failings  so  common  in 

'  O 

reformers.     Her  plans,  though  vast,  were  never  vis- 

44  The   reader  may  recollect  a  strances  against  the  corrupt  prac- 
pertinent  illustration  of  this,  on  the  tices   and   personal  immorality  of 
occasion  of  Ximenes's  appointment  those  who  filled  the  chair  of  St. 
to  the  primacy.    See  Part  II.  Chap-  Peter  at  this  period. 

ter  5,  of  this  History.  47  The  public  acts  of  this  reign 

45  See,  among  other  instances,  afford  repeated  evidence  of  the  per- 
her  exemplary  chastisement  of  the  tinacity,  with  which  Isabella  insist- 
ecclesiastics  of  Trnxillo.     Part  I.  ed  on  reserving  the  benefits  of  the 
Chapter  12,  of  this  History.  Moorish  conquests  and  the  Ameri- 

46  Ibid.,  Parti.  Chapter  6,  Part  can   discoveriee  for  her  own  sub- 
II.    Chapter  10,  et  alibi.     Indeed,  jects  of  Castile,  by  whom  and  for 
this     independent     attitude     was  whom     they     had     been     mainly 
shown,  as  I  have  more  than  once  achieved.     The  same  thing  is  re- 
had  occasion  to  notice,  not  merely  iterated  in  the  most  emphatic  man- 
in  shielding  the  rights  of  her  own  ner  in  her  testament. 

crown,  but  in  the  boldest  remon-        *8  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  31. 


HER   CHARACTER.  193 

ionary.     The  best  proof  of  this  is,  that  she  lived  to   CHAPTER 
see  most  of  them  realized. 


She  was  quick  to  discern  objects  of  real  utility. 
She  saw  the  importance  of  the  new  discovery  of 
printing,  and  liberally  patronized  it,  from  the  first 
moment  it  appeared.49  She  had  none  of  the  exclu- 
sive, local  prejudices,  too  common  with  her  coun- 
trymen. She  drew  talent  from  the  most  remote 
quarters  to  her  dominions,  by  munificent  rewards. 
She  imported  foreign  artisans  for  her  manufactures ; 
foreign  engineers  and  officers  for  the  discipline  of 
her  army ;  and  foreign  scholars  to  imbue  her  martial 
subjects  with  more  cultivated  tastes.  She  consult- 
ed the  useful,  in  all  her  subordinate  regulations ;  in 
her  sumptuary  laws,  for  instance,  directed  against 
the  fashionable  extravagances  of  dress,  and  the 
ruinous  ostentation,  so  much  affected  by  the  Cas- 
tilians  in  their  weddings  and  funerals.50  Lastly, 
she  showed  the  same  perspicacity  in  the  selection 
of  her  agents ;  well  knowing  that  the  best  measures 
become  bad  in  incompetent  hands. 

But,  although  the  skilful  selection  of  her  agents  Her  unwea- 
ried activity. 

was  an  obvious  cause  of  Isabella's  success,  yet  an- 
other, even  more  important,  is  to  be  found  in  her 


49  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  las  animas  de  los  dcfuntos"  &c. 

torn.  vi.  p.  49.  "  Pero  los  Catolicos  Christianos  rae 

•"*  The  preamble  of  one  of  her  creemos  que  hai  otra  vida  despues 

pragmaticas  against  this  lavish  ex-  desta,  donde  las  animas  esperan 

penditure  at  funerals,  contains  some  folganza  e  vida  perdurable,  desta 

reflections  worth  quoting  for  the  kabemos  de  curar  e  prncurar  de  la 

evidence  they  afford  of  her  practical  ganar  por  obras  jnerilorias,  e  no  por 

good  sense.  "  Nos  deseando  pro-  cosas  transitorias  e  vanas  como  son 

veer  e  remediar  al  tal  gasto  sin  los  lutos  e  gastos  excesicos."  Mem. 

provecho,  e  considerando  que  esto  dela  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  p.  318. 
no  redunda  en  sufragio  e  alivio  de 

VOL.    III.  25 


J94  ILLNESS  AND   DEATH   OF  ISABELLA 

PART      own  vigilance  and  untiring  exertions.     During  the 

!__  first  busy  and   bustling  years  of  her  reign,  these 

exertions  were  of  incredible  magnitude.  She  was 
almost  always  in  the  saddle,  for  she  made  all  her 
journeys  on  horseback  ;  and  she  travelled  with  a 
rapidity,  which  made  her  always  present  on  the 
spot  where  her  presence  was  needed.  She  was 
never  intimidated  by  the  weather,  or  the  state  of 
her  own  health  ;  and  this  reckless  exposure  undoubt- 
edly contributed  much  to  impair  her  excellent  con 
stitutiori. 5I 

She  was  equally  indefatigable  in  her  mental 
application.  After  assiduous  attention  to  business 
through  the  day,  she  was  often  known  to  sit  up  all 
night,  dictating  despatches  to  her  secretaries.52  In 
the  midst  of  these  overwhelming  cares,  she  found 
time  to  supply  the  defects  of  early  education  by 
learning  Latin,  so  as  to  understand  it  without  diffi- 
culty, whether  written  or  spoken ;  and  indeed,  in 
the  opinion  of  a  competent  judge,  to  attain  a  critical 
accuracy  in  it.53  As  she  had  little  turn  for  light 
amusements,  she  sought  relief  from  graver  cares  by 


61  Her  exposure  in  this  way  on  and   Talavera,  makes  no  allusion 

one  occasion  brought  on  a  miscar-  whatever  to  such  a  complaint,  in 

riage.     According   to  Gomez,   in-  his   circumstantial  account  of  the 

deed,  she  finally  died  of  a  painful  queen's  illness, 

internal  disorder,  occasioned  by  her  s2   Ferreras,    Hist.    d'Espagne, 

long  and  laborious  journeys.     (De  torn.   vii.    p.   411.  —  Mem.   de   la 

Rebus  Gestis,  fol.    47.)     Giovio  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  ?i.  p.  29. 

adopts  the  same  account.     (Vitae  M  L.  Marineo,  Cosas   Momora- 

Illust.  Virorum,  p.  275.)     The  au-  bles,  fol.  182.— "  Pronunciaba  con 

thorities   are  good,  certainly;  but  primor  el  latin,  y  eia  tan  habil  en 

Martyr,  who  was  in   the  palace,  la  prosodia,  que  si  erraban  algtm 

with  every  opportunity  of  correct  acento,  luego  le  corregia."     Idem, 

information,  and  with  no  reason  for  apud    Florez,   Reynas   Catholicas, 

concealment  of  the  truth ,  in  his  pri-  torn.  ii.  p.  834 
vate  correspondence  with  Tendilla 


HER   CHARACTER.  195 

some  useful  occupation  appropriate  to  her  sex  ;  and   CHAPTER 

she  left  ample  evidence  of  her  skill  in  this  way,  in 

the  rich  specimens  of  embroidery,  wrought  with 
her  own  fair  hands,  with  which  she  decorated  the 
churches.  She  was  careful  to  instruct  her  daugh- 
ters in  these  more  humble  departments  of  domestic 
duty ;  for  she  thought  nothing  too  humble  to  learn, 
which  was  useful.54 

With  all  her  high  qualifications,  Isabella  would 
have  been  still  unequal  to  the  achievement  of  her 
grand  designs,  without  possessing  a  degree  of  for- 
titude rare  in  either  sex ;  not  the  courage,  which 
implies  contempt  of  personal  danger,  —  though  of 
this  she  had  a  larger  share  than  falls  to  most  men  ; 55 
nor  that,  which  supports  its  possessor  under  the 
extremities  of  bodily  pain,  —  though  of  this  she 
gave  ample  evidence,  since  she  endured  the  great- 
est suffering  her  sex  is  called  to  bear,  without  a 
groan  ;56  but  that  moral  courage,  which  sustains  the 
spirit  in  the  dark  hour  of  adversity,  and,  gathering 
light  from  within  to  dispel  the  darkness,  imparts  its 
own  cheering  influence  to  all  around.  This  was 

54  If  we  are  to  believe  Florez,  1,  cap.  4.  —  "No  fue  la  Reyna," 
the  king  wore  no  shirt  but  of  the  says  L.  Marineo,  "  de  animo  me- 
queen's  making.     "  Preciabase  de  nos  fuerte  para  sufrir  los  dolores 
no  haverse  puesto  su  rnarido  camisa,  corporales.    Porqufe  corao  yo  fuy  in- 
que  elle  no  huviesse  hilado  y  cosi-  formadode  las  duefias  que  le  Servian 
do."     (Reynas  Catholicas,  torn.  ii.  en  la  camara,  ni  en  los  dolores  que 
p.  832.)     If  this  be  taken  literally,  padescia  de  sus  enfermidades,  ni  en 
his  wardrobe,  considering  *he  mul-  los  del  parto  (que  es  cosa  de  grande 
titude  of  her  avocations,  must  have  admiracion)  nunca  la  vieron  quexar 
been  indifferently  furnished.  se ;  antes  con  increyble  y  maravi- 

55  Among    many   evidences    of  HosafortalezalossufFriay  dissimula- 
this,  what  other  need  be  given  than  va."  (Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  186.) 
her  conduct  at  the  famous  riot  at  To  the  same  effect  writes  the  anony- 
Segovia?     Part  I.  Chapter  6,  of  mous  author  of  the  "  Carro  de  las 
this  History.  Dofias,"  apud   Mem.  de  la  Acad. 

56  Pulgar.  Reyes  Catolicos,  part,  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  o.  559. 


196  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

PART  shown  remarkably  in  the  stormy  season  which  ush- 
— - —  ered  in  her  accession,  as  well  as  through  the  whole 
of  the  Moorish  war.  It  was  her  voice  that  decided 
never  to  abandon  Alhama. 57  Her  remonstrances 
compelled  the  king  and  nobles  to  return  to  the 
field,  when  they  had  quitted  it,  after  an  ineffectual 
campaign.  As  dangers  and  difficulties  multiplied, 
she  multiplied  resources  to  meet  them ;  and,  when 
her  soldiers  lay  drooping  under  the  evils  of  some 
protracted  siege,  she  appeared  in  the  midst,  mount- 
ed on  her  war-horse,  with  her  delicate  limbs  cased 
in  knightly  mail ; 58  and,  riding  through  their  ranks, 
breathed  new  courage  into  their  hearts  by  her  own 
intrepid  bearing.  To  her  personal  efforts,  indeed, 
as  well  as  counsels,  the  success  of  this  glorious  war 
may  be  mainly  imputed ;  and  the  unsuspicious  tes- 
timony of  the  Venetian  minister,  Navagiero,  a  few 
years  later,  shows  that  the  nation  so  considered  it. 
"  Queen  Isabel,"  says  he,  "  by  her  singular  genius, 
masculine  strength  of  mind,  and  other  virtues  most 
unusual  in  our  own.  sex,  as  well  as  hers,  was  not 
merely  of  great  assistance  in,  but  the  chief  cause  of 
the  conquest  of  Granada.  She  was,  indeed,  a  most 
rare  and  virtuous  lady,  one,  of  whom  the  Spaniards 
talk  far  more  than  of  the  king,  sagacious  as  he  was, 
and  uncommon  for  his  time."59 

57  "  Era  firme  en  SUS  prop6sitos,  "  Col  durissimo  acclar  preme  ed  offende 
de  los  quales  se  retraia  con  gran  n  delicaio  collo  e  r  anrenchiomai 
j-c      i»  i  »j      T>   i           ¥»             £    ,  E  la  lenera  nmn  lo  scudo  prende 
dinctlltad.         rulgar,  Reyes    CatO-  Pur  troppo  grave  e  insopportabil  som« 
licos.  part.  1,  cap.  4.  Cosi  tuttadi  ferro  iiitorno  gplende, 

58  The  reader  may  refresh  his        E  in  8tl°  m]!'tar  8?  slessnI(J<'n>»-" 
,,      .-  e    rr>     J  ,  Gerusalemme  I.iberata, 

recollection    of    lasso's    graceful  canto  6,  stauza  92 

sketch  of  Erminia  in  similar  war-        59  Viaeeio  fol  27 
like  panoply. 


HER  CHARACTER. 


197 


Happily  these  masculine  qualities  in  Isabella  did   CHAPTER 

XVI 

not  extinguish  the  softer  ones  which  constitute  the 
charm  of  her  sex.  Her  heart  overflowed  with  affec- 
donate  sensibility  to  her  family  and  friends.  She 
watched  over  the  declining  days  of  her  aged  mother, 
and  ministered  to  her  sad  infirmities  with  all  the 
delicacy  of  filial  tenderness.60  We  have  seen  abun- 
dant proofs  how  fondly  and  faithfully  she  loved  her 
husband  to  the  last,  61  though  this  love  was  not 
always  as  faithfully  requited.62  For  her  children 
she  lived  more  than  for  herself;  and  for  them  too 
she  died,  for  it  was  their  loss  and  their  afflictions 
which  froze  the  current  of  her  blood,  before  age 
had  time  to  chill  it.  Her  exalted  state  did  not  re- 


60  We  find  one  of  the  first  arti- 
cles in   the   marriage  treaty  with 
Ferdinand  enjoining  him  to  cherish, 
and  treat  her  mother  with  all  rev- 
erence, and  to  provide  suitably  for 
her  royal  maintenance.     (Mem.  de 
la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  Apend. 
no.  1.)     The  author  of  the  "  Carro 
de  las  Dofias  "   thus   notices   her 
tender  devotedness  to  her  parent, 
at  a  later  period.     "  Y  esto  me  dijo 
quien  lo  vido  por  sus  proprios  ojos, 
que  la  Reyna  Dofia  Isabel,  nuestra 
sefiora,  cuando  estaba  alii  en  Are- 
valo   visitando   a   su    madre,    ella 
misma  por  su  persona  servia  a  su 
misma  madre.    E  aqui  tomen  ejem- 
plo  los  hijos  como  han  de  servir  a 
sus   padres,  pues   una  Reina   tan 
poderosa  y  en  negocios  tan  arduos 
puesta,  todos  los  mas  de  los  afios 
(puesto  todo  aparte  y  pospuesto) 
iba  a  visitar  a  su  madre  y  la  servia 
humilmente."     Viaggio,  p.  557. 

61  Among  other  little  tokens  of 
mutual  affection,  it  may  be  men- 
tioned that  not  only  the  public  coin, 
but  their  furniture,  books,  and  oth- 
er  articles   of   personal   property, 


were  stamped  with  their  initials, 
F  &  I,  or  emblazoned  with  their 
devices,  his  being  a  yoke,  and  hers 
a  sheaf  of  arrows.  (Oviedo,  Quin- 
cuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  2, 
dial.  3.)  It  was  common,  says 
Oviedo,  for  each  party  to  take  a 
device,  whose  initial  corresponded 
with  that  of  the  name  of  the  other; 
as  was  the  case  here,  with  jugo 
a.ndjlechas. 

62  Marineo  thus  speaks  of  the 
queen's  discreet  and  most  amiable 
conduct  in  these  delicate  matters. 
"  Amava  en  tanta  rnanera  al  Rey 
su  marido,  que  andava  sobre  aviso 
con  celos  a  ver  si  el  amava  a 
otras.  Y  si  sentia  que  mirava  a 
alguna  dama  o  don/ella  de  su 
casa  con  sefial  de  amores,  con 
mucha  prudencia  buscava  medios  y 
maneras  con  que  despedir  aquella 
tal  persona  de  su  casa,  con  su  mu- 
cha honrra  y  provecho."  (Cosas 
Memorables,  fol.  182.)  There  was 
unfortunately  too  much  cause  for 
this  uneasiness.  See  Part  II. 
Chanter  24,  of  this  History. 


198  ILLNESS  AND   DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

PART      move   her   above    the   sympathies   of  friendship. 6S 

,.__! With  her  friends  she  forgot  the  usual  distinctions  of 

rank,  sharing  in  their  joys,  visiting  and  consoling 
them  in  sorrow  and  sickness,  and  condescending  in 
more  than  one  instance  to  assume  the  office  of  ex- 
ecutrix on  their  decease.64  Her  heart,  indeed,  was 
filled  with  benevolence  to  all  mankind.  In  the 
most  fiery  heat  of  war,  she  was  engaged  in  devising 
means  for  mitigating  its  horrors.  She  is  said  to 
have  been  the  first  to  introduce  the  benevolent  in- 
stitution of  camp  hospitals  ;  and  we  have  seen, 
more  than  once,  her  lively  solicitude  to  spare  the 
effusion  of  blood  even  of  her  enemies.  But  it  is 
needless  to  multiply  examples  of  this  beautiful,  but 
lamiliar  trait  in  her  character.65 
parallel  \±  is  m  these  more  amiable  qualities  of  her  sex, 

with  Queen 

Ehzabeth.     tnat  IsabelJa>s  superiority  becomes   most  apparent 

63  The    best    beloved    of   her  do,"  says  the  author  so  often  quot- 
friends,   probably,   was    the   mar-  ed,    "  quiera  que   fallescia  alguno 
chioness   of   Moya,   who,   seldom  de  los  grandes  de  su  reyno,  o  algun 
separated  from  her  royal  mistress  principe  Christiano,  luego   embia- 
throuffh  life,  had  the  melancholy  van  varones  sabios  y  religiosos  para 
satisfaction  of  closing  her  eyes  in  consolar  a  sus  heredores  y  deudos. 
death.    Oviedo,  who  saw  them  fre-  Y  demas  desto  se  yestian  de  ropas 
quently   together,   says,  that    the  de  luto  en  testimonio  del  dolor  y 
queen  never  addressed  this  lady,  sentimiento  que  hazian."     L.  Ma- 
even  in  later  life,  with  any  other  rineo,  Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  185. 
than  the  endearing  title  of  hija  mar-  65  Her  humanity  was  shown  in 
quesa,    "daughter   marchioness."  her  attempts  to  mitigate  the  fero- 
Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  cious  character  of  those   national 
1,  dial.  23.  amusements,   the    bull-fights,   the 

64  As  was  the  case  with  Garde-  popularity  of  which  throughout  the 
nas,  the  comendador  mayor,  and  country  was  too  great,  as  she  inti- 
the    grand    cardinal   Mendoza,   to  mates  in  one  of  her  letters,  to  ad- 
whom,  as  we  have  already  seen,  mil  of  her  abolishing   them  alto- 
she  paid  the  kindest  attentions  dur-  gether.     She  was  so  much  moved 
ing   their  last   illness.     While  in  at  the  sanguinary  issue  of  one  of 
this  way  she  indulged  the  natural  these  combats,  which  she  witness- 
dictates  of  her  heart,  she  was  care-  ed  at  Arevalo,  says  a  contempora- 
ful  to  render  every  outward  mark  ry,  that   she   devised   a   plan,  by 
of  respect  to  the  memory  of  those  guarding  the  horns  of  the  bulls,  for 
whose  rank    or  services    entitled  preventing  any  serious  injury  to  the 
them  to  such  consideration.  "Quan-  men  and   horses:   and   she  never 


HER  CHARACTER.  199 

over  her  illustrious  namesake,  Elizabeth  of  Eng-   CHAPTER 

XVL 

land,66  whose  history  presents  some  features  parallel  — 
to  her  own.  Both  were  disciplined  in  early  life  by 
the  teachings  of  that  stern  nurse  of  wisdom,  adver- 
sity. Both  were  made  to  experience  the  deepest 
humiliation  at  the  hands  of  their  nearest  relative, 
who  should  have  cherished  and  protected  them. 
Both  succeeded  in  establishing  themselves  on  the 
throne  after  the  most  precarious  vicissitudes.  Each 
conducted  her  kingdom,  through  a  long  and  trium- 
phant reign,  to  a  height  of  glory,  which  it  had  never 
before  reached.  Both  lived  to  see  the  vanity  of  all 
earthly  grandeur,  and  to  fall  the  victims  of  an  in- 
consolable melancholy ;  and  both  left  behind  an 
illustrious  name,  unrivalled  in  the  subsequent  annals 
of  their  country. 

But,  with  these  few  circumstances  of  their  his- 
tory, the  resemblance  ceases.  Their  characters 
afford  scarcely  a  point  of  contact.  Elizabeth,  in- 
heriting a  large  share  of  the  bold  and  bluff  King 
Harry's  temperament,  was  haughty,  arrogant,  coarse, 
and  irascible ;  while  with  these  fiercer  qualities  she 
mingled  deep  dissimulation  and  strange  irresolution. 
Isabella,  on  the  other  hand,  tempered  the  dignity 
of  royal  station  with  the  most  bland  and  courteous 
manners.  Once  resolved,  she  was  constant  in  her 
purposes,  and  her  conduct  in  public  and  private  life 
was  characterized  by  candor  and  integrity.  Both 
may  be  said  to  have  shown  that  magnanimity, 

would  attend  another  of  these  spec-  66  Isabel,  the  name  of  the  Cath- 

tacles  until  this  precaution  had  been  olic   queen,  is   correctly   rendered 

adopted.      Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  into  English  by  that  of  Elizabeth. 
MS. 


200  ILLNESS  AND   DEATH   OF  ISABELLA. 

PART  which  is  implied  by  the  accomplishment  of  great 
-  objects  in  the  face  of  great  obstacles.  But  Eliza- 
beth was  desperately  selfish ;  she  was  incapable  of 
forgiving,  not  merely  a  real  injury,  but  the  slightest 
affront  to  her  vanity  ;  and  she  was  merciless  in  ex- 
acting retribution.  Isabella,  on  the  other  hand, 
lived  only  for  others,  —  was  ready  at  all  times  to 
sacrifice  self  to  considerations  of  public  duty ;  and, 
far  from  personal  resentments,  showed  the  greatest 
condescension  and  kindness  to  those  who  had  most 
sensibly  injured  her  ;  while  her  benevolent  heart 
sought  every  means  to  mitigate  the  authorized  se- 
venties of  the  law,  even  towards  the  guilty.67 

Both  possessed  rare  fortitude.  Isabella,  indeed, 
was  placed  in  situations,  which  demanded  more 
frequent  and  higher  displays  of  it  than  her  rival  ; 
but  no  one  will  doubt  a  full  measure  of  this  quality 
in  the  daughter  of  Henry  the  Eighth.  Elizabeth 
was  better  educated,  and  every  way  more  highly 
accomplished  than  Isabella.  But  the  latter  knew 
enough  to  maintain  her  station  with  dignity  ;  and 
she  encouraged  learning  by  a  munificent  patron- 
age.68 The  masculine  powers  and  passions  of  Eliz- 
abeth seemed  to  divorce  her  in  a  great  measure 

67  She  gave  evidence  of  this,  in  the  barbarities,  sometimes   prescribed 

commutation  of  the  sentence  she  ob-  by  the  law  in  capital  executions, 

tained  for  the  wretch  who  stabbed  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi. 

her  husband,  and  whom  her  fero-  Ilust.  13. 

cious  nobles  would  have  put  to  68  Hume  admits,  that,  "  unhap- 
death,  without  the  opportunity  of  pily  for  literature,  at  least  for  the 
confession  and  absolution,  that  "his  learned  of  this  age,  Queen  Eliza- 
soul  might  perish  with  his  body  !"  beth's  vanity  lay  more  in  shining 
(See  her  letter  to  Talavera.)  She  by  her  own  learning,  than  in  en- 
showed  this  merciful  temper,  so  couraging  men  of  genius  by  her 
rare  in  that  rough  age,  by  dispens-  liberality." 
ing  altogether  with  the  preliminary 


HER   CHARACTER. 


201 


XVI 


from  the  peculiar  attributes  of  her  sex  ;  at  least  CHAPTER 
from  those  which  constitute  its  peculiar  charm ;  for 
she  had  abundance  of  its  foibles,  —  a  coquetry  and 
love  of  admiration,  which  age  could  not  chill ;  a 
levity,  most  careless,  if  not  criminal  ;69  and  a  fond- 
ness for  dress  and  tawdry  magnificence  of  orna- 
ment, which  was  ridiculous,  or  disgusting,  according 
to  the  different  periods  of  life  in  which  it  was 
indulged.70  Isabella,  on  the  other  hand,  distin- 
guished through  life  for  decorum  of  manners,  and 
purity  beyond  the  breath  of  calumny,  was  content 
with  the  legitimate  affection  which  she  could  in- 
spire within  the  range  of  her  domestic  circle.  Far 
from  a  frivolous  affectation  of  ornament  or  dress, 
she  was  most  simple  in  her  own  attire,  and  seemed 
to  set  no  value  on  her  jewels,  but  as  they  could 
serve  the  necessities  of  the  state;71  when  they 


69  Which  of  the  two,  the  reader 
of  the  records  of  these  times  may 
be  somewhat  puzzled  to  determine. 
—  If  one  need  be  convinced  how 
many  faces  history  can  wear,  and 
how  difficult  it  is  to  get  at  the  true 
one,  he  has  only  to  compare  Dr. 
Lingard's  account  of  this  reign 
with  Mr.  Turner's.  Much  obliqui- 
ty was  to  be  expected,  indeed,  from 
the  avowed  apologist  of  a  persecut- 
ed party,  like  the  former  writer. 
But  it  attaches,  I  fear,  to  the  latter 
in  more  than  one  instance,  —  as  in 
the  reign  of  Richard  III.,  for  ex- 
ample. Does  it  proceed  from  the 
desire  of  saying  something  new  on 
a  beaten  topic,  where  the  new  can- 
not always  be  true  ?  Or,  as  is  most 
probable,  from  that  confiding  be- 
nevolence, which  throws  somewhat 
of  its  own  light  over  the  darkest 


shades  of  human  character  ?  The 
unprejudiced  reader  may  perhaps 
agree,  that  the  balance  of  this  great 
queen's  good  and  bad  qualities  is 
held  with  a  more  steady  and  im- 
partial hand  by  Mr.  Hallam  than 
any  preceding  writer. 

70  The    unsuspicious   testimony 
of  her  godson,  Harrington,  places 
these  foibles  in  the  most  ludicrous 
light.     If  the  well-known  story,  re- 
peated by  historians,  of  the  three 
thousand  dresses  left  in  her  ward- 
robe at  her  decease,  be  true,  or  near 
truth,  it  affords  a  singular  contrast 
with  Isabel'a's  taste  in  these  mat- 
ters. 

71  The  reader  will  remember  how 
effectually  they  answered  this  pur- 
pose in  the  Moorish  war.  See  Part 
I.  Chapter  14,  of  this  History. 


VOL.    III. 


26 


202  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

PART  could  be  no  longer  useful  in  this  way,  she  gave 
1 them  away,  as  we  have  seen,  to  her  friends. 

Both  were  uncommonly  sagacious  in  the  selec- 
tion of  their  ministers  ;  though  Elizabeth  was 
drawn  into  some  errors  in  this  particular,  by  her 
levity,72  as  was  Isabella  by  religious  feeling.  It 
was  this,  combined  with  her  excessive  humility, 
which  led  to  the  only  grave  errors  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  latter.  Her  rival  fell  into  no  such 
errors ;  and  she  was  a  stranger  to  the  amiable 
qualities  which  led  to  them.  Her  conduct  was 
certainly  not  controlled  by  religious  principle  ;  and. 
though  the  bulwark  of  the  Protestant  faith,  it  might 
be  difficult  to  say  whether  she  were  at  heart  most 
a  Protestant  or  a  Catholic.  She  viewed  religion  in 
its  connexion  with  the  state,  in  other  words,  with 
herself;  and  she  took  measures  for  enforcing  con- 
formity to  her  own  views,  not  a  whit  less  despotic, 
and  scarcely  less  sanguinary,  than  those  counte- 
nanced for  conscience'  sake  by  her  more  bigoted 
rival. 73 

This  feature   of   bigotry,  which   has   thrown   a 


72  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  men-  by  examination   or  inquisition,  in 
tion    the    names    of   Hatton    and  any  matter  of  faith,  as  long  as  they 
Leicester,  both  recommended  to  the  shall  profesS  the  Christian  faith.'' 
first  offices  in  the  state  chiefly  by  (Turner's  Elizabeth,  vol.  ii.  p.  241, 
their  personal  attractions,  and  the  note.)     One  is  reminded  of  Parson 
latter  of  whom  continued  to  main-  Thwackum's  definition    in  "Tom 
tain  the  highest  place  in  his  sover-  Jones,"  "When  I  mention  religion, 
eign's    favor    for   thirty  years   or  I  mean  the  Christian  religion  ;  and 
more,  in  despite  of  his  total  desti-  not  only  the  Christian  religion,  but 
tution  of  moral  worth.  the   Protestant  religion  ;    and   not 

73  Queen  Elizabeth,  indeed,  in  a  only  the  Protestant  religion,  but  the 
declaration  to  her  people,  proclaims,  church  of  England."     It  would  be 
"  We    know    not,   nor   have   any  difficult  to  say  which  fared  worst, 
meaning  to  allow,  that  any  of  our  Puritans  or  Catholics,  under   this 
subjects  should  be  molested,  either  system  of  toleration. 


HER   CHARACTER.  203 

shade  over  Isabella's  otherwise  beautiful  character,    CHAPTER 

1CVI 

might  lead  to  a  disparagement  of  her  intellectual  L 

power  compared  with  that  of  the  English  queen. 
To  estimate  this  aright,  we  must  contemplate  the 
results  of  their  respective  reigns.  Elizabeth  found 
all  the  materials  of  prosperity  at  hand,  and  availed 
herself  of  them  most  ably  to  build  up  a  solid  fabric 
of  national  grandeur.  Isabella  created  these  mate- 
rials. She  saw  the  faculties  of  her  people  locked 
up  in  a  deathlike  lethargy,  and  she  breathed  into 
them  the  breath  of  life  for  those  great  and  heroic 
enterprises,  which  terminated  in  such  glorious  con- 
sequences to  the  monarchy.  It  is  when  viewed 
from  the  depressed  position  of  her  early  days,  that 
the  achievements  of  her  reign  seem  scarcely  less 
than  miraculous.  The  masculine  genius  of  the 
English  queen  stands  out  relieved  beyond  its  natu- 
ral dimensions  by  its  separation  from  the  softer 
qualities  of  her  sex.  While  her  rival's,  like  some 
vast,  but  symmetrical  edifice,  loses  in  appearance 
somewhat  of  its  actual  grandeur  from  the  perfect 
harmony  of  its  proportions. 

The  circumstances  of  their  deaths,  which  were 
somewhat  similar,  displayed  the  great  dissimilarity 
of  their  characters.  Both  pined  amidst  their  royal 
state,  a  prey  to  incurable  despondency,  rather  than 
any  marked  bodily  distemper.  In  Elizabeth  it 
sprung  from  wounded  vanity,  a  sullen  conviction, 
that  she  had  outlived  the  admiration  on  which  she 
had  so  long  fed,  —  and  even  the  solace  of  friend- 
ship, and  the  attachment  of  her  subjects.  Nor  did 
she  seek  consolation,  where  alone  it  was  to  be 


204  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF   ISABELLA. 

PART      found,  in  that  sad   hour.     Isabella,   on    the   other 
hand,  sunk  under  a  too  acute  sensibility  to  the  suf- 
ferings of  others.     But,*  amidst  the  gloom,  which 
gathered  around  her,  she  looked   with  the  eye  of 
faith  to  the  brighter  prospects  which  unfolded  of  the 
future  ;  and,  when  she  resigned  her  last  breath,  it 
was  amidst  the  tears  and  universal  lamentations  of 
her  people. 
universal          It  is  in  this  undying,  unabated  attachment  of  the 

homage  to  •/       O' 

natjorij  indeed,  that  we  see  the  most  unequivocal 
testimony  to  the  virtues  of  Isabella.  In  the  down- 
ward progress  of  things  in  Spain,  some  of  the  most 
ill-advised  measures  of  her  administration  have 
found  favor  and  been  perpetuated,  while  the  more 
salutary  have  been  forgotten.  This  may  lead  to  a 
misconception  of  her  real  merits.  In  order  to  es- 
timate these,  we  must  listen  to  the  voice  of  her 
contemporaries,  the  eyewitnesses  of  the  condi- 
tion in  which  she  found  the  state,  and  in  which 
she  left  it.  We  shall  then  see  but  one  judgment 
formed  of  her,  whether  by  foreigners  or  natives. 
The  French  and  Italian  writers  equally  join  in 
celebrating  the  triumphant  glories  of  her  reign, 
and  her  magnanimity,  wisdom,  and  purity  of 
character.74  Her  own  subjects  extol  her  as  "the 

74  "  Quum  generosi,"  says  Paolo  lib.  6.)     The  loyal  serviteur  notices 

Giovio,  speaking  of  her,  "  pruden-  her  death  in  the  following  chival- 

tisque  animi  magnitudine,  turn  pu-  ro us  strain.     "  L'an  1506,  une  des 

dicitiee    et    pietatis  laude  antiquis  plus    triumphantes    et    glorieuses 

heroidibus   comparanda."      (Vitse  dames  qui  puis  mille  ans  ait  est<§sur 

Illust.  Virorum,  p.  205.)  Guicciar-  terre  alia  de  vie  a  trespas  ;  ce  fut  la 

dini  eulogizes   her  as   "  Donna  di  royne  Ysa'bel  c!e  Castille,  qui  ayda, 

onestissimi  costumi,  e  in  concetto  le  bras  arme,  a  conquester  le  roy- 

grandissimo  nei  Regni  suoi  di  ma-  aulrae  de  Grenade  sur  les  Mores, 

gnauimita   e  prudenza."     (Istoria,  Je  veux  lien  asseurer  aux  lecteurs 


HER   CHARACTER.  205 

most  brilliant  exemplar  of  every  virtue,"  and  mourn  CHAPTER 
over  the  day  of  her  death  as  "  the  last  of  the  pros-  - 
perity  and  happiness  of  their  country."75  While 
those,  who  had  nearer  access  to  her  person,  are 
unbounded  in  their  admiration  of  those  amiable 
qualities,  whose  full  power  is  revealed  only  in  the 
unrestrained  intimacies  of  domestic  life.76  The 
judgment  of  posterity  has  ratified  the  sentence  of 
her  own  age.  The  most  enlightened  Spaniards  of 
the  present  day,  by  no  means  insensible  to  the  errors 
of  her  government,  but  more  capable  of  appreciat- 
ing its  merits,  than  those  of  a  less  instructed  age, 
bear  honorable  testimony  to  her  deserts  ;  and,  while 
they  pass  over  the  bloated  magnificence  of  succeed- 
ing  monarchs,  who  arrest  the  popular  eye,  dwell 
with  enthusiasm  on  Isabella's  character,  as  the  most 
truly  great  in  their  line  of  princes.77  ' 

de  ceste  presente  hystoire,  que  sa  authority  over  and  over  again  of 

vie  a  este  telle,  qu'elle  a   bien  m6-  such  writers  as  Marina,  Sempere, 

rite   couronne  de   laurier  apres  sa  Llorente,      Navarrete,     Quintana, 

mort."  Memoiresde  Bayard,  chap,  and  others,  who  have  dose   such 

26. —  See  also  Comines,  M£moires,  honor  to  the  literature  of  Spain  in 

chap.  23. —  Navagiero,    Viaggio,  the   present  century.      It  will  be 

fol.  27.  — et  al.  auct.  sufficient,  however,  to  advert  to  the 

75  I  borrow  the  words  of  one  con-  remarkable  tribute  paid  to  Isabel- 
temporary  ;  "  Quo  quidem  die  om-  la's  character  by  the  Royal  Span- 
nis  Hispania?  felicitas,  omne  decus,  ish  Academy  of  History  ;  who  in 
omnium     virtutum    pulcherrimum  1805  appointed  their  late  secretary, 
specimen   interiit ;"    (L.  Marineo,  Clemencin,  to  deliver  a  eulogy  on 
Cosas  Memorables,  lib.  21,)  —  and  that  illustrious  theme;    and    who 
the  sentiments  of  all.  raised  a  still  nobler  monument  to 

76  If   the   reader   needs    further  her  memory,  by  the  publication,  in 
testimony  of  this,  he  will  find  abun-  1821,  of   the   various    documents 
dance  collected  by  the  indefatigable  compiled  by  him  for  the  illustration 
Clemencin,  in  the  21st  Ilust.  of  the  of  her  reign,  as  a  separate  volume 
Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  of  their  valuable  Memoirs. 

77  It  would  be  easy  to  cite  the 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

FERDINAND  REGENT.  — HIS  SECOND  MARRIAGE.  —  DISSENSIONS 
WITH  PHILIP.  —  RESIGNATION  OF  THE   REGENCY 

1504—1506. 

Ferdinand  Regent.  —  Philip's  Pretensions.  —  Ferdinand's  Perplexities. 
Impolitic  Treaty  with  France.  —  The  King's  second  Marriage.  — 
Landing  of  Philip  and  Joanna.  —  Unpopularity  of  Ferdinand.  — 
His  Interview  with  his  Son-in-law.  —  He  resigns  the  Regency. 

PART          THE  death  of  Isabella  gives  a  new  complexion  to 

—  our  history,  a  principal  object  of  which  has  been  the 

illustration  of  her  personal  character  and  public  ad- 
ministration. The  latter  part  of  the  narrative,  it  is 
true,  has  been  chiefly  occupied  with  the  foreign 
relations  of  Spain,  in  which  her  interference  has 
been  less  obvious  than  in  the  domestic.  But  still 
we  have  been  made  conscious  of  her  presence  and 
parental  supervision,  by  the  maintenance  of  order, 
and  the  general  prosperity  of  the  nation.  Her 
death  will  make  us  more  sensible  of  this  influence ; 
since  it  was  the  signal  for  disorders,  which  even  the 
genius  and  authority  of  Ferdinand  were  unable  to 
suppress. 

joamm'pro-  While  the  queen's  remains  were  yet  scarcely 
cold,  King  Ferdinand  took  the  usual  measures  foi 
announcing  the  succession.  He  resigned  the  crown 


FERDINAND  RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  207 

of  Castile,  which  he  had  worn  with  so  much  glory  CHAPTER 
for  thirty  years.  From  a  platform  raised  in  the  — i — __ 
great  square  of  Toledo,  the  heralds  proclaimed,  with 
sound  of  trumpet,  the  accession  of  Philip  and  Jo- 
anna to  the  Castilian  throne,  and  the  royal  stand- 
ard was  unfurled  by  the  duke  of  Alva,  in  honor 
of  the  illustrious  pair.  The  king  of  Aragon  then 
publicly  assumed  the  title  of  administrator  or  gov- 
ernor of  Castile,  as  provided  by  the  queen's  testa- 
ment, and  received  the  obeisance  of  such  of  the 
nobles  as  were  present,  in  his  new  capacity.  These 
proceedings  took  place  on  the  evening  of  the  same 
day  on  which  the  queen  expired.1 

A  circular  letter  was  next  addressed  to  the  prin- 
cipal cities,  requiring  them,  after  the  customary 
celebration  of  the  obsequies  of  their  late  sovereign, 
to  raise  the  royal  banners  in  the  name  of  Joanna ; 
and  writs  were  immediately  issued  in  her  name, 
without  mention  of  Philip's,  for  the  convocation  of 
a  cortes  to  ratify  these  proceedings.2 

The  assembly  met  at  Toro,  January  llth,  1505.     1505. 
The   queen's  will,  or  rather  such   clauses  of  it  as 
related  to  the  succession,  were  read  aloud,  and  re- 
ceived the  entire  approbation  of  the  commons,  who, 
together  with  the  grandees   and    prelates  present, 


1  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  scribunt ;  alii,  rem  novam  admi- 

52.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist,,  rati,  regem  incusant,  remque  argu- 

epist.  279. — Garibay,  Compendic,  unt  non  debuisse  fieri."  Ubi  supra, 

torn.  ii.  lib.  20,  cap.  1.  —  Carbaja.,  2  Philip's  name  was  omitted,  as 

Anales,  MS.,  afio  1504.  —  Sando-  being  a  foreigner,  until  he  should 

val,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,tom.  have  taken  the  customary  oath  to 

i.  p.  9.  respect  the  laws  of  the  realm,  and 

"  Sapientias  alii,"  says  Martyr,  especially  to  confer  office  on  none 

in  allusion  to  those  prompt  pro-  but  native  Castilians.  Zurita,  Ana- 

needings,  "  et  summee  bonitati  ad-  les,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  84. 


208  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 

PART      took  the  oaths  of  allegiance   to  Joanna  as  queen 

lll and  lady  proprietor,  and  to  Philip  as  her  husband. 

They  then  determined  that  the  exigency,  contem- 
plated in  the  testament,  of  Joanna's  incapacity, 
actually  existed,3  and  proceeded  to  tender  their 
homage  to  King  Ferdinand,  as  the  lawful  governor 
of  the  realm  in  her  name.  The  latter  in  turn  made 
the  customary  oath  to  respect  the  laws  and  liberties 
of  the  kingdom,  and  the  whole  was  terminated  by 
an  embassy  from  the  cortes,  with  a  written  ac- 
count of  its  proceedings,  to  their  new  sovereigns 
in  Flanders. 4 

All  seemed  now  done,  that  was  demanded  for 
giving  a  constitutional  sanction  to  Ferdinand's  au- 
thority as  regent.  By  the  written  law  of  the  land, 
the  sovereign  was  empowered  to  nominate  a  regen- 
cy, in  case  of  the  minority  or  incapacity  of  the  heir 
apparent.5  This  had  been  done  in  the  present  in- 
stance by  Isabella,  and  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of 
the  cortes,  made  two  years  previously  to  her  death. 
It  had  received  the  cordial  approbation  of  that 
bod},  which  had  undeniable  authority  to  control 
such  testamentary  provisions. 6  Thus,  from  the 

3  The  maternal  tenderness  and        5  Siete  Partidas,  part.  2,  tit.  15, 
delicacy,  which   had   led   Isabella    ley  3. 

to  allude  to  her  daughter's  infirmi-  Guicciardini,  with  the  ignorance 

ty  only  in  very  general  terms,  are  of  the  Spanish  constitution  natural 

well  remarked  by  the  cortes.     See  enough  in  a  foreigner,  disputes  the 

the  copy  of  the  original  act  in  Zu-  queen's   right   to   make  any  such 

rita,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  4.  settlement.     Istoria,  lib.  7. 

4  Abarca,    Reyes    de    Aragon,  6  gee  the  whole  subject  of  the 
torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  15,  sec.  2.  —  powers  of  cortes  in  this  particular, 
Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  as  discussed  very  fully  and  satisfac- 
3.— Marina,  Teoria,  part.  2,  cap.  4.  torily  by  Marina,  Teoria,  part.  2, 
—  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  cap.  13. 

ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  12.— Sandoval,  Hist. 
del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  9. 


HE   RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  209 

first  to  the  last  stage  of  the  proceeding,  the  whole   CHAPTEB 
had  gone  on  with  a  scrupulous  attention  to  consti-  - 
tutional  forms.     Yet  the  authority  of  the  new  re- 
gent was  far  from  being  firmly  seated  ;  and  it  was 
the  conviction  of  this,  which  had  led  him  to  accel- 
erate measures. 

Many  of  the  nobles  were  extremely  dissatisfied  Discontent 

*  .  of  the  no- 

with  the  queen's  settlement  of  the  regency,  which  bles- 
had  taken  air  before  her  death  ;  and  they  had  even 
gone  so  far  as  to  send  to  Flanders  before  that 
event,  and  invite  Philip  to  assume  the  government 
himself,  as  the  natural  guardian  of  his  wife.7  These 
discontented  lords,  if  they  did  not  refuse  to  join  in 
the  public  acts  of  acknowledgment  to  Ferdinand  at 
Toro,  at  least  were  not  reserved  in  intimating  their 
dissatisfaction.8  Among  the  most  promin  ^nt  were 
the  marquis  of  Villena,  who  may  be  said  to  have 
been  nursed  to  faction  from  the  cradle,  and  the 
duke  of  Najara,  both  potent  nobles,  whose  broad 
domains  had  been  grievously  clipped  by  the  re- 
sumption of  the  crown  lands  so  scrupulously  en- 
forced by  the  late  government,  and  who  looked 
forward  to  their  speedy  recovery  under  the  careless 
rule  of  a  young,  inexperienced  prince,  like  Philip  9 


But  the  most  efficient  of  his  partisans  was  Don  D 

Manuel 

Juan  Manuel,  Ferdinand's  ambassador  at  the  court 


7  Bernaldez,   Reyes  Cal61icos,  would  seem  to  be  contradicted  by  a 
MS.,  cap.  203.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  subsequent  passage.   Comp.cap.  4. 
de   Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  9  Isabella  in  her  will  particularly 
15,  sec.  3.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  enjoins  on  her  successors  never  to 
Epist.,  epist.  274,  277.  alienate   or   to   restore   the  crown 

8  Zurita's  assertion,  that  all  the  lands  recovered  from  the  marqui- 
nobility  present  did  homage  to  Fer-  sate  of  Villena.     Dormer,  Discur- 
dinand,  (Anales,  torn.  vi.  cap.  3,)  sos  Varies,  p.  331. 

VOL.    III.  27 


210  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND 

PART      of  Maximilian.     This   nobleman,   descended   from 

! one  of  the  most  illustrious  houses  in  Castile,  was  a 

person  of  uncommon  parts ;  restless  and  intriguing, 
plausible  in  his  address,  bold  in  his  plans,  but  ex- 
ceedingly cautious,  and  even  cunning,  in  the  execu- 
tion -of  them.  He  had  formerly  insinuated  him- 
self into  Philip's  confidence,  during  his  visit  to 
Spain,  and,  on  receiving  news  of  the  queen's  death, 
hastened  without  delay  to  join  him  in  the  Neth- 
erlands. 

^pre-  Through  his  means,  an  extensive  correspondence 
was  soon  opened  with  the  discontented  Castilian 
ords ;  and  Philip  was  persuaded,  not  only  to  assert 
his  pretensions  to  undivided  supremacy  in  Castile, 
but  to  send  a  letter  to  his  royal  father-in-law,  re- 
quiring 'iim  to  resign  the  government  at  once,  and 
retire  into  Aragon.10  The  demand  was  treated 
with  some  contempt  by  Ferdinand,  who  adrnon- 

10  "  Nor  was  it  sufficient,"  says  Carbajal,  a  member  of  the  royal 
Dr.  Robertson,  in  allusion  to  Phil-  council,  and  who  was  present,  as  he 
ip's  pretensions  to  the  government,  expressly  declares,  at  the  approval 
"  to  oppose  to  these  just  rights,  of  the  testament,  "  a  cuyo  otorga- 
and  to  the  inclination  of  the  people  miento  y  aun  ordenacion  me  ha- 
of  Castile,  the  authority  of  a  testa-  lie,"  has  transcribed  the  whole  of 
ment,  the  genuineness  of  which  was  the  document  in  his  Annals,  with 
perhaps  doubtful,  and  its  contents  to  the  signatures  of  the  notary  and 
him  appeared  certainly  to  be  iniqui-  the  seven  distinguished  persons 
tons."  (History  of  the  Reign  of  who  witnessed  its  execution.  Dor- 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  (London,  mer,  the  national  historiographer 
1796,)  vol.  ii.  p.  7.)  But  who  ever  of  Aragon.  has  published  the  in- 
intimuted  a  doubt  of  its  genuine-  strument,  with  the  same  minuteness 
ness,  before  Dr.  Robertson  ?  Cer-  in  his  "  Discursos  Varies,"  "  from 
tainly  no  one  living  at  that  time  ;  authentic  MSS.  in  his  possession," 
for  the  will  was  produced  before  "  escrituras  autenticas  en  mi  po- 
cortes,  by  the  royal  secretary,  in  the  der."  Where  the  original  is  now 
session  immediately  following  the  to  be  found,  or  whether  it  be  in  ex- 
queen's  death  ;  and  Zurita  has  pre-  istence,  I  have  no  knowledge.  The 
served  the  address  of  that  body,  codicil,  as  we  have  seen,  with  the 
commenting  on  the  part  of  its  con-  queen's  signature,  is  still  extant  in 
tents  relating  to  the  succession,  the  Royal  "Library  at  Madrid. 
(Anales,  torn.  vi.  cap.  4.)  Dr. 


HE    RESIGNS  TO   PHILIP.  211 

shed  him  of  his  incompetericy  to  govern  a  nation   CHAPTER 

XVII 

ike  the  Spaniards,  whom  he  understood  so  little,  — 

but  urged  him  at  the  same  time  to  present  himself 
before  them  with  his  wife,  as  soon  as  possible.11 

Ferdinand's  situation,  however,  was  far  from  ms  party 
comfortable.  Philip's,  or  rather  Manuel's,  emissa- 
ries, were  busily  stirring  up  the  embers  of  disaffec- 
tion. They  dwelt  on  the  advantages  to  be  gained 
from  the  free  and  lavish  disposition  of  Philip,  which 
they  contrasted  with  the  parsimonious  temper  of 
the  stern  old  Catalan,  who  had  so  long  held  them 
under  his  yoke.12  Ferdinand,  whose  policy  it  had 
been  to  crush  the  overgrown  power  of  the  nobility, 
and  who,  as  a  foreigner,  had  none  of  the  natural 
claims  to  loyalty  enjoyed  by  his  late  queen,  was 
extremely  odious  to  that  jealous  and  haughty  body. 
The  number  of  Philip's  adherents  increased  in  it 
every  day,  and  soon  comprehended  the  most  con- 
siderable names  in  the  kingdom. 

The  king,  who  watched  these  symptoms  of  dis- 
affection with  deep  anxiety,  said  little,  says  Martyr, 
but  coolly  scrutinized  the  minds  of  those  around 
him,  dissembling  as  far  as  possible  his  own  senti- 
ments.13 He  received  further  and  more  unequiv- 
ocal evidence,  at  this  time,  of  the  alienation  of  his 
son-in-law.  An  Aragonese  gentleman,  named  Con- 

11  Peter  Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  rum  potential   fruituros,  quam  sub 
spist.  282.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn,  austero  et   parum  liberal!,  ut  aie- 
vi.   lib.   6,   cap.   1.  —  Gomez,   De  bant,  sane  Catalano."     Vitas  111 ust. 
Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  53.  — Mariana,  Virorum,  p.  277. 

Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28,  13  "  Rex  quaecunque  versant  at- 

cap.  12.  que  ordiuntur,  sentit,  dissimulat  et 

12  "  Existimantes,"  says  Giovio,  animos  omnium  tacitus  scrutatur." 
"  sub  florentissimo  juvene  rege  ali-  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  289. 

quanto  liberius  atque  licentius  ipso- 


212  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 


II. 


PART  chillos,  whom  he  had  placed  near  the  person  of  his 
daughter,  obtained  a  letter  from  her,  in  which  she 
approved  in  the  fullest  manner  of  her  father's  re- 
taining the  administration  of  the  kingdom.  The 
letter  was  betrayed  to  Philip  ;  the  unfortunate  sec- 
retary was  seized  and  thrown  into  a  dungeon,  and 
Joanna  was  placed  under  a  rigorous  confinement, 
which  much  aggravated  her  malady.14 
Hetnmpera  With  this  affront,  the  king  received  also  the 

with  Gon- 

cdriova.  alarming  intelligence,  that  the  emperor  Maximilian 
and  his  son  Philip  were  tampering  with  the  fidelity 
of  the  Great  Captain ;  endeavouring  to  secure  Na- 
ples in  any  event  to  the  archduke,  who  claimed  it 
as  the  appurtenance  of  Castile,  by  whose  armies  its 
conquest,  in  fact,  had  been  achieved.  There  were 
not  wanting  persons  of  high  standing  at  Ferdi- 
nand's court,  to  infuse  suspicions,  however  unwar- 
rantable, into  the  royal  mind,  of  the  loyalty  of  his 
viceroy,  a  Castilian  by  birth,  and  who  owed  his 
elevation  exclusively  to  the  queen.15 

The  king  was  still  further  annoyed,  by  reports  of 
the  intimate  relations  subsisting  between  his  old 
enemy,  Louis  the  Twelfth,  and  Philip,  whose  chil- 
dren were  affianced  to  each  other.  The  French 
monarch,  it  wras  said,  wras  prepared  to  support  his 
ally  in  an  invasion  of  Castile,  for  the  recovery  of 

14  Abarca,   Reyes  de    Aragon,         15  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum, 

torn.  ii.  rev  30,  cap.  15,  sec.  4.  —  pp.   275  -  277.  —  Zurita,   Anales, 

Lanuza,  Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  1,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  5,  11.— Ulloa, 

cap.    18.  —  Peter    Martyr,    Opus  Vita  de  Carlo  V.,  fol.  25.  —  Abar- 

Epist.,  epist.  286.  —  Zurita,  Ana-  ca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  roy 

les,  torn.  vi.   lib.  6,  cap.  8.  —  Ovi-  30,  cap.  15,  sec.  3. 
edo,  Quincuagenas,   MS.,   bat.  1, 
quinc.  3,  dial.  9.  — Oviedo  had  the 
story  from  Conchillos's  brother. 


HE   RESIGNS  TO   PHILIP.  213 

his  rights,  by  a  diversion  in  his  favor  on  the  side   CHAPTER 
of  Roussillon,  as  well  as  of  Naples.16 

The  Catholic  king  felt  sorely  perplexed  by  these  Ferdinand's 

J    J  •»  perplexities. 

multiplied  embarrassments.  During  the  brief  pe- 
riod of  his  regency,  he  had  endeavoured  to  recom- 
mend himself  to  the  people  by  a  strict  and  impar- 
tial administration  of  the  laws,  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  public  order.  The  people,  indeed,  appre- 
ciated the  value  of  a  government,  under  which  they 
had  been  protected  from  the  oppressions  of  the 
aristocracy  more  effectually  than  at  any  former  pe- 
riod. They  had  testified  their  good-will  by  the 
alacrity,  with  which  they  confirmed  Isabella's  testa- 
mentary dispositions,  at  Toro.  But  all  this  served 
only  to  sharpen  the  aversion  of  the  nobles.  Some 
of  Ferdinand's  counsellors  would  have  persuaded 
him  to  carry  measures  with  a  higher  hand.  They 
urged  him  to  reassume  the  title  of  King  of  Castile, 
which  he  had  so  long  possessed  as  husband  of  the 
late  queen ; I7  and  others  even  advised  him  to  as- 
semble an  armed  force,  which  should  overawe  all 
opposition  to  his  authority  at  home,  and  secure  the 
country  from  invasion.  He  had  facilities  for  this  in 
the  disbanded  levies  lately  returned  from  Italy,  as 
well  as  in  a  considerable  body  drawn  from  his  na- 
tive dominions  of  Aragon,  waiting  his  orders  on  the 


16  Peter   Martyr,  Opus   Epist.,  nand's  pretensions  to  the  regal  au- 
spist.  290.  —  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,  thority  and  title,  less  as  husband  of 
p.  94.^  the  late  queen,  than  as  the  lawful 

17  The  vice-chancellor  Alonsode  guardian  and   administrator  of  hia 
la  Caballeria,  prepared   an  elabo-  daughter.      See    Zurita,    Anales, 
rato  argument  in  support  of  Ferdi  torn.  vi.  cap.  14. 


214  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 

PART      frontier.18     Such  violent  measures,  however,  were 

-!1: repugnant   to   his   habitual   policy,  temperate  and 

cautious.  He  shrunk  from  a  contest,  in  which 
even  success  must  bring  unspeakable  calamities  on 
the  country ; 19  and,  if  he  ever  seriously  entertained 
such  views,20  he  abandoned  them,  and  employed 
his  levies  on  another  destination  in  Africa.21  His 
situation,  however,  grew  every  hour  more  critical. 
Alarmed  by  rumors  of  Louis's  military  preparations, 
for  which  liberal  supplies  were  voted  by  the  states 
general ;  trembling  for  the  fate  of  his  Italian  pos- 
sessions ;  deserted  and  betrayed  by  the  great  nobil- 
ity at  home  ;  there  seemed  now  no  alternative  left 
for  him  but  to  maintain  his  ground  by  force,  or 
to  resign  at  once,  as  required  by  Philip,  and  retire 
into  Aragon.  This  latter  course  appears  never  to 
have  been  contemplated  by  him.  He  resolved  at 
all  hazards  to  keep  the  reins  in  his  own  grasp,  in- 
fluenced in  part,  probably,  by  the  consciousness  of 
his  rights,  as  well  as  by  a  sense  of  duty,  which  for- 

18  Zurita,  Anales,  torn,  vi.lib.  6,  afford  the  slightest  ground  for  it." 

cap.  5,    15.  —  Lanuza,  Historias,  (Vol.  ii.  p.  286,  note.)     Neverthe- 

tom.  i.  lib.  1,  cap.  18.  less,  this  is  so  stated  by  Ferreras, 

*9  Peter   Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  (Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn,  v'iii.  p.  282,) 

epist.  291.  who     is    supported    by    Mariana. 

90  Robertson  speaks  with  confi-  (Hist,  de  Espana,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28, 
dence  of  Ferdinand's  intention  to  cap.  16,)  and,  in- the  most  unequiv- 
"  oppose  Philip's  landing  by  force  ocal  manner,  by  Zurita,  (Anales, 
of  arms,"  (History  of  Charles  V.,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  21,)  a  much 
vol.  ii.  p.  13,)  an  imputation,  which  higher  authority  than  either.  Mar- 
has  brought  a  heavy  judgment  on  tyr,  it  is  true,  whom  Dr.  Dunham 
the  historian's  head  from  the  clever  does  not  appear  to  have  consulred 
author  of  the  "  History  of  Spain  on  this  occasion,  declares  that  the 
and  Portugal."  (Lardner's  Cabinet  king  had  no  design  of  resorting  to 
Cyclopaedia.)  "  All  this,"  says  force.  See  Opus  Epist.,  epist. 
the  latter,  "is  at  variance  with  291,  305. 

both   truth   and    probability  ;    nor  21  Bernaldez,   Reyes   Cat61icos, 

does  Ferreras,  the  only  authority  MS.,  cap.  202.  — Carbajal,  Analey 

cited  for  this   unjust  declamation,  MS.,  afio  1505. 


HE   RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  215 


xvn. 


bade  him  to  resign  the  trust  he  had  voluntarily  as-  CHAPTEP 
sumed  into  such  incompetent  hands  as  those  of 
Philip  and  his  counsellors  ;  and  partly,  no  doubt, 
by  natural  reluctance  to  relinquish  the  authority, 
which  he  had  enjoyed  for  so  many  years.  To  keep 
it,  he  had  recourse  to  an  expedient,  such  as  neither 
friend  nor  foe  could  have  anticipated. 

He  saw  the  only  chance  of  maintaining;  his  pres- 

*  for  a  second 


ent  position  lay  in  detaching  France  from  the  in-  mani8se- 
terests  of  Philip,  and  securing  her  to  himself.  The 
great  obstacle  to  this  was  their  conflicting  claims 
on  Naples.  This  he  purposed  to  obviate  by  propo- 
sals of  marriage  to  some  member  of  the  royal  fam- 
ily, in  whose  favor  these  claims,  with  the  consent 
of  King  Louis,  might  be  resigned.  He  according- 
ly despatched  a  confidential  envoy  privately  into 
France,  with  ample  instructions  for  arranging  the 
preliminaries.  This  person  was  Juan  de  Enguera, 
a  Catalan  monk  of  much  repute  for  his  learning, 
and  a  member  of  the  royal  council.  22 

22  Before  venturing  on  this  step,  his  legitimate  daughter.    See  Car- 

it  was  currently  reported,  that  Fer-  bajal,   (Anales,  MS.,  afio   1474,) 

dinand  had  offered  his  hand,  though  the  only  authority  for  this  last  ru 

unsuccessfully,  to  Joanna  Beltrane-  nior. 

ja,  Isabella's  unfortunate  compeli-        Robertson   has  given  an  incau- 

tor  for  the  crown  of  Castile,  who  tious  credence   to   the  first  story, 

still  survived  in  Portugal.    (Zurita,  which  has  brought  Dr.  Dunham's 

Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.   14.  —  iron  flail  somewhat  unmercifully  on 

Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  his  shoulders  again  ;  yet  his  easy 

lib.  28,  cap.  13.  —  et  al.)     The  re-  faith  in  the  matter  may  find  some 

port  originated,   doubtless,  in  the  palliation,    at    least    sufficient    to 

malice  of  the  Castilian  nobles,  who  screen  him  from  the  charge  of  wil- 

wished  in  this  way  to  discredit  the  ful  misstatemenl,  in  the  fact,  that 

king  still  more  with  the  people.    It  Clemencin,  a  native  historian,  and 

received,  perhaps,  some  degree  of  a  most  patient  and  fair  inquirer  af- 

credit  from  a  silly  story,  in  circu-  ter  truth,  has   come   to   the  same 

lation,  of  a  testament  of  Henry  IV.  conclusion.     (Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de 

having  lately  come  into  Ferdinand's  Hist.,   torn.   vi.  Ilust.  19.)     Both 

possession,  avowing  Joanna  to  be  writers   rely  on   the  authority  of 


216  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 

PART  Louis  the  Twelfth  had  viewed  with  much  satis- 
—  faction  the  growing  misunderstanding  betwixt  Phil- 
Louf/xn.  ip  and  his  father-in-law,  and  had  cunningly  used 
his  influence  over  the  young  prince  to  foment  it. 
He  felt  the  deepest  disquietude  at  the  prospect  of 
the  enormous  inheritance  which  was  to  devolve  on 
the  former,  comprehending  Burgundy  and  Flanders, 
Austria,  and  probably  the  Empire,  together  with 
the  united  crowns  of  Spain  and  their  rich  depen- 
dencies. By  the  proposed  marriage,  a  dismem- 
berment might  be  made  at  least  of  the  Spanish 
monarchy  ;  and  the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Ara- 
gon,  passing  under  different  sceptres,  might  serve, 
as  they  had  formerly  done,  to  neutralize  each  other. 
It  was  true,  this  would  involve  a  rupture  with 
Philip,  to  whose  son  his  own  daughter  was  prom- 
ised in  marriage.  But  this  match,  extremely  dis- 
tasteful to  his  subjects,  gradually  became  so  to 
Louis,  as  every  way  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of 
France.23 

Without  much  delay,  therefore,  preliminaries  were 

arranged   with   the   Aragonese   envoy,   and    imme- 

1505.    diately  after,  in  the  month  of  August,  the  count  of 

Cifuentes,  and  Thomas  Malferit,  regent  of  the  royal 

chancery,  were  publicly  sent  as  plenipotentiaries  on 

Sandoval,  an  historian  of  the  latter  firstoffer  of  King  Ferdinand,  makes 

half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  whose  him  afterwards  propose  for  a  daugh- 

naked  assertion  cannot  be  permit-  ter  of  King  Emanuel,  or  in  other 

ted   to  counterbalance    the   strong  words,    his    own    granddaughter! 

testimony  afforded  by  the  silence  of  Hist,  des  Francais,  torn.  xv.  chap, 

contemporaries  and  the  general  dis-  30. 

credit  of  succeeding  writers.  (Hist.        23  Fleurange,   M6moires,  chap, 

del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  10.)  15.— Seyssel,  Hist.de  LouysXIi. 

Sism^ndi,  not  content  with  this  pp.  223-229. 


HE  RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  217 

the  part  of  King  Ferdinand,  to  conclude  and  exe-   CHAPTER 

XVII. 

cute  the  treaty. 

It.  was  agreed,  as  the  basis  of  the  alliance,  that  Treaty  with 

France. 

the  Catholic  king  should  be  married  to  Germame, 
daughter  of  Jean  de  Foix,  viscount  of  Narbonne, 
and  of  one  of  the  sisters  of  Louis  the  Twelfth,  and 
granddaughter  to  Leonora,  queen  of  Navarre,  — 
that  guilty  sister  of  King  Ferdinand,  whose  fate  is 
recorded  in  the  earlier  part  of  our  History.  The 
princess  Germaine,  it  will  be  seen,  therefore,  was 
nearly  related  to  both  the  contracting  parties.  She 
was  at  this  time  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  very 
beautiful. 24  She  had  been  educated  in  the  palace 
of  her  royal  uncle,  where  she  had  imbibed  the  free 
and  volatile  manners  of  his  gay,  luxurious  court. 
To  this  lady  Louis  the  Twelfth  consented  to  resign 
his  claims  on  Naples,  to  be  secured  by  way  of 
dowry  to  her  and  her  heirs,  male  or  female,  in 
perpetuity.  In  case  of  her  decease  without  issue, 
the  moiety  of  the  kingdom  recognised  as  his  by  the 
partition  treaty  with  Spain  was  to  revert  to  him. 
It  was  further  agreed,  that  Ferdinand  should  reim- 
burse Louis  the  Twelfth  for  the  expenses  of  the 
Neapolitan  war,  by  the  payment  of  one  million  gold 
ducats,  in  ten  yearly  instalments ;  and  lastly,  that  a 


24  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,  point  perdu  son  embonpoint."  (M6- 

tom.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  7,  sec.  4.  —  moires,  chap.  19.)  It  would  be 

Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  56.  strange  if  she  had  at  the  age  of 

—  Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Monarquia,  eighteen.  Varillas  gets  over  the 

torn.  i.  p.  410.  discrepancy  of  age  between  the 

"  Laquelle,"  says  Fleurange,  parties  very  well,  by  making  Fer- 
who  had  doubtless  often  seen  the  dinand's  at  this  time  only  thirty- 
princess,  "  etoit  bonne  et  fort  belle  seven  years  !  Hist,  de  Louis  XIL, 
princesse,  du  moins  elle  n'avoit  torn.  i.  p.  457. 

VOL.  III.  28 


218  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 

PART  complete  amnesty  should  be  granted  by  him  to  the 
"'  lords  of  the  Angevin  or  French  party  in  Naples, 
who  should  receive  full  restitution  of  their  confis- 
cated honors  and  estates.  A  mutual  treaty  of 
alliance  and  commerce  was  to  subsist  henceforth 
between  France  and  Spain,  and  the  two  monarchs, 
holding  one  another,  to  quote  the  words  of  the  in- 
strument, "  as  two  souls,  in  one  and  the  same 
body,"  pledged  themselves  to  the  maintenance  and 
defence  of  their  respective  rights  and  kingdoms 
against  every  other  power  whatever.  This  treaty 
was  signed  by  the  French  king  at  Blois,  October 
12th,  1505,  and  ratified  by  Ferdinand  the  Catholic, 
at  Segovia,  on  the  16th  of  the  same  month.25 
its  impolicy  Such  were  the  disgraceful  and  most  impolitic 
terms  of  this  compact,  by  which  Ferdinand,  in  order 
to  secure  the  brief  possession  of  a  barren  authority, 
and  perhaps  to  gratify  some  unworthy  feelings  of 
revenge,  was  content  to  barter  away  all  those  solid 
advantages,  flowing  from  the  union  of  the  Spanish 
monarchies,  which  had  been  the  great  and  wise 
object  of  his  own  and  Isabella's  policy.  For,  in 
the  event  of  male  issue,  —  and  that  he  should  have 
issue  was  by  no  means  improbable,  considering  he 
was  not  yet  fifty-four  years  of  age,  —  Aragon  and 
its  dependencies  must  be  totally  severed  from  Cas- 
tile.26 In  the  other  alternative,  the  splendid  Italian 

25  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  conquis  par  Ferdinand  £toient  con- 
torn,  iv.  no.  40,  pp.  72-74.  quetes  de    communaute,   dont    la 

26  These  dependencies  did   not  moitie  appartenoit  au  mari,  et  la 
embrace,  however,  the  half  of  Gra-  moiti6  aux  enfans."  (Rivalite,  torn, 
nada  nnd  the  West  Indies,  as  sup-  iv.  p.  306.)     Such   are  the  gross 
posed     by    Mons.    Gaillard,    who  misconceptions   of  fact,  on  which 
gravely  assures  us,  that  "  Les  etats  this  writer's  speculations  rest ! 


HE  RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  219 

conquests,  which  after  such  cost  of  toil  and  treasure   CHAPTER 

he  had  finally  secured  to  himself,  must  be  shared  1 

with  his  unsuccessful  competitor.  In  any  event,  he 
had  pledged  himself  to  such  an  indemnification  of 
the  Angevin  faction  in  Naples,  as  must  create  inex- 
tricable embarrassment,  and  inflict  great  injury  on 
his  loyal  partisans,  into  whose  hands  their  estates 
had  already  passed.  And  last,  though  not  least,  he 
dishonored  by  this  unsuitable  and  precipitate  alli- 
ance his  late  illustrious  queen,  the  memory  of  whose 
transcendent  excellence,  if  it  had  faded  in  any  de- 
gree from  his  own  breast,  was  too  deeply  seated  in 
those  of  her  subjects,  to  allow  them  to  look  on  the 
present  union  otherwise  than  as  a  national  indig- 
nity. 

So,  indeed,  they  did  regard  it ;  although  the  peo- 
ple of  Aragon,  in  whom  late  events  had  rekindled 
their  ancient  jealousy  of  Castile,  viewed  the  match 
with  more  complacency,  as  likely  to  restore  them 
to  that  political  importance  which  had  been  some- 
what impaired  by  the  union  with  their  more  power- 
ful neighbour.27 

The  European  nations  could  not  comprehend  an 
arrangement,  so  irreconcilable  with  the  usual  saga- 
cious policy  of  the  Catholic  king.  The  petty  Italian 
powers,  who,  since  the  introduction  of  France  and 
Spain  into  their  political  system,  were  controlled  by 
them  more  or  less  in  all  their  movements,  viewed 
this  sinister  conjunction  as  auspicious  of  no  good  to 


27  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  19.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Es- 
pafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  16. 


220  THE   REGENCY   OF  FERDINAND. 

FART      their  interests  or  independence.     As  for  the  arcn- 
—  duke  Philip,  he  could  scarcely  credit  the  possibility 
of  this  desperate  act,  which  struck  off  at  a  blow  so 
rich  a  portion  of  his  inheritance.     He  soon  received 
confirmation,  however,  of  its   truth,  by   a  prohibi- 
tion from  Louis  the  Twelfth,  to  attempt  a  passage 
through  his  dominions  into  Spain,  until  he  should 
come    to   some    amicable    understanding   with    his 
father-in-law.28 
concord  of        Philip,  or  rather  Manuel,  who  exercised  unbound- 

Salamanca. 

ed  influence  over  his  counsels,  saw  the  necessity 
now  of  temporizing.  The  correspondence  was  re- 
sumed with  Ferdinand,  and  an  arrangement  was  at 
length  concluded  between  the  parties,  known  as 
the  concord  of  Salamanca,  November  24th,  1505. 
The  substance  of  it  was,  that  Castile  should  be 
governed  in  the  joint  names  of  Ferdinand,  Philip, 
and  Joanna,  but  that  the  first  should  be  entitled,  as 
his  share,  to  one  half  of  the  public  revenue.  This 
treaty,  executed  in  good  faith  by  the  Catholic  king, 
was  only  intended  by  Philip  to  lull  the  suspicions 
of  the  former,  until  he  could  effect  a  landing  in  the 

28  Abarca,   Reyes   de   Aragon,  tan  conquests,"  &c.    He  concludes 

torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  15,  sec.  8. —  with   this   appeal   to  him.      "Sit 

Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  satis,  fili,  pervagatum  ;  redi  in  te, 

21.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  7.  si  filius,  non  hostis  accesseris  ;   his 

He  received  much  more  une-  non  obstantibus,  mi  filius,  amplexa- 
quivocal  intimation  in  a  letter  from  here.  Magna  est  paternse  vis  na- 
Ferdinand,  curious  as  showing  that  turse."  Philip  may  have  thought 
the  .latter  sensibly  felt  the  nature  his  father-in-law's  late  conduct  an 
and  extent  of  the  sacrifices  he  was  indifferent  commentary  on  the  "  pa- 
making.  ;i  You,"  says  he  to  ternae  vis  natures."  See  the  king's 
Philip,  "  by  lending  yourself  to  be  lette*  quoted  by  Peter  Martyr  in 
the  easy  dupe  of  France,  have  his  correspondence  with  the  count 
driven  me  most  reluctantly  into  a  of  Tendilla.  Opus  Epist.,  epist, 
second  marriage  ;  have  stripped  293. 
me  of  the  fair  fruits  of  my  Neapoli- 


HE  RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  221 

kingdom,  where,  he  confidently  believed,  nothing  CHAPTER 

,.                                      .                                            XVIL 
but   his   presence  was  wanting   to  insure   success. 

He  completed  the  perfidious  proceeding  by  sending 
an  epistle,  well  garnished  with  soft  and  honeyed 
phrase,  to  his  royal  father-in-law.  These  artifices 
had  their  effect,  and  completely  imposed,  not  only 
on  Louis,  but  on  the  more  shrewd  and  suspicious 
Ferdinand.29 

On  the  8th  of  January,  1506,  Philip  and  Joanna  pump  and 

Joanna  em. 

embarked  on  board  a  splendid  and  numerous  arma-  bark- 
da,  and  set  sail  from  a  port  in  Zealand.  A  furious 
tempest  scattered  the  fleet  soon  after  leaving  the 
harbour ;  Philip's  ship,  which  took  fire  in  the  storm, 
narrowly  escaped  foundering ;  and  it  was  not  with- 
out great  difficulty  that  they  succeeded  in  bringing 
her,  a  miserable  wreck,  into  the  English  port  of 
Weymouth.30  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  on  learn- 
ing the  misfortunes  of  Philip  and  his  consort,  was 
prompt  to  show  every  mark  of  respect  and  consid- 
eration for  the  royal  pair,  thus  thrown  upon  his 
island.  They  were  escorted  in  magnificent  style 
to  Windsor,  and  detained  with  dubious  hospitality 


29  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  Roman  ancestors  fastened  on  the 
1506. —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  character  of  their  African  enemy  ; 
lib.  6,  cap.  23.  —  Mariana,  Hist.  —  perhaps  with  equal  justice. 
de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  16.  3°  Joanna,  according  to  Sando- 
—  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,epist.  val,  displayed  much  composure  in 
292.— Zurita  has  transcribed  the  her  alarming  situation.  When  in- 
whole  of  this  dutiful  and  most  lov-  formed  by  Philip  of  their  danger, 
ing  epistle.  Ubi  supra.  she  attired  herself  in  her  richest 

Guicciardini  considers  Philip  as  dress,  securing  a  considerable  sum 

only  practising  the  lessons  he  had  of  money  to  her  person,  that  her 

learned   in    Spain,  "  le   arti   Spa-  body,if  found,  might  be  recognised, 

gmiole."     (Istoria,  lib.,  7.)     The  and  receive  the  obsequies  suited  to 

phrase  would  seem  to  have  been  her  rank.     Hist,  del  Emp.  Carloe 

proverbial   with   the   Italians,  like  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  10. 
the   "  Punica  fides,"  which  their 


222  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 

PAHT      for  nearly  three  months.     During  this  time,  Henry 
the  Seventh  availed  himself  of  the   situation  and 


runa. 


inexperience  of  his  young  guest  so  far,  as  to  extort 
from  him  two  treaties,  not  altogether  reconcilable, 
as  far  as  the  latter  was  concerned,  with  sound  pol- 
icy or  honor.31  The  respect  which  the  English 
monarch  entertained  for  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  as 
well  as  their  family  connexion,  led  him  to  offer  his 
services  as  a  common  mediator  between  the  father 
and  son.  He  would  have  persuaded  the  latter, 
says  Lord  Bacon,  "  to  be  ruled  by  the  counsel  of  a 
prince,  so  prudent,  so  experienced,  and  so  fortunate 
as  King  Ferdinand;"  to  which  the  archduke  re- 
plied, "  If  his  father-in-law  would  let  him  govern 
Castile,  he  should  govern  him."32 

h  co-  At  length  Philip,  having  reassembled  his  Flemish 
fleet  at  Weymouth,  embarked  with  Joanna  and  his 
numerous  suite  of  courtiers  and  military  retainers, 
and  reached  Coruna,  in  the  northwestern  corner 
of  Galicia,  after  a  prosperous  voyage,  on  the  28th 
of  April. 

A  short  time  previous  to  this  event,  the  count  of 
Cifuentes  having  passed  into  France  for  the  pur- 
pose, the  betrothed  bride  of  King  Ferdinand  quitted 
that  country  under  his  escort,  attended  by  a  bril- 


31  Bernaldez,   Reyes   Catolicos,  One   was   a   commercial    treaty 

MS.,  cap.  204.  —  Carbajal,  Anales,  with  Flanders,  so  disastrous  as  to 

MS.,afio  1506.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  be  known  in  that  country  by  the 

de  Louys  XII.,  p.  186.  —  Bacon,  name  of  "  malus  intercursus  "  ;  the 

Hist,  of  Henry  VII.,  Works,  vol.  other  involved  the  surrender  of  the 

v.   pp.    177  -  179.  —  Guicciardini,  unfortunate  duke  of  Suffolk. 

Istona,  lib.  7.  —  Rymer,  Foedera,  »  Bacon,  Hist,  of  Henry  VII.. 

torn,  xiii  pp.  123  -  132.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  179. 


HE   RESIGNS  TO   PHILIP. 


223 


1506. 

March  18. 


liant  train  of  French  and  Neapolitan  lords.  M     On   CHAPTER 

XVII. 

the  borders,  at  Fontarabia,  she  was  received  by  the  - 
archbishop  of  Saragossa,  Ferdinand's  natural  son, 
with  a  numerous  retinue,  composed  chiefly  of  Ara- 
gonese  and  Catalan  nobility,  and  was  conducted 
with  much  solemnity  to  Duenas,  where  she  was 
joined  by  the  king.  In  this  place,  where  thirty 
years  before  he  had  been  united  to  Isabella,  he  now, 
as  if  to  embitter  still  further  the  recollections  of  the 
past,  led  to  the  altar  her  young  and  beautiful  suc- 
cessor. "  It  seemed  hard,"  says  Martyr,  in  his 
quiet  way,  "  that  these  nuptials  should  take  place 
so  soon,  and  that  too  in  Isabella's  own  kingdom  of 
Castile,  where  she  had  lived  without  peer,  and 
where  her  ashes  are  still  held  in  as  much  venera- 
tion as  she  enjoyed  while  living."84 

It  was  less  than  six  weeks  after  this,  that  Philip  pw:'pj°in 

r     by  the  no- 

and  Joanna  landed  at  Corufia.  Ferdinand,  who  b!es' 
had  expected  them  at  some  nearer  northern  port, 
prepared  without  loss  of  time  to  go  forward  and 
receive  them.  He  sent  on  an  express  to  arrange 
the  place  of  meeting  with  Philip,  and  advanced 
himself  as  far  as  Leon.  But  Philip  had  no  inten- 
tion of  such  an  interview  at  present.  He  had  pur- 


33  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. 
bat.    1,  quinc.  2,  dial.  36. — Me- 
moires  de  Bayard,  chap.  26. 

34  Peter   Martyr,   Opus   Epist. 
epist.    300.  —  Oviedo,   Quincuage- 
nas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  2,  dial.  36. 
—  Carbajal,    Anales,     MS.,     aiio 
1506.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes   Catoli- 
cos,  MS.,  cap.  203. 

"  Some  affirmed,"  says  Zurita, 
"  that  Isabella,  before  appointing 
her  husband  to  the  regency,  exact- 


ed an  oath  from  him,  that  he  would 
not  marry  a  second  time."  (Ana- 
Jes,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap.  84.)  This 
improbable  story,  so  inconsistent 
with  the  queen's  character,  has 
been  transcribed  with  more  or  less 
qualification  by  succeeding  histo- 
rians from  Mariana  to  Quintana. 
Robertson  repeats  it  without  any 
qualification  at  all.  See  History 
of  Charles  V.,  vol.  ii.  p.  6. 


224  TflE    REGENCY   OF  FERDINAND. 


II 


PART  posely  landed  in  a  remote  corner  of  the  country,  in 
order  to  gain  time  for  his  partisans  to  come  forward 
and  declare  themselves.  Missives  had  been  de- 
spatched to  the  principal  nobles  and  cavaliers,  and 
they  were  answered  by  great  numbers  of  all  ranks, 
who  pressed  forward  to  welcome  and  pay  court  to 
the  young  monarch. 5S  Among  them  were  the 
names  of  most  of  the  considerable  Castilian  fam- 
ilies, and  several,  as  Villena  and  Najara,  were  ac- 
companied by  large,  well-appointed  retinues  of 
armed  followers.  The  archduke  brought  over  with 
him  a  body  of  three  thousand  German  infantry,  in 
complete  order.  He  soon  mustered  an  additional 
force  of  six  thousand  native  Spaniards,  which,  with 
the  chivalry  who  thronged  to  meet  him,  placed  him 
in  a  condition  to  dictate  terms  to  his  father-in-law ; 
and  he  now  openly  proclaimed,  that  he  had  no  in- 
tention of  abiding  by  the  concord  of  Salamanca, 
and  that  he  would  never  consent  to  an  arrangement 
prejudicing  in  any  degree  his,  and  his  wife's,  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  crown  of  Castile. 36 

It  was  in  vain  that  Ferdinand  endeavoured  to 
gain  Don  Juan  Manuel  to  his  interests  by  the  most 
liberal  offers.  He  could  offer  nothing  to  compete 
with  the  absolute  ascendency  which  the  favorite 
held  over  his  young  sovereign.  It  was  in  vain, 

35  "  Quisque  enim  in  spes  suas  cap.  29,  30.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus 
pronus  et  expedites,  commodo  ser-  Gestis,  fol.  57.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes 
viendum,"  says  Giovio,  borrowing  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  204.  —  Peter 
the  familiar  metaphor,  "  et  orien-  Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  epist.   304, 
tern  solem  potius  quam  occidentem  305.  —  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  aiio 
adorandum  esse  dictitabat."     Vitae  1506.  — Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp 
Illust.  Virorum,  p.  278.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  10. 

36  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6, 


HE   RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  225 

that  Martyr,  and  afterwards  Ximenes,  were  sent  to   CHAPTER 

XV1L 

the  archduke,  to  settle  the  grounds  of  accommoda- 
tion, or  at  least  the  place  of  interview  with  the 
king.  Philip  listened  to  them  with  courtesy,  but 
would  abate  not  a  jot  of  his  pretensions ;  and 
Manuel  did  not  care  to  expose  his  royal  master  to 
the  influence  of  Ferdinand's  superior  address  and 
sagacity  in  a  personal  interview.87 

Martyr  gives  a  picture,  by  no  means  unfavorable, 
of  Philip  at  this  time.  He  had  an  agreeable  per- 
son, a  generous  disposition,  free  and  open  manners, 
with  a  certain  nobleness  of  soul,  although  spurred 
on  by  a  most  craving  ambition.  But  he  was  so 
ignorant  of  affairs,  that  he  became  the  dupe  of 
artful  men,  who  played  on  him  for  their  own 
purposes. 38 

Ferdinand,  at  length,  finding  that  Philip,  who 
had  now  left  Coruila,  was  advancing  by  a  circu- 
itous route  into  the  interior,  on  purpose  to  avoid 
him,  and  that  all  access  to  his  daughter  was  abso- 
lutely refused,  could  no  longer  repress  his  indigna- 
tion ;  and  he  prepared  a  circular  letter,  to  be  sent  to 
the  different  parts  of  the  country,  calling  on  it  to 
rise  and  aid  him  in  rescuing  the  queen,  their  sove- 
reign, from  her  present  shameful  captivity.39  It 

37  Peter   Martyr,   Opus   Epist.,  hie  juvenis,  nescit  quo   te  vetiat, 

episl.  306,  308,  309.  —  Gomez,  De  hinc  avaris,  illinc  ambitiosis,  atque 

Rebus  Gestis,   fol.  59.  —  Giovio,  utrimque  vafris  hominibus  circuna- 

Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  p.  278.  septus   alienigena,    bonae    naturae, 

;«  "  Nil    benignius   Philippo   in  apertique  animi.     Trahetur  in  di- 

terris,  nullus  inter  orbis  principes  versa,    perturbabitur    ipse    atque 

animosior,  inter  juvenespulchrior,"  obtundetur.      Omniaconfundentur. 

&c.  (Opus  Epist.,  epist.  285.)    In  Utinam   vana  praedicem!"  Epist. 

a   subsequent  letter   he   thus   de-  308. 

scribes   the   unhappy  predicament  39  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  b'b.  7» 

of  the    youn?    prince  ;    "  Nesc.it  cap.  2. 

VOL.  III.  29 


226  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 


PART      does    not   appear   that    he   sent  it.     He   probably 
—  found  that  the  call  would  riot  be  answered  ;  for  the 
French   match   had  lost  him  even  thai  degree  of 
favor,  with  which   he  had   been   regarded    by  the 
commons  ;  so  the  very  expedient,  on  which  he  re- 
lied for  perpetuating  his  authority  in  Castile,  was 
the  chief  cause  of  his  losing  it  altogether. 
Ferdinand         He  was  doomed  to  experience  still  more  mortify- 

unjiopular.  f 

ing  indignities.  By  the  orders  of  the  marquis  of 
Astorga  and  the  count  of  Benevente,  he  was  actu- 
ally refused  admittance  into  those  cities ;  while 
proclamation  was  made  by  the  same  arrogant  lords, 
prohibiting  any  of  their  vassals  from  aiding  or  har- 
bouring his  Aragonese  followers.  "  A  sad  specta- 
cle, indeed,"  exclaims  the  loyal  Martyr,  "to  behold 
a  monarch,  yesterday  almost  omnipotent,  thus  wan- 
dering a  vagabond  in  his  own  kingdom,  refused 
even  the  sight  of  his  own  child  !  " 40 

Of  all  the  gay  tribe  of  courtiers  who  fluttered 
around  him  in  his  prosperity,  the  only  Castilians 
of  note  who  now  remained  true,  were  the  duke  of 
Alva  and  the  count  of  Cifuentes.41  For  even  his 
son-in-law,  the  constable  of  Castile,  had  deserted 
him.  There  were  some,  however,  at  a  distance 
from  the  scene  of  operations,  as  the  good  Talavera, 
for  instance,  and  the  count  of  Tendilla,  who  saw 
with  much  concern  the  prospect  of  changing  the 
steady  and  well-tried  hand,  which  had  held  the 

40  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  308.  this  fine  old  ballad,  would  seem 

"Ayer  era  Rey  <ie  Espafia,  hardly    too     extravagant     in    the 

WJSffl  £S?ta ;         m°ut(lh, of  his  royal  descendant- . 

oyuingmio'posseva;  41    "  IP8IB1  amicos  r,fs  °Pllln*   P1"™111- 

aver  teuia  criR<ioS","  &c.  adversse  probant."  ^  g  ^ 

The  lament  of  King  Roderic,  in 


H*E    RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  227 

helm  for  more  than  thirty  years,  for  the  capricious   CHAPTER 
guidance  of  Philip  and  his  favorites.44 

An  end  was  at  length  put  to  this  scandalous  ex-  intemew 

•with  Philip. 

hibition,  and  Manuel,  whether  from  increased  con- 
fidence in  his  own  resources,  or  the  fear  of  bringing 
public  odium  on  himself,  consented  to  trust  his  roy- 
al charge  to  the  peril  of  an  interview.  The  place 
selected  was  an  open  plain  near  Puebla  de  Sena- 
bria,  on  the  borders  of  Leon  and  Galicia.  But  June*? 
even  then,  the  precautions  taken  were  of  a  kind 
truly  ludicrous,  considering  the  forlorn  condition  of 
King  Ferdinand.  The  whole  military  apparatus  of 
the  archduke  was  put  in  motion,  as  if  he  expected 
to  win  the  crown  by  battle.  First  came  the  well- 
appointed  German  spearmen,  all  in  fighting  order. 
Then,  the  shining  squadrons  of  the  noble  Castilian 
chivalry,  and  their  armed  retainers.  Next  followed 
the  archduke,  seated  on  his  war-horse  and  encom- 
passed by  his  body-guard  ;  while  the  rear  was 
closed  by  the  long  files  of  archers  and  light  cavalry 
of  the  country.43 

Ferdinand,  on  the  other  hand,  came  into  the  field 
attended  by  about  two  hundred  nobles  and  gen- 
tlemen, chiefly  Aragonese  and  Italians,  riding  on 
mules,  and  simply  attired  in  the  short  black  cloak 
and  bonnet  of  the  country,  with  no  other  weapon 

42  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  pomp  of  war  was  the  rumor,  that 
epist.  306,  311.  —  Rohles,  Vida  de  the  king  was  levying  a  considera- 
Ximenez,  p.  143.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  ble  force,  and   the  duke  of  Alva 
de  Espafia, torn.  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  19.  mastering  his  followers  in  Leon; 
—  Lanuza,   Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  — rumors  willingly  circulated,  no 
1,  cap.  19.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,   del  doubt,  if  not  a  sheer  device  of  the 
Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  10.  enemy.      Zurita,    Anales,  lib.  7, 

43  The  only  pretext  for  all  this  cap.  2. 


228  THE   REGENCY   OF  FERDINAND 


u. 


PAUT  than  the  sword  usually  worn.  The  king  trusted, 
says  Zurita,  to  the  majesty  of  his  presence,  and  the 
reputation  he  had  acquired  by  his  long  and  able 
administration. 


courteous         The  Castilian  nobles,  brought  into  contact  with 

deportment 

Mnueril  Ferdinand,  could  not  well  avoid  paying  their  obei- 
sance to  him.  He  received  them  in  his  usual  gra- 
cious and  affable  manner,  making  remarks,  the  good- 
humor  of  which  was  occasionally  seasoned  with 
something  of  a  more  pungent  character.  To  the 
duke  of  Najara,  who  was  noted  for  being  a  vain- 
glorious person,  and  who  came  forward  with  a  gal- 
lant retinue  in  all  the  panoply  of  war,  he  exclaimed, 
"  So,  duke,  you  are  mindful  as  ever,  I  see,  of  the 
duties  of  a  great  captain  !  "  Among  others,  was 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  Ferdinand's  minister  former- 
ly at  Rome.  Like  many  of  the  Castilian  lords,  he 
wore  armour  under  his  dress,  the  better  to  guard 
against  surprise.  The  king,  embracing  him,  felt 
the  mail  beneath,  and,  tapping  him  familiarly  on  the 
shoulder,  said,  "  I  congratulate  you,  Garcilasso, 
you  have  grown  wonderfully  lusty  since  we  last 
met."  The  desertion,  however,  of  one  who  had 
received  so  many  favors  from  him,  touched  him 
more  nearly  than  all  the  rest. 

Philip's  die-        As  Philip  drew  near,  it  was  observed  he  wore  an 

trust.  i  ' 

anxious,  embarrassed  air,  while  his  father-in-law 
maintained  the  same  serene  and  cheerful  aspect  as 
usual.  After  exchanging  salutations,  the  two  mon- 
archs  alighted,  and  entered  a  small  hermitage  in 
the  neighbourhood,  attended  only  by  Manuel  and 
Archbishop  Ximenes.  They  had  no  sooner  entered, 


HE   RESIGNS   TO   PHILIP. 

than  the  latter,  addressing  the  favorite  with  an  air  CHAPTER 

XVII 

of  authority  it  was  not  easy  to  resist,  told  him,  "  It  — 
was  not  meet  to  intrude  on  the  private  concerns  of 
their  masters,"  and  taking  his  arm,  led  him  out  of 
the  apartment  and  coolly  locked  the  door  on  him, 
saying  at  the  same  time,  that  "  He  would  serve  as 
porter."  The  conference  led  to  no  result.  Philip 
was  well  schooled  in  his  part,  and  remained,  says 
Martyr,  immovable  as  a  rock.44  There  was  so  little 
mutual  confidence  between  the  parties,  that  the 
name  of  Joanna,  whom  Ferdinand  desired  so  much 
to  see,  was  not  even  mentioned  during  the  inter- 
view.45 

But,  however  reluctant  Ferdinand  might  be  to 
admit  it,  he  was  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  stand 
upon  terms  ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  entire  loss  of 
influence  in  Castile,  he  received  such  alarming  ac- 
counts from  Naples,  as  made  him  determine  on  an 
immediate  visit  in  person  to  that  kingdom.  He 
resolved,  therefore,  to  bow  his  head  to  the  present 
storm,  in  hopes  that  a  brighter  day  was  in  reserve 
for  him.  He  saw  the  jealousy  hourly  springing  up 
between  the  Flemish  and  Castilian  courtiers,  and 
he  probably  anticipated  such  misrule  as  would  afford 
an  opening,  perhaps  with  the  good-will  of  the  na- 
tion, for  him  to  resume  the  reins,  so  unceremoni- 


44  "  Durior  Caucasia  rupe,  pa-  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  20.  —  Zurita,  Anales, 
ternum   nihil   auscultavit."     Opus  torn.  vi.   lib.  7,  cap.  5.  —  Gomez, 
Epist.,  epist.  310.  De   Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  61,  62.— 

45  Oviedo,  Quincuatjenas,  MS.,  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii. 
bat.  1,  quinc.  3,  dial.  43.  — Robles,  rey  30,  cap.  15.  —  Carbajal,  Anales, 
Vida  de  Ximenez,  pp.   146-149.  MS.,aiiol506. —  Bernaldez,  Reyes 
—  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  204. 


THE   REGENCY  OF   FERDINAJND. 

PART      ously  snatched    from   his    grasp.46      At   any  rate, 
"'        should  force  be  necessary,  he  would  be  better  able 


to  employ  it  effectively,  with  the  aid  of  his  ally,  the 
French  king,  after  he  had  adjusted  the  affairs  of 
Naples.47 
Ferdinand          Whatever  considerations  may  have  influenced  the 

resigns  the 

regency.  prudent  monarch,  he  authorized  the  archbishop  of 
Toledo,  who  kept  near  the  person  of  the  archduke, 
to  consent  to  an  accommodation  on  the  very  grounds 
proposed  by  the  latter.  On  the  27th  of  June,  he 
signed  and  solemnly  swore  to  an  agreement,  by 
which  he  surrendered  the  entire  sovereignty  of  Cas- 
tile to  Philip  and  Joanna,  reserving  to  himself  only 
the  graridmasterships  of  the  military  orders,  and  the 
revenues  secured  by  Isabella's  testament.48 

On  the  following  day,  he  executed  another  in- 
strument of  most  singular  import,  in  which,  after 
avowing  in  unequivocal  terms  his  daughter's  inca- 
pacity, he  engages  to  assist  Philip  in  preventing  any 
interference  in  her  behalf,  and  to  maintain  him,  as 
far  as  in  his  power,  in  the  sole,  exclusive  author- 
ity.49 

protwtvate  Before  signing  these  papers,  he  privately  made  a 
protest,  in  the  presence  of  several  witnesses,  that 

46  Lord  Bacon  remarks,  in  allu-  ters  ;    for   the   parties   never  met 

sion  to  Philip's  premature  death,  again  after  Ferdinand  withdrew  to 

"  There  was  an  observation  by  the  Aragon. 

wisest  of  that  court,  that,  if  he  had  V  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7, 

lived,  his  father  would  have  gained  cap.  8. 

upon  him  in  that  sort,  as  he  would  48  Bernaldez.  Reyes  Catolicob, 
have  governed  his  councils  and  de-  MS.,  cap.  204.  —  Carbajal,  Ana- 
signs,  if  not  his  affections."  (Hist,  les,  MS.,  afio  1506. -Zurita,  Ana- 
of  Henry  VII.,  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  les,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  7.  —  Peter 
180.)  The  prediction  must  have  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  210. 
been  suggested  by  the  general  es-  49  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7, 
timation  of  their  respective  charac-  cap.  8. 


HE   RESIGNS   TO   PHILIP.  231 

what  he  was  about  to  do  was  not  of  his  own  free   CHAPTER 

XVII 

will,  but  from  necessity,  to  extricate  himself  from  - 
his  perilous  situation,  and  shield  the  country  from 
the  impending  evils  of  a  civil  war.  He  concluded 
with  asserting,  that,  so  far  from  relinquishing  his 
claims  to  the  regency,  it  was  his  design  to  enforce 
them,  as  well  as  to  rescue  his  daughter  from  her 
captivity,  as  soon  as  he  was  in  a  condition  to  do 
so.50  Finally,  he  completed  this  chain  of  inconsist- 
encies by  addressing  a  circular  letter,  dated  July  1st, 
to  the  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  announcing 
his  resignation  of  the  government  into  the  hands 
of  Philip  and  Joanna,  and  declaring  the  act  one, 
which,  notwithstanding  his  own  right  and  power  to 
the  contrary,  he  had  previously  determined  on  exe- 
cuting, so  soon  as  his  children  should  set  foot  in 
Spain. 51 

It  is  not  easy  to  reconcile  this  monstrous  tissue  m«  motives. 
uf  incongruity  and  dissimulation  with  any  motives 
of  necessity  or  expediency.  Why  should  he,  so 
soon  after  preparing  to  raise  the  kingdom  in  his 
daughter's  cause,  thus  publicly  avow  her  imbecility, 
and  deposit  the  whole  authority  in  the  hands  of 


50  Zurita,  Anales,  ubi  supra.  discriminates  between  fact  and  ru- 

51  Idem,  ubi  supra.  mor.     It  is  very  remarkable,  how- 
Ferdinand's  manifesto,   as  well  ever,  that  Peter  Martyr,  with  ev- 

as  the  instrument  declaring  his  ery  opportunity  for  information,  as 
daughter's  incapacity,  are  given  at  a  member  of  the  royal  household, 
length  by  Zurita.  The  secret  pro-  apparently  high  in  the  king's  con- 
test rests  on  the  unsupported  au-  fidence,  should  have  made  no  allu- 
thority  of  the  historian ;  and  surely  sion  to  this  secret  protest  in  his 
a  better  authority  cannot  easily  be  correspondence  with  Tendilla  and 
found,  considering  his  proximity  to  Talavera,  both  attached  to  the 
the  period,  his  resources  as  national  royal  party,  and  to  whom  he  ap- 
historiographer,  and  the  extreme  pears  to  have  communicated  all 
?aution  and  candor  with  which  he  -.  Uters  of  interest  without  reserve. 


232  THE  REGENCY  OF  FERDINAND. 


' 


PART  Philip  ?  Was  it  to  bring  odium  on  the  head  of  the 
latter,  by  encouraging  him  to  a  measure,  which  he 
knew  must  disgust  the  Castilians  ?  52  But  Ferdi- 
nand by  this  very  act  shared  the  responsibility  with 
him.  Was  it  in  the  expectation  that  uncontrolled 
and  undivided  power,  in  the  hands  of  one  so  rash 
and  improvident,  would  the  more  speedily  work 
his  ruin  ?  As  to  his  clandestine  protest,  its  design 
was  obviously  to  afford  a  plausible  pretext  at  some 
future  time  for  reasserting  his  claims  to  the  govern- 
ment, on  the  ground,  that  his  concessions  had  been 
the  result  of  force.  But  then,  why  neutralize  the 
operation  of  this,  by  the  declaration,  spontaneously 
made  in  his  manifesto  to  the  people,  that  his  abdi- 
cation was  not  only  a  free,  but  most  deliberate  and 
premeditated  act  ?  He  was  led  to  this  last  avowal, 
probably,  by  the  desire  of  covering  over  the  morti- 
fication of  his  defeat  ;  a  thin  varnish,  which  could 
impose  on  nobody.  The  whole  of  the  proceedings 
are  of  so  ambiguous  a  character  as  to  suggest  the 
inevitable  inference,  that  they  flowed  from  habits 
of  dissimulation  too  strong  to  be  controlled,  even 
when  there  w~s  no  occasion  for  its  exercise.  We 
occasionally  meet  with  examples  of  a  similar  fond- 
ness for  superfluous  manoeuvring  in  the  humbler 
concerns  of  private  life. 

After  these  events,  one  more  interview  took  place 


ttwiew. 


July  5.      between  King  Ferdinand  and  Philip,  in  which  the 

52  This  motive  is  charitably  im-  Ulitt,  in  extricating  himself  from 

puted  to  him  by  Gaillard.     (Riva-  his  embarrassments  by  the  treaty, 

lite,  torn.  iv.  p.  311.)     The  same  "  auquel   il  Jit  consentir  Philippe 

writer  commends  Ferdinand's  ha-  dans  leur  entrevue  "  !    p.  310. 


UK    RESIGNS  TO  PHILIP.  233 

former  prevailed  on  his  son-in-law  to  pay  such  at-    CHAPTER 

XVII 

tention  to  decorum,  and  exhibit  such  outward  marks 

of  a  cordial  reconciliation,  as,  if  they  did  not  alto- 
gether impose  on  the  public,  might  at  least  throw  a 
decent  veil  over  the  coming  separation.  Even  at 
this  last  meeting,  however,  such  was  the  distrust 
and  apprehension  entertained  of  him,  that  the  un- 
happy father  was  not  permitted  to  see  and  embrace 
his  daughter  before  his  departure.53 

Throughout  the  whole  of.  these   trving  scenes,  Departure  or 

*  Ferdinand 

says  his  biographer,  the  king  maintained  that  pro 
priety  and  entire  self-possession,  which  comported 
with  the  dignity  of  his  station  and  character,  and 
strikingly  contrasted  with  the  conduct  of  his  ene- 
mies. However  much  he  may  have  been  touched 
with  the  desertion  of  a  people,  who  had  enjoyed  the 
blessings  of  peace  and  security  under  his  govern- 
ment for  more  than  thirty  years,  he  manifested  no 
outward  sign  of  discontent.  On  the  contrary,  he 
took  leave  of  the  assembled  grandees  with  many 
expressions  of  regard,  noticing  kindly  their  past 
services  to  him,  and  studying  to  leave  such  an  im- 
pression, as  should  efface  the  recollection  of  recent 
differences.54  The  circumspect  monarch  looked 
forward,  no  doubt,  to  the  day  of  his  return.  The 
event  did  not  seem  very  improbable  ;  and  there 
were  other  sagacious  persons  besides  himself,  who 

53  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,         54  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.   lib. 
cap.  10.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Es-     7,  cap.  10.  —  Oviedo,  Quincuage- 
pafia,   torn.  ii.   lib.  28,  cap.  21. —     nas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  3,  dial.  9. 
Gomez,  De  Rebus  Geslis,  fol.  64. 
—  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist. ,  epist. 
210. 

VOL.    III.  30 


234 


THE   REGENCY   OF  FERDINAND. 


PART      read  in  the  dark  signs  of  the  times  abundant  augury 
— - —  of  some  speedy  revolution. 55 


55  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  Epist.,  epist.  311,)  who  seems  to 
cap.  10.  —  See  also  the  melan-  echo  back  the  sentiments  of  his 
choly  vaticinations  of  Martyr,  (Opus  friends  Tendilla  and  Talavera. 


Authorities 
for  the  ac- 
count of 
Philip. 


The  principal  authorities  for  the 
events  in  this  Chapter,  as  the  read- 
er may  remark,  are  Martyr  and  Zu- 
rita. The  former,  not  merely  a 
spectator,  but  actor  in  them,  had 
undoubtedly  the  most  intimate  op- 
portunities of  observation.  He 
seems  to  have  been  sufficiently  im- 
paitial  too,  and  prompt  to  do  jus- 
tice to  what  was  really  good  in 
Philip's  character;  although  that 
of  his  royal  master  wras  of  course 
calculated  to  impress  the  deepest 
respect  on  a  person  of  Martyr's  un- 
common penetration  and  sagacity. 
The  Aragonese  chronicler,  how- 
ever, though  removed  to  a  some- 
what further  distance  as  to  time, 
was  from  that  circumstance  placed 
in  a  point  of  view  more  favorable 
for  embracing  the  whole  field  of 
action,  than  if  he  had  taken  part 
and  jostled  in  the  crowd,  as  one  of 
it.  He  has  accordingly  given  much 
wider  scope  to  his  survey,  exhibit- 
ing full  details  of  the  alleged  griev- 
ances, pretensions,  and  policy  of 
tho  opposite  party  ;  and,  although 


condemning  them  himself  without 
reserve,  has  conveyed  impressions 
of  Ferdinand's  conduct  less  favora- 
ble, on  the  whole,  than  Martyr. 

But  neither  the  Aragonese  his- 
torian, nor  Martyr,  nor  any  con- 
temporary writer,  native  or  foreign, 
whom  I  have  consulted,  counte- 
nances the  extremely  unfavorable 
portrait,  which  Dr.  Robertson  has 
given  of  Ferdinand  in  his  transac- 
tions with  Philip.  It  is  difficult  to 
account  for  the  bias  which  this 
eminent  historian's  mind  has  re- 
ceived in  this  matter,  unless  it  be 
that  he  has  taken  his  impressions 
from  the  popular  notions  enter- 
tained of  the  character  of  the  par- 
ties, rather  than  from  the  circum- 
stances of  the  particular  case  under 
review  ;  a  mode  of  proceeding  ex- 
tremely objectionable  in  the  pres- 
ent instance,  where  Philip,  how- 
ever good  his  natural  qualities,  was 
obviously  a  mere  tool  ir.  the  hands 
of  corrupt  and  artful  men.  working 
exclusively  for  their  own  selfish 
purposes. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

COLUMBUS.  — HIS  RETURN  TO  SPAIN.  — HIS  DEATH. 

1504—1506. 

Return  of  Columbus  from  his  Fourth  Voyage.  —  His  Illness.  —  Neg- 
lected by  Ferdinand.  — His  Death.  —  His  Person.  —  And  Character. 

WHILE  the  events  were  passing,  which  occupy   CHAPTER 

XVIII 

the  beginning  of  the  preceding  chapter,  Christopher r-!— 

Columbus  returned  from  his  fourth  and  last  voyage.  ia°tuv™y4e8 
It  had  been  one  unbroken  series  of  disappointment 
and  disaster.  After  quitting  Hispaniola,  and  being 
driven  by  storms  nearly  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  he 
traversed  the  gulf  of  Honduras,  and  coasted  along 
the  margin  of  the  golden  region,  which  had  so  long 
flitted  before  his  fancy.  The  natives  invited  him 
to  strike  into  its  western  depths  in  vain,  and  he 
pressed  forward  to  the  south,  now  solely  occupied 
with  the  grand  object  of  discovering  a  passage  into 
the  Indian  ocean.  At  length,  after  having  with 
great  difficulty  advanced  somewhat  beyond  the 
point  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  he  was  compelled  by  the 
fury  of  the  elements,  and  the  murmurs  of  his  men, 
to  abandon  the  enterprise,  and  retrace  his  steps. 
He  was  subsequently  defeated  in  an  attempt  to  es- 
tablish a  colony  on  terra  firma,  bv  the  ferocity  of 


RETURN    OF   COLUMBUS. 

PART      the  natives;  was  wrecked  on  the  island  of  Jamaica, 

J1!; where  he  was  permitted  to  linger  more  than  a  year, 

through  the  malice  of  Ovando,  the  new  governor 
of  St.  Domingo ;  and  finally,  having  reembarked 
with  his  shattered  crew  in  a  vessel  freighted  at  his 
own  expense,  was  driven  by  a  succession  of  terrible 
tempests  across  the  ocean,  until,  on  the  7th  of  No- 
vember, 1504,  he  anchored  in  the  little  port  of  St. 
Lucar,  twelve  leagues  from  Seville.1 


He  lenrns 


Isabellas  ^  tn's  ({u^  haven,  Columbus  hoped  to  find  the 
repose  his  broken  constitution  and  wounded  spirit 
so  much  needed,  and  to  obtain  a  speedy  restitution 
of  his  honors  and  emoluments  from  the  hand  of 
Isabella.  But  here  he  was  to  experience  his  bitter- 
est disappointment.  At  the  time  of  his  arrival,  the 
queen  was  on  her  death-bed;  and  in  a  very  few  days 
Columbus  received  the  afflicting  intelligence,  that 
the  friend,  on  whose  steady  support  he  had  so  confi- 
dently relied,  was  no  more.  It  was  a  heavy  blow 
to  his  hopes,  for  "  he  had  always  experienced  favor 
and  protection  from  her,"  says  his  son  Ferdinand, 
"  while  the  king  had  not  only  been  indifferent,  but 
positively  unfriendly  to  his  interests."2  We  may 
readily  credit,  that  a  man  of  the  cold  and  prudent 

1  Martyr,  De  Rebus  Oeeanicis,  in  it;  and   above  all  the  admiral's 

dec.   3,    lib.  4.  —  Berizoni,    Novi  own  letter  to  the  sovereigns  from 

Orbis    Hist.,   lib.    1,    cap.    14. —  Jamaica.     They  are  all   collected 

Fernando  Colon,  Hist,  del  Almi-  in  the  first  volume  of  Navarrete. 

rante,  cap.  88-108. —Herrera, In-  (Ubi  supra.)    Whatever  cloud  may 

dias  Occidentals,    dec.   1,  lib.  5,  be  thrown  over  the  early  part  of 

cap.  2-12;  lib.  6,  cap.  1-13. —  Columbus's  career,  there  is  abun- 

Navarrete,  Coleccion    de   Viages,  dant  light  on  every  step  of  his  path 

torn.  i.  pp.  282- 325.  after    the    commencement   of   his 

The    best    authorities    for    the  great  enterprise, 
fourth  voyage  are  the  relations  of        a  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  108. 
Mendez  and  Porras,  both  engaged 


HIS    DEATH.  237 

character  of  the   Spanish   monarch  would   not  be   CHAPTER 
very  likely  to  comprehend  one  so  ardent  and  aspir-  - 
ing  as  that  of  Columbus,  nor  to  make  allowance 
for  his   extravagant   sallies.     And,  if  nothing  has 
hitherto  met  our  eye  to  warrant  the  strong  language 
of  the  son,  yet  we  have  seen  that  the  king,  from 
the  first,  distrusted  the  admiral's  projects,  as  having 
something  unsound  and  chimerical  in  them. 

The  affliction  of  the  latter  at  the  tidings  of  Isa- 
bella's death  is  strongly  depicted  in  a  letter  written 
immediately  after  to  his  son  Diego.  "  It  is  our 
chief  duty,"  he  says,  "  to  commend  to  God  most 
affectionately  and  devoutly  the  soul  of  our  deceased 
lady,  the  queen.  Her  life  was  always  Catholic  and 
virtuous,  and  prompt  to  whatever  could  redound  to 
his  holy  service  ;  wherefore,  we  may  trust,  she  now 
rests  in  glory,  far  from  all  concern  for  this  rough 
and  weary  world." 

Columbus,  at  this  time,  was  so  much  crippled  nu  nines* 
by  the  gout,  to  which  he  had  been  long  subject, 
that  he  was  unable  to  undertake  a  journey  to  Sego- 
via, where  the  court  was,  during  the  winter.  He 
lost  no  time,  however,  in  laying  his  situation  before 
the  king  through  his  son  Diego,  who  was  attached 
to  the  royal  household.  He  urged  his  past  servi- 
ces, the  original  terms  of  the  capitulation  made 
with  him,  their  infringement  in  almost  every  par- 
ticular, and  his  own  necessitous  condition.  But 
Ferdinand  was  too  busily  occupied  with  his  own 
concerns,  at  this  crisis,  to  give  much  heed  to  those 

3  Cams  de  Colon,  apud  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Viages,  torn.  i. 
).  341. 


238  RETURN  %OF   COLUMBUS. 

PART      of  Columbus,  who  repeatedly  complains  of  the  in- 

!!__   attention  shown  to  his  application.4     At  length,  on 

the  approach  of  a  milder  season,  the  admiral,  hav- 
ing obtained  a  dispensation  in  his  favor  from  the 
ordinance  prohibiting  the  use  of  mules,  was  able 
1505.    by  easy  journeys  to  reach    Segovia,  and    present 

himself  before  the  monarch.5 
ne  visits  the       He  was  received  with  all  the  outward  marks  of 

court. 

courtesy  and  regard  by  Ferdinand,  who  assured 
him  that  "  he  fully  estimated  his  important  servi- 
ces, and,  far  from  stinting  his  recompense  to  the 
precise  terms  of  the  capitulation,  intended  to  con- 
fer more  ample  favors  on  him  in  Castile."  6 

These  fair  words,  however,  were  not  seconded 
by  actions.  The  king  probably  had  no  serious 
thoughts  of  reinstating  the  admiral  in  his  govern- 
ment. His  successor,  Ovando,  was  high  in  the 
royal  favor.  His  rule,  however  objectionable  as 
regards  the  Indians,  was  every  way  acceptable  to 
the  Spanish  colonists ; 7  and  even  his  oppression  of 
the  poor  natives  was  so  far  favorable  to  his  cause, 
that  it  enabled  him  to  pour  much  larger  sums  into 
the  royal  coffers,  than  had  been  gleaned  by  his 
more  humane  predecessor.8 

The  events  of  the  last  voyage,   moreover,   had 

4  See  his  interesting  correspond-        For  an  account  of  this  ordinance 
ence   with   his   son    Diego  ;    now  see  Part  II.  Chapter  3,  note  12,  of 

Kinted  for  the  first  time  by  Sefior  this  History, 
avarrcte  from  the  original  MSS.         6  Herrera,  Indias   Occidentals, 

in  the  duke  of  Veragua's  posses-  dec.  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  14. 
4  sion.     Coleccion  de  Viages,  tom.i.         1  Ibid.,  dec.  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  12. 
p.  338  et  seq.  8  Ibid.,  dec.  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  12 

5  Herrera,  Indias  Occidentales,  lib.  6,  cap.    16  -  18.  —  Garibay 
dec    1,  lib.  G,  cap.  14.  — Fernando  Compendio,   torn.   ii.  lib.  19,  cap 
Colon,  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  14 


HIS    DEATH.  239 

probably  not  tended  to  dispel  any  distrust,  which   CHAPTER 

the  king  previously  entertained  of  the  admiral's  ca-  _ 

pacity  for  government.  His  men  had  been  in  a 
state  of  perpetual  insubordination  ;  while  his  letter 
to  the  sovereigns,  written  under  distressing  circum 
stances,  indeed,  from  Jamaica,  exhibited  such  a 
deep  coloring  of  despondency,  and  occasionally 
such  wild  and  visionary  projects,  as  might  almost 
suggest  the  suspicion  of  a  temporary  alienation  of 
mind. 9 

But  whatever  reasons  may  have  operated  to  post-  Ferdinand's 

1  unjust  treat- 

pone  Columbus's   restoration  to  power,  it  was  the  m 

grossest  injustice  to  withhold  from  him  the  revenues 
secured  by  the  original  contract  with  the  crown. 
According  to  his  own  statement,  he  was  so  far  from 
receiving  his  share  of  the  remittances  made  by 
Ovando,  that  he  was  obliged  to  borrow  money,  and 
had  actually  incurred  a  heavy  debt  for  his  necessa- 
ry expenses.10  The  truth  was,  that,  as  the  resour- 
ces of  the  new  countries  began  to  develope  them- 
selves more  abundantly,  Ferdinand  felt  greater  re- 
luctance to  comply  with  the  letter  of  the  original 
capitulation  ;  he  now  considered  the  compensation 
as  too  vast  and  altogether  disproportioned  to  the 
services  of  any  subject ;  and  at  length  was  so  un- 


»  This  document  exhibits  a  med-  soul,  to  shut  out  the  light  oi  rea- 

ley,  in  which  sober  narrati/e  and  son,  cannot  fail  to  fill  the  mind  of 

sound  reasoning  are  strangely  blen-  the  reader,  as  they  doubtless  did 

ded  with  crazy  dreams,  doleful  la-  those  of  the  sovereigns  at  the  time, 

mentation,  and   wild   schemes  for  with  mingled  sentiments  of  won- 

the  recovery  of  Jerusalem,  the  con-  derand  compassion.    See  Cartas  de 

version  of  the   Grand   Khan,  &c.  Colon,  apud  Navarrete,  Coleccion 

Vagaries  like   these,  which   come  de  Viages,  torn.  i.  p.  296. 
occasionally   like   clouds   over  his        10  Ibid.,  p.  338 


240  RETURN    OF   COLUMBUS. 


PART      generous  as  to  propose,  that  the  admiral  should  re- 

-J —  linquish  his  claims,  in  consideration  of  other  estates 

and  dignities  to  be  assigned  him  in  Castile.11     It 

o  o 

argued  less  knowledge  of  character  than  the  king 
usually  showed,  that  he  should  have  thought  the 
man,  who  had  broken  off  all  negotiations  on  the 
threshold  of  a  dubious  enterprise,  rather  than  abate 
one  tittle  of  his  demands,  would  consent  to  such 
abatement,  when  the  success  of  that  enterprise  was 
so  gloriously  established. 

What  assistance  Columbus  actually  received  from 
the  crown  at  this  time,  or  whether  he  .received  any, 
does  not  appear.  He  continued  to  reside  with  the 
court,  and  accompanied  it  in  its  removal  to  Vallado- 
lid.  He  no  doubt  enjoyed  the  public  consideration 
due  to  his  high  repute  and  extraordinary  achieve- 
ments ;  though  by  the  monarch  he  might  be  regard- 
ed in  the  unwelcome  light  of  a  creditor,  whose 
claims  were  too  just  to  be  disavowed,  and  too  large 
to  be  satisfied. 
"ehdeauires  With  spirits  broken  by  this  unthankful  requital 

am!  spirits.          r    i   •  •  i         •    i  ...  •        i     i 

oi  his  services,  and  with  a  constitution  impaired  by 
a  life  of  unmitigated  hardship,  Columbia's  health 
now  rapidly  sunk  under  the  severe  and  reiterated 
attacks  of  his  disorder.  On  the  arrival  of  Philip 
and  Joanna,  he  addressed  a  leiter  to  them,  through 
his  brother  Bartholomew,  in  which  he  lamented  the 
infirmities  which  prevented  him  from  paying  his 
respects  in  person,  and  made  a  tender  of  his  future 
services.  The  communication  was  graciously  re- 

"    Fernando    Colon,   Hist,   del   Almirante,    cap.    109.  —  Herrera, 
Indias  Occidentals,  lib.  6,  cap.  14. 


HIS   DEATH.  241 

ceived,  but  Columbus  did  not  survive  to  behold  the  CHAPTEB 

12  xvin. 
young  sovereigns.12 


His  mental  vigor,  however,  was  not  impaired  by  »• 
the  ravages  of  disease,  and  on  the  19th  of  May, 
1506,  he  executed  a  codicil,  confirming  certain  tes- 
tamentary dispositions  formerly  made,  with  special 
reference  to  the  entail  of  his  estates  and  dignities, 
manifesting,  in  his  latest  act,  the  same  solicitude  he 
had  shown  through  life,  to  perpetuate  an  honorable 
name.  Having  completed  these  arrangements  with 
perfect  composure,  he  expired  on  the  following  day,  1506 
being  that  of  our  Lord's  ascension,  with  little  ap- 
parent suffering,  and  in  the  most  Christian  spirit  of 
resignation.  13  His  remains,  first  deposited  in  the 
convent  of  St.  Francis  at  Valladolid,  were,  six  years 
later,  removed  to  the  Carthusian  monastery  of  Las 
Cuevas  at  Seville,  where  a  costly  monument  was 
raised  over  them  by  King  Ferdinand,  with  the 
memorable  inscription, 

"  A  CasUlla  y  a  Leon 
Nuevo  mundo  di6  Colon  ;" 

"  the  like  of  which,"  says  his  son  Ferdinand,  with 
as  much  truth  as  simplicity,  "  was  never  recorded 
of  any  man  in  ancient  or  modern  times."  14  From 

12  Navarrete  has  given  the  let-  showing    the  high    estimation  in 
ter,  Coleccion  de  Viages,  torn.  iii.  which  he  was  held,  abroad  as  well 
p.  530.  —  Herrera,  Indias  Occiden-  as  at  home,  by  the  enlightened  of 
tales,  ubi  supra.  his  own  day.    "  Incomparabilia  Li- 

13  Zuiliga,  Annales   de  Sevilla,  guribus  honos,  eximium  Italiae  de- 
p.   429.  —  Fernando   Colon,  Hist,  cus,  et  praefulgidum  jubar  seculo 
del   Almirante,  cap.    108.  —  Ber-  nostro  nasceretur,  quod  priscorura 
naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  heroum,  Herculis,  et  Liberi  patrie 
131.  —  Navarrete,    Coleccion    de  famam   obscuraret.     Quorum   me- 
Viages,  torn,  ii.,  Doc.  Dipl.  158.  moriam  grata  olim  mortalitas  aeter- 

14  Hist,  del  Almirante,  ubi  sup.     nis  literarum  monumentisccelo  con- 
The  following  eulofjium  of  Paolo     secrarit."    Elogia  Virorum  lllust., 

Giovio  is  a  pleasing  tribute  to  the     lib.  4,  p.  123. 
deserts    of   the    great    navigator, 

VOL.  III.  31 


242  RETURN   OF    COLUMBUS 

PART      this  spot  his  body  was  transported,  in  the  year  1536, 
"'       to  the  island  of  St.  Domingo,  the  proper  theatre  of 


his  discoveries ;  and,  on  the  cession  of  that  island 
to  the   French,   in    1795,   was  again   removed   to 
Cuba,  where  his  ashes  now  quietly  repose  in  the 
cathedral  church  of  its  capital.15 
H.S  person         There  is  considerable  uncertainty  as  to  Colum- 

ind  habits.  * 

bus's  age,  though  it  seems  probable  it  was  not  far 
from  seventy  at  the  time  of  his  death.16  His  per- 
son has  been  minutely  described  by  his  son.  He 
was  tall  and  well  made,  his  head  large,  with  an 
aquiline  nose,  small  light-blue  or  greyish  eyes,  a 
fresh  complexion  and  red  hair,  though  incessant  toil 
and  exposure  had  bronzed  the  former,  and  bleached 
the  latter,  before  the  age  of  thirty.  He  had  a  ma- 
jestic presence,  with  much  dignity,  and  at  the  same 
time  affability  of  manner.  He  was  fluent,  even  elo- 
quent in  discourse  ;  generally  temperate  in  deport- 
ment, but  sometimes  hurried  by  a  too  lively  sensi- 
bility into  a  sally  of  passion.17  He  was  abstemious 
in  his  diet,  indulged  little  in  amusements  of  any 
kind,  and,  in  truth,  seemed  too  much  absorbed  by 

15  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Via-    from    1436  to    1456.     There    are 
ges,  torn,  ii.,  Doc.  Dipl.  177.  sturdy  objections  to  either  of  the 

On  the  left  of  the  grand  altar  of  hypotheses  ;  and  the  historian  will 

this  stately  edifice,  is  a  bust  of  Co-  find  it  easier  to  cut  the  knot  than 

lurnbus,  placed  in  a  niche  in  the  to  unravel  it.     Comp.  Navarrete, 

wall,  and  near  it  a  silver  urn,  con-  Coleccion  de  Viages,  lorn.  i.  Intr. 

taining  all  that  now  remains  of  the  sec.  54.  —  Mufioz,  Hist,  del  Nuevo- 

illustrious  voyager.     See  Abbot's  Mundo,  lib.  2,  sec.  12.  —  Spotorno, 

"Letters  from  Cuba,"  a  work  of  Memorials   of  Columbus,   pp.  12, 

much  interest  and  information,  with  25.  —  Irving,   Life   of   Columbus, 

the  requisite  allowance  for  the  in-  vol.  iv.  book  18,  chap.  4. 
accuracies  of  a  posthumous  publi-        17  Fernando  Colon.  Hist,  del  Al- 

cation.  mirante,    cap.    3.  —  Novi    Orbis 

16  The  various  theories  respect-  Hist.,  lib.  1.  cap.   14.— Herrera, 
ing  the  date  of  Columbus's  birth  Indias  Occidentales,  dec.  1,  lib   6, 
cover   a   range   of   twenty   years,  cap.  15. 


HIS  DEATH.  243 

.he  great  cause  to  which  he  had  consecrated   his   CHAPTER 

XVIII. 

ife,  to  allow  scope  for  the  lower  pursuits  and  pleas-  — 
ires,  which  engage  ordinary  men.  Indeed,  his 
imagination,  by  feeding  too  exclusively  on  this 
lofty  theme,  acquired  an  unnatural  exaltation,  which 
raised  him  too  much  above  the  sober  realities  of 
existence,  leading  him  to  spurn  at  difficulties,  which 
in  the  end  proved  insurmountable,  and  to  color  the 
future  with  those  rainbow  tints,  which  too  often 
melted  into  air. 

This  exalted  state  of  the  imagination  was  the  Htoenthusi 

O  aam. 

result  in  part,  no  doubt,  of  the  peculiar  circumstan- 
ces of  his  life.  For  the  glorious  enterprise  which 
he  had  achieved  almost  justified  the  conviction  of 
his  acting  under  the  influence  of  some  higher  in- 
spiration than  mere  human  reason,  and  led  his  de- 
vout, mind  to  discern  intimations  respecting  himself 
in  the  dark  and  mysterious  annunciations  of  sacred 
prophecy. 18 

That  the  romantic  coloring  of  his  mind,  how- 
ever, was  natural  to  him,  and  not  purely  the  growth 
of  circumstances,  is  evident  from  the  chimerical 
speculations,  in  which  he  seriously  indulged  before 
the  accomplishment  of  his  great  discoveries.  His 
scheme  of  a  crusade  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  was  most  deliberately  meditated,  and 
strenuously  avowed  from  the  very  first  date  of  his 
proposals  to  the  Spanish  government.  His  enthu- 
siastic communications  on  the  subject  must  have 

J8  See  the  extracts  from  Colutn-  torn.  ii. ,  Doc.  Dipl.  no.  140,)  as  still 
bus's  book  of  Prophecies,  (apud  existing  in  the  Bibliotheca  Colom- 
Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Viages,  bina  at  Seville. 


244  RETURN  OF  COLUMBUS. 

PART  provoked  a  smile  from  a  pontiff  like  Alexander  the 
Sixth  ; 19  and  may  suggest  some  apology  for  the 
tardiness,  with  which  his  more  rational  projects 
were  accredited  by  the  Castilian  government.  But 
these  visionary  fancies  never  clouded  his  judgment 
in  matters  relating  to  his  great  undertaking ;  and  it 
is  curious  to  observe  the  prophetic  accuracy,  with 
which  he  discerned,  not  only  the  existence,  but  the 
eventual  resources  of  the  western  world  ;  as  is  suf- 
ficiently evinced  by  his  precautions,  to  the  very 
last,  to  secure  the  full  fruits  of  them,  unimpaired, 
to  his  posterity. 
HW lofty  Whatever  were  the  defects  of  his  mental  consti- 

chnracter. 

tution,  the  finger  of  the  historian  will  find  it  diffi- 
cult to  point  to  a  single  blemish  in  his  moral  char- 
acter. His  correspondence  breathes  the  sentiment 
of  devoted  loyalty  to  his  sovereigns.  His  conduct 
habitually  displayed  the  utmost  solicitude  for  the 
interests  of  his  followers.  He  expended  almost 
his  last  maravedi  in  restoring  his  unfortunate  crew 
to  their  native  land.  His  dealings  were  regulated 
by  the  nicest  principles  of  honor  and  justice.  His 
last  communication  to  the  sovereigns  from  the 
Indies  remonstrates  against  the  use  of  violent  meas- 
ures in  order  to  extract  gold  from  the  natives,  as 
a  thing  equally  scandalous  and  impolitic.20  The 
grand  object  to  which  he  dedicated  himself  seemed 

19  See  his  epistle  to  the  most  parescio  bien  ni  servicio  de  vues- 
selfish  and  sensual  of  the  succes-  tras  Altezas  de  se  le  tomar  por  via 
sors  of  St.  Peter,  in  Navarrete,  Co-  de  robo.     La  buena  orden  evitarS 
leccion  de  Viages,  torn.  ii.,Doc.  escandolo  y  mala  fama,"  &c.  Car 
Dipl.  no.  145.  tas  de  Colon,  apud  Navarrete,  Co- 

20  "El  oro,  bien  que  segun  in-  leccion  de  Viages,  torn.  i.  p.  310. 
formacion  el  sea  mucho,   no  me 


HIS    DEATH. 


245 


to  expand  his  whole  soul,  and  raised  it  above  the  CHAPTER 
petty  shifts  and  artifices,  by  which  great  ends  are  VI1L 
sometimes  sought  to  be  compassed.  There  are 
some  men,  in  whom  rare  virtues  have  been  closely 
allied,  if  not  to  positive  vice,  to  degrading  weak- 
ness. Columbus's  character  presented  no  such  hu- 
miliating incongruity.  Whether  we  contemplate  it 
in  its  public  or  private  relations,  in  all  its  features 
it  wears  the  same  noble  aspect.  It  was  in  perfect 
harmony  with  the  grandeur  of  his  plans,  and  their 
results,  more  stupendous  than  those  which  Heaven 
has  permitted  any  other  mortal  to  achieve.  31 


21  Columbus  left  two  sons,  Fer- 
nando and  Diego.  The  former,  il- 
legitimate, inherited  his  father's 
genius,  says  a  Castilian  writer,  and 
the  latter,  his  honors  and  estates. 
(Zufiiga,  Annales  de  Sevilla,  afio 
1506.)  Fernando,  besides  other 
works  now  lost,  left  a  valuable  me- 
moir of  his  father,  often  cited  in  this 
history.  He  was  a  person  of  rather 
uncommon  literary  attainments,  and 
amassed  a  library,  in  his  extensive 
travels,  of  20,000  volumes,  perhaps 
the  largest  private  collection  in  Eu- 
rope at  that  day.  (Ibid.,  auo  1539.) 
Diego  did  not  succeed  to  his  fa- 
ther's dignities,  till  he  had  obtained 
a  judgment  in  his  favor  against  the 
crown  from  the  council  of  the  In- 
dies, an  act  highly  honorable  to 
that  tribunal,  and  showing  that  the 
independence  of  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice, the  greatest  bulwark  of  civil 
liberty,  was  well  maintained  under 
King  Ferdinand.  (Navarrete,  Co- 
leccion  de  Viages,  torn,  ii.,  Doc. 
Dipl.  nos.  163,  164  ;  torn,  iii.,  Supl. 
Col.  Dipl.  no.  69.)  The  young 
admiral  subsequently  married  a 


lady  of  the  great  Toledo  family, 
niece  of  the  duke  of  Alva.  (Ovi- 
edo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1, 
quinc.  2,  dial.  8.)  This  alliance  with 
one  of  the  most  ancient  branch- 
es of  the  haughty  aristocracy  of 
Castile,  proves  the  extraordina- 
ry consideration,  which  Columbus 
must  have  attained  during  his  own 
lifetime.  A  new  opposition  was 
made  by  Charles  V.  to  the  succes- 
sion of  Diego's  son  ;  and  the  lat- 
ter, discouraged  by  the  prospect  of 
this  interminable  litigation  with  the 
crown,  prudently  consented  to  com- 
mute his  claims,  too  vast  and  in- 
definite for  any  subject  to  enforce, 
for  specific  honors  and  revenues  in 
Castile.  The  titles  of  Duke  of 
Veragua  and  Marquis  of  Jamaica, 
derived  from  the  places  visited  by 
the  admiral  in  his  last  voyage, 
still  distinguish  the  family,  whose 
proudest  title,  above  all  that  mon- 
archs  can  confer,  is,  to  have  de- 
scended from  Columbus.  Spotor- 
no,  Memorials  of  Columbus,  p. 
123. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

REIGN    AND    DEATH  OF   PHILIP  I.  —  PROCEEDINGS    IN   CAS- 
TILE.  — FERDINAND  VISITS  NAPLES. 

1506. 

Philip  and  Joanna.  —  Their  reckless  Administration.  —  Ferdinand  dis- 
trusts Gonsalvo.  — He  sails  for  Naples.  — Philip's  Death  and  Char- 
acter. —  The  Provisional  Government.  —  Joanna's  Condition.  —  Fer- 
dinand's Entry  into  Naples.  —  Discontent  caused  by  his  Measures 
there. 

PART          KING  Ferdinand   had   no  sooner  concluded   the 

ii. 

—  arrangement  with  Philip,  and  withdrawn  into  his 
joauna.  hereditary  dominions,  than  the  archduke  and  his 
wife  proceeded  towards  Valladolid,  to  receive  the 
homage  of  the  estates  convened  in  that  city.  Jo- 
anna, oppressed  with  an  habitual  melancholy,  and 
clad  in  the  sable  habiliments  better  suited  to  a  sea- 
son of  mourning  than  rejoicing,  refused  the  splen- 
did ceremonial  and  festivities,  with  which  the  city 
was  prepared  to  welcome  her.  Her  dissipated 
husband,  who  had  long  since  ceased  to  treat  her 
not  merely  with  affection,  but  even  decency,  would 
fain  have  persuaded  the  cortes  to  authorize  the  con- 
finement of  his  wife,  as  disordered  in  intellect,  and 
to  devolve  on  him  the  whole  charge  of  the  govern- 
ment. In  this  he  was  supported  by  the  archbishop 


FERDINAND  VISITS   NAPLES. 

of  Toledo,  and  some  of  the  principal  nobility.  But 
the  thing  was  distasteful  to  the  commons,  who 
could  not  brook  such  an  indignity  to  their  own 
"  natural  sovereign  " ;  and  they  were  so  stanchly 
supported  by  the  admiral  Enriquez,  a  grandee  of 
the  highest  authority  from  his  connexion  with  the 
crown,  that  Philip  was  at  length  induced  to  aban- 
don his  purpose,  and  to  content  himself  with  an  act 
of  recognition  similar  to  that  made  at  Toro.1  No 
notice  whatever  was  taken  of  the  Catholic  king,  or 
of  his  recent  arrangement  transferring  the  regency  i50b. 
to  Philip.  The  usual  oaths  of  allegiance  were  ten-  July12- 
dered  to  Joanna  as  queen  and  lady  proprietor  of  the 
kingdom,  and  to  Philip  as  her  husband,  and  finally 
to  their  eldest  son,  prince  Charles,  as  heir  apparent 
and  lawful  successor  on  the  demise  of  his  mother.2 

By  the   tenor  of  these    acts    the    royal   author}-  PWUP'S  m 

*  *  bitrary  gov 

ty  would  seem  to  be  virtually  vested  in  Joanna. 
From  this  moment,  however,  Philip  assumed  the 
government  into  his  own  hands.  The  effects  were 
soon  visible  in  the  thorough  revolution  introduced 
into  every  department.  Old  incumbents  in  office 
were  ejected  without  ceremony,  to  make  way  for 
new  favorites.  The  Flemings,  in  particular,  were 
placed  in  every  considerable  post,  and  the  principal 

1  Marina  tells  an  anecdote  too  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  22.  —  Zurita,  Ana- 
long  for  insertion  here,  in  relation  les,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  11.  — 
to  this  cortes,  showing  the  sturdy  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii. 
stuff  of  which  a  Castilian  common-  rey  30,  cap.  15. 
er  in  that  day  was  made.  (Teoria,  Joanna  on  this  occasion  was  care- 
part.  2,  cap.  7.)  It  will  scarcely  ful  to  inspect  the  pow?rs  of  the 
gain  credit  without  a  better  vouch-  deputies  herself,  to  see  they  *vere 
er  than  the  anonymous  scribbler  all  regularly  authenticated.  Sin- 
from  whom  he  has  borrowed  it.  gular  astuteness  for  a  mad  woman.' 

a  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn. 


ernment- 


248  REIGN  AND   DEATH  OF    PHILIP. 

PART      fortresses  of  the  kingdom  intrusted  to  their  keep- 

! ing.     No  length  or  degree  of  service  was  allowed 

to  plead  in  behalf  of  the  ancient  occupant.  The 
marquis  and  marchioness  of  Moja,  the  personal 
friends  of  the  late  queen,  and  who  had  been  partic- 
ularly recommended  by  her  to  her  daughter's  favor, 
were  forcibly  expelled  from  Segovia,  whose  strong 
citadel  was  given  to  Don  Juan  Manuel.  There 
were  no  limits  to  the  estates  and  honors  lavished 
on  this  crafty  minion.3 
EeckiesH  ex-  Tne  style  of  living  at  the  court  was  on  the  most 

travagance.  J 

thoughtless  scale  of  wasteful  expenditure.  The 
public  revenues,  notwithstanding  liberal  appropria- 
tions by  the  late  cortes,  were  wholly  unequal  to  it. 
To  supply  the  deficit,  offices  were  sold  to  the  high- 
est bidder.  The  income  drawn  from  the  silk  man- 
ufactures of  Granada,  which  had  been  appropriated 
to  defray  King  Ferdinand's  pension,  was  assigned 
by  Philip  to  one  of  the  royal  treasurers.  Fortunate- 
ly, Ximenes  obtained  possession  of  the  order  and 
had  the  boldness  to  tear  it  in  pieces.  He  then 
waited  on  the  young  monarch,  and  remonstrated 
with  him  on  the  recklessness  of  measures,  which 
must  infallibly  ruin  his  credit  with  the  people. 
Philip  yielded  in  this  instance  ;  but,  although  he 
treated  the  archbishop  with  the  greatest  outward 
deference,  it  is  not  easy  to  discern  the  habitual  in- 

3    Peter   Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  cap.  21.  —Gomez,  De  Reb.us  Ges. 

epist.   312.  —  Mariana,    Hist,    de  tis,  fol.  65.  —  Oviedo,  Quincuage- 

Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28,  cap.  22.  nas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  1,  dial.  23. 
—  Lanuza,  Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  1, 


FERDINAND   VISITS   NAPLES 


249 


flucnce  over  his  counsels  claimed  for  the  prelate  bj   CHAPTER 
his  adulatory  biographers.4 

All  this  could  not  fail  to  excite  disgust  and  dis-  Troubles 

from  the  In- 

quietude  throughout  the  nation.  The  most  alarm-  «Ui8ition- 
ing  symptoms  of  insubordination  began  to  appear  in 
different  parts  of  the  kingdom.  In  Andalusia,  in 
particular,  a  confederation  of  the  nobles  was  organ- 
ized, with  the  avowed  purpose  of  rescuing  the  queen 
from  the  duress,  in  which  it  was  said  she  was  held 
by  her  husband.  At  the  same  time  the  most  tu- 
multuous scenes  were  exhibited  in  Cordova,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  high  hand  with  which  the  Inquisi- 
tion was  carrying  matters  there.  Members  of  many 
of  the  principal  families,  including  persons  of  both 
sexes,  had  been  arrested  on  the  charge  of  heresy. 
This  sweeping  proscription  provoked  an  insurrec- 
tion, countenanced  by  the  marquis  of  Priego,  in 
which  the  prisons  were  broken  open,  and  Lucero, 
an  inquisitor  who  had  made  himself  deservedly 
odious  by  his  cruelties,  narrowly  escaped  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  infuriated  populace.5  The  grand 


4  Rohles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap. 
17.  —  Gomez,  De   Rebus   Gestis, 
fol.  65. — Abaroa,  Reyes  de  Ara- 
gon,   rey   30,   cap.    16.  —  Qainta- 
nilla,  Archetypo,  Kb.  3,  cap.  *14. 

5  Lucero  (whom  honest  Martyr, 
with  a   sort   of  backhanded   pun, 
usually  nicknames  Tenebrero)  re- 
sumed his  inquisitorial  functions  on 
Philip's  death.     Among  his  subse- 
quent victims  was  the  good  arch- 
bishop Talavera,  whose 'last  days 
were   embittered   by  his   persecu- 
tion.   His  insane  violence  at  length 
provoked  again  the  interference  of 
government.     His  case  was  refer- 
red to  a  special  commission,  with 


Ximenes   at   its   head.      Sentence 
was  pronounced  against  him.   The 

K'isons  he  had  filled  were  emptied, 
is  judgments  were  reversed,  as 
founded  on  insufficient  and  frivo- 
lous grounds.  But  alas  !  what 
was  this  to  the  hundreds  he  had 
consigned  to  the  stake,  and  the 
thousands  he  had  plunged  in  mise- 
ry? He  was  in  the  end  sentenced, 

—  not  to  be  roasted  alive,  —  but  to 
retire  to  his  own  benefice,  and  con- 
fine himself  to  the  duties  of  a  Chris- 
tian minister  !    Gomez,  De  Rebus 
Gestis,   fol.   77.  —  Peter   Martyr, 
Opus  Epist.,  epist.  333,  334,  et  ah 

—  Llorente,  Hist,  de  1'Inquisitiou, 


VOL.  in. 


32 


250  REIGN  AND   DEATH   OF  PHILIP. 

PART      inquisitor,  Deza,  archbishop  of  Seville,  the  steady 

friend  of  Columbus,  but  whose  name  is  unhappily 

registered  on  some  of  the  darkest  pages  of  the  tri- 
bunal, was  so  intimidated  as  to  resign  his  office.6 
The  whole  affair  was  referred  to  the  royal  council 
by  Philip,  whose  Flemish  education  had  not  predis- 
posed him  to  any  reverence  for  the  institution  ;  a 
circumstance,  which  operated  quite  as  much  to  his 
prejudice,  with  the  more  bigoted  part  of  the  nation, 
as  his  really  exceptionable  acts.7 

The  minds  of  the  wise  and  the  good  were  filled 
with  sadness,  as  they  listened  to  the  low  murmurs 
of  popular  discontent,  which  seemed  to  be  gradually 
swelling  into  strength  for  some  terrible  convulsion  ; 
and  they  looked  back  with  fond  regret  to  the  hal 
cyon  days,  which  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  tem- 
perate rule  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
Ferdinand's        The  Catholic  king,  in  the  mean  time,  was  pui- 

distrnst  of 

consaivo.  sumg  m's  voyage  to  Naples.  He  had  been  earnest- 
torn,  i.  chap.  10,  art.  3,  4. —  Ovie-  torn,  i,  chap.  10,  art.  3,4.  —  Abar- 
do,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  dial,  de  ca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  rey  30,  cap. 
Deza.  16.  —  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. 

6  Oviedo  has  given  an  ample  no-    — Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,epist. 
tice   of   this   prelate,   Ferdinand's    333,  334,  et  al. 

confessor,  in  one  of  his  dialogues.  "  Toda  la  gente,"  says  Zurita, 
He  mentions  a  singular  taste,  in  in  reference  to  this  affair,  "  noble 
one  respect,  quite  worthy  of  an  in-  y  de  limpia  sangre  se  avia  escan 
quisilor.  The  archbishop  kept  a  dalizado  dello" ;  (Anales,  torn.  vi. 
tame  lion  in  his  palace,  which  used  lib.  7,  cap.  11 ;)  and  he  plainly  in- 
to accompany  him  when  he  went  tirnates  his  conviction,  that  Philip's 
abroad,  and  lie  down  at  his  feet  profane  interference  brought  Heav- 
when  he  said  mass  in  the  church,  en's  vengeance  on  his  head,  in  the 
The  monster  had  been  stripped  of  shape  of  a  premature  death.  Zu- 
his  teeth  and  claws  when  young,  rita  was  secretary  of  the  Holy  Of- 
but  he  was  "  espantable  en  su  vista  fice  in  the  early  part  of  the  six- 
6  aspeto,"  says  Oviedo,  who  re-  teenth  century.  Had  he  lived  in 
cords  two  or  three  of  his  gambols,  the  nineteenth,  he  might  have 
lion's  play,  at  best.  Quincuage-  acted  the  part  of  a  Llorente.  He 
nas,  MS.  was  certainly  not  born  for  a  bigot. 

7  Llorente,  Hist,  de  ITnquisition, 


FERDINAND   VISITS  NAPLES.  251 

ly  pressed  by  the  Neapolitans  to  visit  his  new  do-   CHAPTER 

minions,  soon  after  the  conquest.8     He  now  went,  — ' 

less,  however,  in  compliance  with  that  request,  than 
to  relieve  his  own  mind,  by  assuring  himself  of  the 
fidelity  of  his  viceroy,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  That 
illustrious  man  had  not  escaped  the  usual  lot  of  hu- 
manity ;  his  brilliant  successes  had  brought  on  him 
a  full  measure  of  the  envy,  which  seems  to  wait  on 
merit  like  its  shadow.  Even  men  like  Rojas,  the 
Castilian  ambassador  at  Rome,  arid  Prospero  Co- 
lonna,  the  distinguished  Italian  commander,  con- 
descended to  employ  their  influence  at  court  to 
depreciate  the  Great  Captain's  services,  and  raise 
suspicions  of  his  loyalty.  His  courteous  manners, 
bountiful  largesses,  and  magnificent  style  of  living 
were  represented  as  politic  arts,  to  seduce  the  affec- 
tions of  the  soldiery  and  the  people.  His  services 
were  in  the  market  for  the  highest  bidder.  He 
had  received  the  most  splendid  offers  from  the  king 
of  France  and  the  pope.  He  had  carried  on  a  cor- 
respondence with  Maximilian  and  Philip,  who  would 
purchase  his  adhesion,  if  possible,  to  the  latter,  at 
any  price ;  and,  if  he  had  not  hitherto  committed 
himself  by  any  overt  act,  it  seemed  probable  he 
was  only  waiting  to  be  determined  in  his  future 
course  by  the  result  of  King  Ferdinand's  struggle 
with  his  son-in-law.9 


8  Summonte,  Hist,  di  Napoli,  5,  11,  17,  27,  31  ;  lib.  7,  cap.  14. 
torn.  iy.  lib.  6,  cap.  5.  —  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,   p.  123.  — 

9  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  Gonsalvo,  in  a  letter  to  the  king 
p.  276.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara-  dated  July  2,  1506,  alludes  bitterly 
gon,   torn.  ii.   rey  30,   cap.  16. —  to  these  unfounded  imputations  on 
Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  his  honor.     Cartas,  MS. 


C2.52  REIGN   AND   DEATH   OF   PHILIP. 

PART  These  suggestions  in  which  some  truth,  as  usual, 

IL 
was  mingled  with  a  large  infusion  of  error,  gradu- 


ally excited  more  and  more  uneasiness  in  the  breast 
of  the  cautious  and  naturally  distrustful  Ferdinand. 
He  at  first  endeavoured  to  abridge  the  powers  of 
the  Great  Captain  *by  recalling  half  the  troops  in 
his  service,  notwithstanding  the  unsettled  state  of 
the  kingdom  10  He  then  took  the  decisive  step  of 
ordering  his  return  to  Castile,  on  pretence  of  em- 
ploying him  in  affairs  of  great  importance  at  home. 
To  allure  him  more  effectually,  he  solemnly  pledged 
himself,  by  an  oath,  to  transfer  to  him,  on  his  land- 
ing in  Spain,  the  grand-mastership  of  St.  Jago,  with 
all  its  princely  dependencies  and  emoluments,  the 
noblest  gift  in  the  possession  of  the  crown.  Find- 
ing all  this  ineffectual,  and  that  Gonsalvo  still  pro- 
crastinated his  return  on  various  pretexts,  the  king's 
uneasiness  increased  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  de- 
termined to  press  his  own  departure  for  Naples, 
and  bring  back,  if  not  too  late,  his  too  powerful 
vassal.  n 

NapkJL8for  On  tne  4tn  of  September,  1506,  Ferdinand  em- 
barked at  Barcelona,  on  board  a  well-armed  squad- 
ron of  Catalan  galleys,  taking  with  him  his  young 
and  beautiful  bride,  and  a  numerous  train  of  Ara- 
gonese  nobles.  On  the  24th  of  the  month,  after  a 
boisterous  and  tedious  passage,  he  reached  the  port 
of  Genoa.  Here,  to  his  astonishment,  he  was 

W   Mariana,   Hist,    de  Espafia,  —  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib. 

lib.  28,  cap.  12.  — Zurita,  Anales,  30,  cap.  1.— Giovio,  Vitae   Illust. 

torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap.  5.  Virorum,  p.  280.  — Oviedo,  Quin- 

L1  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  cuagenas,   MS.,  bat.   1,  quinc.  3, 

7,  cap.  6.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  dial.  9. 
torn.  iv.  p.  12.  ed.  di  Milano,  1803 


FERDINAND   VISITS    NAPLES.  253 

joined  by  the  Great  Captain,  who,  advised  of  the   CHAPTER 
king's   movements,  had  come  from  Naples  with  a 


XIX. 


Oct.  1. 

small  fleet  to  meet  him.  This  frank  conduct  of  his 
general,  if  it  did  not  disarm  Ferdinand  of  his  sus- 
picions, showed  him  the  policy  of  concealing  them ; 
and  he  treated  Gonsalvo  with  all  the  consideration 
and  show  of  confidence,  which  might  impose,  not 
merely  on  the  public,  but  on  the  immediate  subject 
of  them.12 

The   Italian  writers  of  the   time   express  their  Gonsaivo'8 

loyalty. 

astonishment  that  the  Spanish  general  should  have 
so  blindly  trusted  himself  into  the  hands  of  his  sus- 
picious master.13  But  he,  doubtless,  felt  strong  in 
the  consciousness  of  his  own  integrity.  There  ap- 
pears to  have  been  no  good  reason  for  impeaching 
this.  His  most  equivocal  act,  was  his  delay  to 
obey  the  royal  summons.  But  much  weight  is  rea- 
sonably due  to  his  own  explanation,  that  he  was 
deterred  by  the  distracted  state  of  the  country, 
arising  from  the  proposed  transfer  of  property  to 
the  Angevin  barons,  as  well  as  from  the  precipitate 
disbanding  of  the  army,  which  it  required  all  his 
authority  to  prevent  from  breaking  into  open  muti- 
ny.14 To  these  motives  may  be  probably  added  the 
natural,  though  perhaps  unconscious  reluctance  to 
relinquish  the  exalted  station,  little  short  of  absolute 

ia  Giannone,^  Istoria  di  Napoli,  na,  "se  puede  decir  fue  el  ultimo 

afii   supra. — Summonte,  Hist,  di  armamento    que   salio   de   aquella 

Naj>oli,  torn.  iv.  lib.  6,  cap.  5. —  capital." 

L.    Marineo,   Cosas    Memorables,  13  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv. 

fol.  187.  —  Buonuccorsi,  Diario,  p.  p.    30.  — Machiavelli,    Legazione 

123.  —  Capmany,  Mem.  de  Barce-  Seconda  a  Roma,  let.  23. —  Gian- 

lona,   torn.   i.  p.   152.  —  "  Este,"  none,   Istoria   di   Napoli,   lib.  30, 

says    Capmany    of   the    squadron  cap.  1. 

which  bore  the  king  from  Barcelo-  n  Zurita,  Anales,  lib.  6,  cap.  31 


254  REIGN   AND    DEATH    OF   PHILIP. 


II 


PART      sovereignty,  which  he   had  so  long  and   so   glori- 
ously filled. 

He  had,  indeed,  lorded  it  over  his  viceroyalty 
with  most  princely  sway.  But  he  had  assumed  no 
powers  to  which  he  was  not  entitled  by  his  services 
and  peculiar  situation.  His  public  operations  in 
Italy  had  been  uniformly  conducted  for  the  advan- 
tage of  his  country,  and,  until  the  late  final  treaty 
with  France,  were  mainly  directed  to  the  expulsion 
of  that  power  beyond  the  Alps.15  Since  that  event, 
he  had  busily  occupied  himself  with  the  internal 
affairs  of  Naples,  for  which  he  made  many  excel- 
lent provisions,  contriving  by  his  consummate  ad- 
dress to  reconcile  the  most  conflicting  interests  and 
parties.  Although  the  idol  of  the  army  and  of  the 
people,  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  an  at- 
tempt to  pervert  his  popularity  to  an  unworthy  pur- 
pose. There  is  no  appearance  of  his  having  been 
corrupted,  or  even  dazzled,  by  the  splendid  offers 
repeatedly  made  him  by  the  different  potentates  of 
Europe.  On  the  contrary,  the  proud  answer  re- 
corded of  him,  to  Pope  Julius  the  Second,  breathes 
a  spirit  of  determined  loyalty,  perfectly  irrecon- 
cilable with  any  thing  sinister  or  selfish  in  his  mo- 
tives.16 The  Italian  writers  of  the  time,  who  affect 
to  speak  of  these  motives  with  some  distrust,  were 
little  accustomed  to  such  examples  of  steady  devo- 

*5  My  limits  will  not  allow  room  Sismondi,  Republiques  Italiennes, 

for  the  complex  politics  and  feuds  torn.   xiii.  chap.   103.  —  Guicciar- 

of  Italy,  into  which  Gonsulvo  en-  dini,   Istoria,   torn.   iii.    p.  235  et 

tered  with  all  the   freedom  of  an  alibi.  —  Zurita,   Anales,   torn.  vi. 

independent   potentate.      See    the  lib  6,  cap.  7,  9.  —  Carta  del  Gran 

details,   apud   Chronica   del   Gran  Capitan,  MS. 
Capitan,  lib.  2,  cap.  112  -  127.  —        16  Zurita,  Anales,  lib  6,  cap.  11. 


FERDINAND    VISITS   NAPLES.  255 

tion  ; 17  but  the  historian,  who  reviews  all  the  cir-  CHAPTER 
cumstances,  must  admit  that  there  was  nothing  to 
justify  such  distrust,  and  that  the  only  exception- 
able acts  in  Gonsalvo's  administration  were  per- 
formed not  to  advance  his  own  interests,  but  those 
of  his  master,  and  in  too  strict  obedience  to  his 
commands.  King  Ferdinand  was  the  last  person 
who  had  cause  to  complain  of  them. 

After  quitting  Genoa,  the  royal  squadron  was  Death  of 
driven  by  contrary  winds  into  the  neighbouring 
harbour  of  Portofino,  where  Ferdinand  received  in- 
telligence, which  promised  to  change  his  destination 
altogether.  This  was  the  death  of  his  son-in-law, 
the  young  king  of  Castile. 

This  event,  so  unexpected  and  awfully  sudden, 
was  occasioned  by  a  fever,  brought  on  by  too  vio- 
lent exercise  at  a  game  of  ball,  at  an  entertainment 
made  for  Philip  by  his  favorite,  Manuel,  in  Burgos, 
where  the  court  was  then  held.  Through  the  un- 
skilfulness  of  his  physicians,  as  it  was  said,  who 
neglected  to  bleed  him,  the  disorder  rapidly  gained 
ground,18  and  on  the  6th  day  after  his  attack,  be- 
ing the  25th  of  September,  1506,  he  breathed  his 

17  "II  Gran  Capitan,"  says  mentary  on  the  morals  of  the  land  ! 
Guicciardini,  "  consciodei  sospetti,  W  Philip's  disorder  was  lightly 
i  quali  il  re  forse  non  vanamente  regarded  at  first  by  his  Flemish, 
aveva  avuti  di  lui,"  &c.  (Istoria,  physicians;  whose  practice  and 
torn.  iv.  p.  30. )  This  way  of  damn-  predictions  were  alike  condemned 
ing  a  character  by  surmise,  is  very  by  their  coadjutor  Lodovico  Mar- 
common  with  Italian  writers  of  this  liano,  an  Italian  doctor,  highly 
age,  who  uniformly  resort  to  the  commended  by  Martyr,  as  "inter 
very  worst  motive  as  the  key  of  philosophos  et  medicos  lucida  lam- 
whatever  is  dubious  or  inexplicable  pas."  He  was  at  least  the  better 
in  conduct.  Not  a  sudden  death,  for  prophet  on  this  occasion.  Peter 
example,  occurs,  without  at  least  a  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  313  — 
sospetto  of  poison  from  some  hand  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap. 
or  other.  What  a  fearful  com-  14. 


REIGN   AND   DEATH   OF    PHILIP. 

last.19  He  was  but  twenty-eight  years  old,  of 
which  brief  period  he  had  enjoyed,  or  endured,  the 
"  golden  cares"  of  sovereignty  but  little  more  than 
two  months,  dating  from  his  recognition  by  the 
cortes.  His  body,  after  being  embalmed,  lay  in 
state  for  two  days,  decorated  with  the  insignia,  - 
the  mockery  of  royalty,  as  it  had  proved  to  him, 
—  and  was  then  deposited  in  the  convent  of  Mira- 
flores  near  Burgos,  to  await  its  final  removal  to 
Granada,  agreeably  to  his  last  request.20 

Philip  was  of  the  middle  height;  he  had  a  fair, 
florid  complexion,  regular  features,  long  flowing 
locks,  and  a  well-made,  symmetrical  figure.  In- 
deed, he  was  so  distinguished  for  comeliness  both 
of  person  and  countenance,  that  he  is  designated  on 
the  roll  of  Spanish  sovereigns  as  Felipe  el  Hermoso, 
or  the  Handsome.21  His  mental  endowments  were 
not  so  extraordinary.  The  father  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  possessed  scarcely  a  single  quality  in  common 


19  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  187.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp 
bat.   1,  qtiinc.  3,  dial.  9.  —  Fortu-  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  11. 

nately  for  Ferdinand's   reputation,  21  L.  Marim-o,  Cosas    Memora- 

Philip's  death  was  attended  by  too  bles,  fol.187,  188.  — Sandoval,  Hist. 

unequivocal  circumstances,  and  re-  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  uhi  supra, 

corded  by  too  many  eyewitnesses,  Martyr,  touched  with  the  melan- 

to  admit  the  suggestion  of  poison,  choly  fate  of  his  young  sovereign, 

It  seems   he    dtank  freely  of  cold  pays  the  following  not  inelegant, 

water  while  very  hot.     The  fever  and  certainly  not  parsimonious  trib- 

he  brought  on   was  an   epidemic,  ute  to  his  memory,  in  a  letter  writ- 

which  at  that  time  afflicted  Castile,  ten   a  few  days   after   his   death, 

Machiavelli,  Legazione  Seconda  a  which.it  may  be  noticed,  he  makes 

Roma,  let.  29. — Zufiiga,  Anales,  a  day  earlier  than  other  contem- 

de  Sevilla,  afio  1506.  porary  accounts.     "  Octavo  Calen- 

20  Peter   Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  das  Octobris  animain  einisit  ille  ju- 
epist.  313,  316.  — Bernaldez,  Reyes  venis,  formosus,  pulclier,  elegans, 
Catolicns,  MS.,  cap.  206.  —  Gomez,  animo  pollens  et  ingenio,  procenw 
De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  66.  —  Car-  validaeque  naturae,  mi  flos  vornus 
bajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1506. —  evanuit."     Opus  Epist.,  epist.  316. 
L.  Mariueo,  Cosas  Memorables,  fol 


FERDINAND   VISITS   NAPLES.  257 

with  his  remarkable  son.     He  was  rash  and  impet-   CHAJTBR 

uous  in  his  temper,  frank,  and  careless.     He  was 

born  to  great  expectations,  and  early  accustomed  to 
command,  which  seemed  to  fill  him  with  a  crude, 
intemperate  ambition,  impatient  alike  of  control  or 
counsel.  He  was  not  without  generou?,  and  even 
magnanimous  sentiments;  but  he  abandoned  him- 
self to  the  impulse  of  the  moment,  whether  for  good 
or  evil ;  and,  as  he  was  naturally  indolent  and  fond 
of  pleasure,  he  willingly  reposed  the  burden  of  gov- 
ernment on  others,  who,  as  usual,  thought  more  of 
their  own  interests  than  those  of  the  public.  His 
early  education  exempted  him  from  the  bigotry 
characteristic  of  the  Spaniards ;  and,  had  he  lived, 
he  might  have  done  much  to  mitigate  the  grievous 
abuses  of  the  Inquisition.  As  it  was,  his  premature 
death  deprived  him  of  the  opportunity  of  compen- 
sating, by  this  single  good  act,  the  manifold  mis- 
chiefs of  his  administration. 

This  event,  too  improbable  to  have  formed  any 
part  of  the  calculations  of  the  most  far-sighted  poli- 
tician, spread  general  consternation  throughout  the 
country.  The  old  adherents  of  Ferdinand,  with 
Ximenes  at  their  head,  now  looked  forward  with 
confidence  to  his  reestablishment  in  the  regency. 
Many  others,  however,  like  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
whose  loyalty  to  their  old  master  had  not  been 
proof  against  the  times,  viewed  this  with  some  ap- 
prehension.22 Others,  again,  who  had  openly  from 

*  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  appears  modern  phrase,  are  always  "on 
to  have  been  one  nf  those  dubious  the  fence."  The  wags  of  his  day 
politicians,  who,  to  make  use  of  a  applied  to  him  a  coarse  saying  of 

VOL.  III.  33 


258  REIGN   AND   DEATH  OF  PHILIP. 

PART      the  first  linked  their  fortunes  to  those  of  his  rival, 

_!!' as  the  duke  of  Najara,  the  marquis  of  Villena,  and, 

above  all,  Don  Juan  Manuel,  saw  in  it  their  certain 
ruin,  and  turned  their  thoughts  towards  Maximilian, 
or  the  king  of  Portugal,  or  any  other  monarch, 
whose  connexion  with  the  royal  family  might  afford 
a  plausible  pretext  for  interference  in  the  govern- 
ment. On  Philip's  Flemish  followers  the  tidings 
fell  like  a  thunderbolt,  and  in  their  bewilderment 
they  seemed  like  so  many  famished  birds  of  prey, 
still  hovering  round  the  half-devoured  carcass  from 
which  they  had  been  unceremoniously  scared. 23 

The  weight  of  talent  and  popular  consideration 
was  undoubtedly  on  the  king's  side.  The  most 
formidable  of  the  opposition,  Manuel,  had  declined 
greatly  in  credit  with  the  nation  during  the  short, 
disastrous  period  of  his  administration ;  while  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  who  might  be  considered  as 
the  leader  of  Ferdinand's  party,  possessed  talents, 
energy,  and  reputed  sanctity  of  character,  which, 
combined  with  the  authority  of  his  station,  gave 
him  unbounded  influence  over  all  classes  of  the 
Castilians.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  land,  in  this 
emergency,  that  the  primacy  was  in  such  able  hands. 
It  justified  the  wisdom  of  Isabella's  choice,  made  in 
opposition,  it  may  be  remembered,  to  the  wishes  of 
Ferdinand,  who  was  now  to  reap  the  greatest  bene- 
fit from  it. 


the  old  duke  of  Alva  in  Henry IV. 's        23  Mariana,   Hist,   de  Espana, 

time,  "  Que  era  como  el  perro  del  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  2.  —  Bernal 

ventero,  que  ladra  a  los  de  fuera,  dez,   Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap. 

y  muerde  a  los  de  dentro."    Zuri-  206.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib. 

ta,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  39  7,  cap.  22. 


FERDINAND  VISITS   NAPLES.  25S 

That   prelate,   foreseeing  the   anarchy  likely  to   CHAPTER 
arise  on  Philip's  death,  assembled  the  nobility  pres- 

,  .  .  i         i          i      r  Provisional 

ent  at  the  court,  in  his  own  palace,  the  day  before  g 
this  event  took  place.  It  was  there  agreed  to  name 
a  provisional  council,  or  regency,  who  should  carry 
on  the  government,  and  provide  for  the  tranquillity 
of  the  kingdom.  It  consisted  of  seven  members, 
with  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  at  its  head,  the  duke 
of  Infantado,  the  grand  constable  and  the  admiral 
of  Castile,  both  connected  with  the  royal  family, 
the  duke  of  Najara,  a  principal  leader  of  the  oppo- 
site faction,  and  two  Flemish  lords.  No  mention 
was  made  of  Manuel.24 

The  nobles,  in  a  subsequent  convention  on  the 
1st  of  October,  ratified  these  proceedings,  and 
bound  themselves  not  to  carry  on  private  war,  or 
attempt  to  possess  themselves  of  the  queen's  person, 
and  to  employ  all  their  authority  in  supporting  the 
provisional  government,  whose  term  was  limited  to 
the  end  of  December.  *5 

A  meeting  of  cortes  was  wanting  to  give  validity 
to  their  acts,  as  well  as  to  express  the  popular  will 
in  reference  to  a  permanent  settlement  of  the  gov- 


34  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  Ximenez,  cap.  17.),  and  Quintanilla 
7,  cap.  15. —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  (Archetypo,  lib.  3,  cap.  14.),  that 
Espafin,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  1. —  Ximenes  filled  the  office  of  sole  re- 
Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Kpist.,  epist.  gent  at  this  juncture.  It  is  not 
317.—  Zufiiga,  Annales  de  Sevilla,  warranted  by  Martyr,  (Opus  Epist., 
afio  1506.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  epist.  317,)  and  is  contradicted  by 
Gestis,  fol.  67.  the  words  of  the  original  instru- 

25  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  ment  cited  as  usual  by  Zurita,  (ubi 

cap.  16.  supra.)  The  archbishop's  biogra- 

]  find  no  authority  for  the  state-  pliers,  one  and  all,  claim  as  many 

ment  made  by  Alvaro  Gomez  (De  merits  and  services  for  their  hero, as 

Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  68.),  and  faith-  if,  like  Quintan  ilia,  they  were  work- 

fully  echoed  by  Robles  (Vida  de  ing  expressly  for  his  beatification. 


260 


REIGN   AND   DEATH    OF   PHILIP. 


PART 
II. 


Joanna s 
condition. 


ernment.  There  was  some  difference  of  opinion, 
even  among  the  king's  friends,  as  to  the  expediency 
of  summoning  that  body  at  this  crisis ;  but  the 
greatest  impediment  arose  from  the  queen's  refusal 
to  sign  the  writs. 26 

This  unhappy  lady's  condition  had  become  truly 
deplorable.  During  her  husband's  illness,  she  had 
never  left  his  bedside ;  but  neither  then,  nor  since 
his  death,  had  been  seen  to  shed  a  tear.  She  re- 
mained in  a  state  of  stupid  insensibility,  sitting  in  a 
darkened  apartment,  her  head  resting  on  her  hand, 
and  her  lips  closed,  as  mute  and  immovable  as  a 
statue.  When  applied  to,  for  issuing  the  necessary 
summons  for  the  cortes,  or  to  make  appointments 
to  office,  or  for  any  other  pressing  business,  which 
required  her  signature,  she  replied,  "My  father  will 
attend  to  all  this  when  he  returns  ;  he  is  much  more 
conversant  with  business  than  I  am  ;  I  have  no 
other  duties  now,  but  to  pray  for  the  soul  of  my 
departed  husband."  The  only  orders  she  was 
known  to  sign  were  for  paying  the  salaries  of  her 


26  Thedukeof  Alva,  the  staunch 
supporter  of  King  Ferdinand  in  all 
his  difficulties,  objected  to  calling 
the  cortes  together,  on  the  grounds, 
that  the  summonses,  not  being  by 
the  proper  authority,  would  be  in- 
formal ;  that  many  cities  might 
consequently  refuse  to  obey  them, 
and  the  acts  of  the  remainder  be 
open  to  objection,  as  not  those  of 
the  nation  ;  that,  after  all,  should 
cortes  assemble,  it  was  quite  uncer- 
tain under  what  influences  it  might 
be  made  to  act,  and  whether  it 
would  pursue  the  course  most  ex- 
pedient for  Ferdinand's  interests; 
and  finally,  that  if  the  intention 


was  to  procure  the  appointment  of 
a  regency,  this  had  already  been 
done  by  the  nomination  of  King 
Ferdinand  at  Toro,  in  1505  ;  that, 
to  start  the  question  anew,  was  un- 
necessarily to  bring  that  act  into 
doubt.  The  duke  does  not  seem 
to  have  considered  that  Ferdinand 
had  forfeited  his  original  claim  to 
the  regency  by  his  abdication  ; 
perhaps,  on  the  ground,  that  it  had 
nc.ver  been  formally  accepted  by 
the  commons.  1  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  return  to  this  hereafter. 
See  the  discussion  in  eaicnso,  apud 
Zurita,  An  ales,  lib.  7,  cap.  26. 


FERDINAND   VISITS  NAPLES.  261 

Flemish  musicians;  for  in  her  abject  state  she  found    CHAPTER 

some  consolation  in  music,  of  which  she  had  been  !_ 

passionately  fond  from  childhood.  The  few  re- 
marks which  she  uttered  were  discreet  and  sensi- 
ble, forming  a  singular  contrast  with  the  general 
extravagance  of  her  actions.  On  the  whole,  how- 
ever, her  pertinacity  in  refusing  to  sign  any  thing 
was  attended  with  as  much. good  as  evil,  since  it 
prevented  her  name  from  being  used,  as  it  would 
undoubtedly  have  often  been,  in  the  existing  state 
of  things,  for  pernicious  and  party  purposes. 87 

Finding  it  impossible  to  obtain  the  queen's  co-  convocation 

1  of  cortw. 

operation,  the  council  at  length  resolved  to  issue  the 
writs  of  summons  in  their  own  name,  as  a  measure 
justified  by  necessity.  The  place  of  meeting  was 
fixed  at  Burgos  in  the  ensuing  month  of  November; 
and  great  pains  were  taken,  that  the  different  cities 
should  instruct  their  representatives  in  their  views 
respecting  the  ultimate  disposition  of  the  govern- 
ment. 28 

Long  before  this,  indeed  immediately  after  Phil- 
ip's death,  letters  had  been  despatched  by  Ximenes 
and  his  friends  to  the  Catholic  king,  acquainting 
him  with  the  state  of  affairs,  and  urging  his  imme- 
diate return  to  Castile.  He  received  them  at  Por- 
tofino.  He  determined,  however,  to  continue  his 
voyage,  in  which  he  had  already  advanced  so  far, 
to  Naples.  The  wary  monarch  perhaps  thought, 
that  the  Castilians,  whose  attachment  to  his  own 

27  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  mez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  71-73. 
epist.  318.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Es-  28  Zurita,  Anales,  lib.  7,  cap.  22. 
pafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  2.  —  Go- 


262  REIGN  AND   DEATH    OF    PHILIP. 

PART      person  he  might  with  some  reason  distrust,  would 
' not  be   the  less  inclined   to  his  rule,  after  having 


tasted  the  bitterness  of  anarchy.  In  his  reply, 
therefore,  after  briefly  expressing  a  decent  regret 
at  the  untimely  death  of  his  son-in-law,  and  his 
undoubting  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  the  Cas- 
tilians  to  their  queen,  his  daughter,  he  prudently 
intimates  that  he  retains  nothing  but  kindly  recol- 
lections of  his  ancient  subjects,  and  promises  to  use 
all  possible  despatch  in  adjusting  the  affairs  of  Na- 
ples, that  he  may  again  return  to  them. 29 
Ferdinand  After  this,  the  king  resumed  his  voyage,  and 

received  J 

™!menthu~  having  touched  at  several  places  on  the  coast,  in 
all  which  he  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm, 
arrived  before  the  capital  of  his  new  dominions  in 
the  latter  part  of  October.  All  were  anxious,  says 
the  great  Tuscan  historian  of  the  time,  to  behold 
the  prince,  who  had  acquired  a  mighty  reputation 
throughout  Europe  for  his  victories  both  over  Chris- 
tian and  infidel ;  and  whose  name  was  everywhere 
revered  for  the  wisdom  and  equity,  with  which  he 
had  ruled  in  his  own  kingdom.  They  looked  to  his 
coming,  therefore,  as  an  event  fraught  with  impor- 
tance, not  merely  to  Naples,  but  to  all  Italy,  where 
his  personal  presence  and  authority  might  do  so 
much  to  heal  existing  feuds,  and  establish  perma- 

29  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memora-  "Tutumque  pmavit 

bles,  fol .  187.-  Zufiiga,  Annales  de  Jam  bg°n0"nste  Snst0ec8er '  lac° maa  non 

Sevilla,  afio  1506.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Effudit,  gemitusque  expressit  pectore  las- 
Opus  Epist.,  epist.  317.  —  Gomez,  to- 

De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  68,  69,  71.  Non  aniteentiI"anifesta  putans  ab8Conder* 

Shall  we  wrong  Ferdinand  much  Gaudia,  quam  lacrymis." 
by  applying  to   him  the  pertinent  Pharsalia,  lib.  9. 

verses  of  Lucan,  on  a  somewhat 
similar  occasion  ? 


FERDINAND   VISITS   NAPLES.  263 


aent  tranquillity. 80    The  Neapolitans,  in  particular,   CHAPTER 

XIX. 

were  intoxicated  with  joy  at  his  arrival.  The  most  - 
splendid  preparations  were  made  for  his  reception. 
A  fleet  of  twenty  vessels  of  war  came  out  to  meet 
him  and  conduct  him  into  port ;  and,  as  he  touched 
the  shores  of  his  new  dominions,  the  air  was  rent 
with  acclamations  of  the  people,  and  with  the  thun- 
ders of  artillery  from  the  fortresses,  which  crowned 
the  heights  of  the  city,  and  from  the  gallant  navy 
which  rode  in  her  waters. S1 

The   faithful    chronicler   of   Los   Palacios,  who  nu  entry 

11          CCL    -  i  c  •  into  Naples 

generally  officiates  as  the  master  ot  ceremonies  on 
these  occasions,  dilates  with  great  complacency  on 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  celebration,  even  to  the 
minutest  details  of  the  costume  worn  by  the  king 
and  his  nobility.  According  to  him,  the  monarch 
was  arrayed  in  a  long,  flowing  mantle  of  crimson 
velvet,  lined  with  satin  of  the  same  color.  On  his 
head  was  a  black  velvet  bonnet,  garnished  with  a 
resplendent  ruby,  and  a  pearl  of  inestimable  price. 
He  rode  a  noble  white  charger,  whose  burnished 
caparisons  dazzled  the  eye  with  their  splendor. 
By  his  side  was  his  young  queen,  mounted  on  a 
milk-white  palfrey,  and  wearing  a  skirt,  or  under- 
garment, of  rich  brocade,  and  a  French  robe,  simply 
fastened  with  clasps,  or  loops  of  fine  wrought  gold. 

30   "  Un  re  glorioso  per  tante  p.  124. — Giannone,  Istoria  di  Nar- 

vittorie  avute  cont.ro  gl'  Infedeli,  e  poll,  lib.  30,  cap.  1. 
sontro  i  Cristiani,  venerabile   per        31  Summonte,  Hist,  di   Napoli, 

opinione  di  prudenza,  e  del  quale  torn.  iv.  lib.  6,  cap.  5.  —  Guicciar- 

risonava  fama  Cristianissima,   che  dini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  31.  —  Gio- 

avcsse  con   singolare   giustizia,   e  vio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  pp.  278, 

tranquillitagovernatoi  reamisuoi."  279.  —  Bembo,  Istoria   Viniziana, 

Guicciardini,  Istoria,   torn.   iv.   p.  lib.  7. 
31. — Also  Buonaccorsi.    Diario 


264  REIGN   AND   DEATH   OF  PHILIP. 

PART  On  the  mole  they  were  received  by  the  Great 
—  Captain,  who,  surrounded  by  his  guard  of  halber- 
diers, and  his  silken  array  of  pages  wearing  his 
device,  displayed  all  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of 
his  household.  After  passing  under  a  triumphal 
arch,  where  Ferdinand  swore  to  respect  the  liber- 
ties and  privileges  of  Naples,  the  royal  pair  moved 
forward  under  a  gorgeous  canopy,  borne  by  the 
members  of  the  municipality,  while  the  reins  of 
their  steeds  were  held  by  some  of  the  principal 
nobles.  After  them  followed  the  other  lords  and 
cavaliers  of  the  kingdom,  with  the  clergy,  and  am- 
bassadors assembled  from  every  part  of  Italy  and 
Europe,  bearing  congratulations  and  presents  from 
their  respective  courts.  As  the  procession  halted 
in  the  various  quarters  of  the  city,  it  was  greeted 
with  joyous  bursts  of  music  from  a  brilliant  assem- 
blage of  knights  and  ladies,  who  did  homage  by 
kneeling  down  and  saluting  the  hands  of  their 
new  sovereigns.  At  length,  after  defiling  through 
the  principal  streets  and  squares,  it  reached  the 
great  cathedral,  where  the  day  was  devoutly  closed 
with  solemn  prayer  and  thanksgiving.32 

Ferdinand  was  too  severe  an  economist  of  time, 
to  waste  it  willingly  on  idle  pomp  and  ceremonial. 
His  heart  swelled  with  satisfaction,  however,  as  he 
gazed  on  the  magnificent  capital  thus  laid  at  his 
feet,  and  pouring  forth  the  most  lively  expressions 
of  a  loyalty,  which  of  late  he  had  been  led  to  dis- 

32  Bernaldez,  Re^es  Catolicos,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  ubi  supra. 
MS.,  cap.  210.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  —  Garibay,  Corapendio,  lib.  20, 
torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  20.  —  Giovio,  cap.  9. 


FERDINAND   VISITS   NAPLES. 

trust.     With   all   his  impatience,  therefore,  he  was   CHAPTER 
not  disposed  to  rebuke  this  spirit,  by  abridging  the  - 
season  of  hilarity.     But,  after  allowing  sufficient 
scope  for  its  indulgence,  he  devoted  himself  assid- 
uously to  the  great  purposes  of  his  visit. 

He  summoned  a  parliament  general  of  the  king- 
dom, where,  after  his  own  recognition,  oaths  of 
allegiance  were  tendered  to  his  daughter  Joanna 
and  her  posterity,  as  his  successors,  without  any 
allusion  being  made  to  the  rights  of  his  wife.  This 
was  a  clear  evasion  of  the  treaty  with  France. 
But  Ferdinand,  though  late,  was  too  sensible  of 
the  folly  of  that  stipulation  which  secured  the  re- 
version of  his  wife's  dower  to  the  latter  crown, 
to  allow  it  to  receive  any  sanction  from  the  Nea- 
politans.83 

Another,  and  scarcely  less  disastrous  provision  of  J68^1*^16 
the  treaty  he  complied  with  in  better  faith.  This 
was  the  reestablishment  of  the  Angerin  proprietors 
in  their  ancient  estates ;  the  greater  part  of  which, 
as  already  noticed,  had  been  parcelled  out  among 
his  own  followers,  both  Spaniards  and  Italians.  It 
was,  of  course,  a  work  of  extraordinary  difficulty 
and  vexation.  When  any  flaw  or  impediment 
could  be  raised  in  the  Angevin  title,  the  transfer 
was  evaded.  When  it  could  not,  a  grant  of  other 
land  or  money  was  substituted,  if  possible.  More 
frequently,  however,  the  equivalent,  which  proba- 
bly was  not  very  scrupulously  meted  out,  was 
obliged  to  be  taken  by  the  Aragonese  proprietor. 

33  Zurita,  Anales,  ubi  supra.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  pp. 
72,  73. 

VOL.   III.  34 


266  REIGN    AND   DEATH   OF   PHILIP. 

PART      To   accomplish   this,   the   king  was   compelled   to 
— —  draw  largely  on  the  royal  patrimony  in  Naples,  as 
well  as  to  make  liberal  appropriations  of  land  and 
rents  in  his  native  dominions.     As  all  this  proved 
insufficient,  he  was  driven  to  the  expedient  of  re- 
plenishing the  exchequer  by  draughts  on  his  new 
subjects.34 
General  di*.       The  result,  although  effected  without  violence  or 

satisfaction. 

disorder,  was  unsatisfactory  to  all  parties.  The 
Angevins  rarely  received  the  full  extent  of  their 
demands.  The  loyal  partisans  of  Aragon  saw  the 
fruits  of  many  a  hard-fought  battle  snatched  from 
their  grasp,  to  be  given  back  again  to  their  ene- 
mies. 35  Lastly,  the  wretched  Neapolitans,  instead 
of  the  favors  and  immunities  incident  to  a  new 
reign,  found  themselves  burdened  with  additional 
imposts,  which,  in  the  exhausted  state  of  the  coun- 
try, were  perfectly  intolerable.  So  soon  were  the 
fair  expectations  formed  of  Ferdinand's  coming, 
like  most  other  indefinite  expectations,  clouded  over 
by  disappointment ;  and  such  were  some  of  the 
bitter  fruits  of  the  disgraceful  treaty  with  Louis 
the  Twelfth.36 

34  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,    corsair  in   the  Levant.     Hist,  de 
lib.  30,  cap.  1.  —  Summonte,  Hist.     Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  4. 

di  Napoli,  torn.  iv.  lib.  6,  cap.  5.        ^  If  any  one  would   see  a  per- 

—  Bupnaccorsi,  Diario,  p.  129. —  feet  specimen  of  the   triumph   of 

Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  71.  style,  let  him   compare  the  inter- 

35  Such,  for   example,  was  the  minable  prolixities  of  Zurita  with 
fate  of  the  doughty  little  cavalier,  Mariana,  who,  in  this  portion  of  his 
Pedro  de  la  Paz,  the  gallant  Leyva,  narrative,  has  embodied'  the   facts 
so   celebrated   in    the    subsequent  and   opinions   of  his   predecessor, 
wars  of  Charles  V.,  the  ambassa-  with  scarcely  any  alteration,  save 
dor   Rojas,  the  Quixotic  Paredes,  that  of  greater  condensation,  in  his 
and  others.     The  last  of  these  ad-  own   transparent   and  harmonious 
venturers,   according  to  Mariana,  diction.     It  is  quite  as  great  a  mir- 
endeavoured  to  repair  his  broken  acle  in  its  way  as  the  rifacimento 
fortunes,  by  driving  the  trade  of  a  of  Berni. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY.  — GONSALVO'S  HONORS 
AND  RETIREMENT. 

1506  —1509. 

Joanna's  mad  Conduct.  —  She  changes  her  Ministers. — Disorders  in 
Castile.  —  Ferdinand's  politic  Behaviour.  —  He  leaves  Naples. — 
His  brilliant  Reception  by  Louis  XII.  —  Honors  to  Gonsalvo.  — 
Ferdinand's  Return  to  Castile.  —  His  excessive  Severity.  —  Neglect 
of  the  Great  Captain.  —  His  honorable  Retirement. 

•  . 

WHILE  Ferdinand  was  thus  occupied  in  Naples,  CHAPTER 

the  representatives  of  most  of  the  cities,  summoned  ! — 

by  the  provisional   government,  had  assembled  in  code's"8  ** 
Burgos.     Before  entering  on   business,  they  were     isoe. 
desirous    to  obtain    the    queen's    sanction   to   their 
proceedings.     A  committee  waited  on  her  for  that 
purpose,  but  she  obstinately  refused  to  give  them 
audience. 1 

She  still  continued  plunged  in  moody  melancholy,  Joanna* 

J       insane  con. 

exhibiting,  however,  occasionally  the  wildest  freaks  duct- 
of  insanity.     Towards  the  latter  end  of  December, 
she   determined  to  leave  Burgos,  and  remove  her 
husband's   remains  to    their  final    resting-place  in 
Granada.      She  insisted   on    seeing  them  herself, 

1  Mariana,  Hist  de  Espaila,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  2. — Zurita,  Anales, 
torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  29. 


268  FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY. 

PART  before  her  departure.  The  remonstrances  of  hei 
"'  counsellors,  and  the  holy  men  of  the  monastery  of 
Miraflores,  proved  equally  fruitless.  Opposition 
only  roused  her  passions  into  frenzy,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  comply  with  her  mad  humors.  The 
corpse  was  removed  from  the  vault ;  the  two  coffins 
of  lead  and  wood  were  opened,  and  such  as  chose 
gazed  on  the  mouldering  relics,  which,  notwith- 
standing their  having  been  embalmed,  exhibited 
scarcely  a  trace  of  humanity.  The  queen  was  not 
satisfied  till  she  touched  them  with  her  own  hand, 
which  she  did  without  shedding  a  tear,  or  testifying 
the  least  emotion.  The  unfortunate  lady,  indeed, 
was  said  never  to  have  been  seen  to  weep,  since 
she  detected  her  husband's  intrigue  with  the  Flem- 
ish courtesan. 

The  body  was  then  placed  on  a  magnificent  car, 
or  hearse,  drawn  by  four  horses.  It  was  accompa- 
nied by  a  long  train  of  ecclesiastics  and  nobles, 
who,  together  with  the  queen,  left  the  city  on  the 
.night  of  the  20th  of  December.'  She  made  her 
journeys  by  night,  saying,  that  "a  widow,  who  had 
lost  the  sun  of  her  own  soul,  should  never  expose 
herself  to  the  light  of  day."  When  she  halted,  the 
body  was  deposited  in  some  church  or  monastery, 
where  the  funeral  services  were  performed,  as  if 
her  husband  had  just  died  ;  and  a  corps  of  armed 
men  kept  constant  guard,  chiefly,  as  it  would  seem, 
with  the  view  of  preventing  any  female  from  pro- 
faning the  place  by  her  presence.  For  Joanna 
still  retained  the  same  jealousy  of  her  sex,  which 


RETIREMENT  OF   GONSALVO. 


she  had  unhappily  so  much  cause   to  feel   during  CHAPTER 
Philip's  lifetime.  * 

In  a  subsequent  journey,  when  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  Torquemada,  she  ordered  the  corpse  to  be 
carried  into  the  court-yard  of  a  convent,  occupied, 
as  she  supposed,  by  monks.  She  was  filled  with 
horror,  however,  on  finding  it  a  nunnery,  and  im- 
mediately commanded  the  body  to  be  removed  into 
the  open  fields.  Here  she  encamped  with  her 
whole  paity  at  dead  of  night;  not,  however,  until 
she  had  caused  the  coffins  to  be  unsealed,  that  she 
might  satisfy  herself  of  the  safety  of  her  husband's 
relics  ;  although  it  was  very  difficult  to  keep  the 
torches,  during  the  time,  from  being  extinguished 
by  the  violence  of  the  wind,  and  leaving  the  com- 
pany in  total  darkness. 3 


2  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 
epist.  32  J,  332,  3->9,  363.  —  Mari- 
ana, Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib. 
29,  cap.  3.  —  Carbajal,  Anales, 
MS.,  afio  1500.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes 
Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  206.  —  Ro- 
bles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  17. 

"  Childish  as  was  the  affection," 
says  Dr.  Dunham,  "of  Joanna  for 
her  husband,  she  did  not,  as  Rob- 
ertson relates,  cause  the  body  to 
be  removed  from  the  sepulchre 
after  it  was  buried,  and  brought  to 
her  apartment.  She  once  visited 
the  sepulchre,  and,  after  affection- 
ately gazing  on  the  corpse,  was 
persuaded  to  retire.  Robertson 
seems  not  to  have  read,  at  least 
not  with  care,  the  authorities  for 
the  reign  of  Fernando."  (History 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  vol.  ii.  p. 
287,  note.)  Whoever  will  take 
the  trouble  to  examine  these  au- 
thorities, will  probably  not  find 
Dr.  Dunham  much  more  accu- 
rate «n  the  matter  than  his  prede- 


cessor. Robertson,  indeed,  draws 
largely  from  the  Epistles  of  Peter 
Martyr,  the  best  voucher  for  this 
period,  which  his  critic  apparently 
has  not  consulted.  In  the  very 
page  preceding  that,  in  which  he 
thus  taxes  Robertson  with  inaccu- 
racy, we  find  him  speaking  of 
Charles  VIII.  as  the  reigning  mon- 
arch of  France  ;  an  error  not  mere- 
ly clerical,  since  it  is  repeated  no 
less  than  three  times.  Such  mis- 
takes would  be  too  trivial  for  no- 
tice in  any  but  an  author,  who  has 
made  similar  ones  the  ground  for 
unsparing  condemnation  of  others. 

3  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 
epist.  339. 

A  foolish  Carthusian  monk,  "  las- 
vi  sicco  folio  levior,"  to  borrow 
Martyr's  words,  though  more  knave 
than  fool  probably,  filled  Joanna 
with  absurd  hopes  of  her  husband's 
returning  to  life,  which,  he  assured 
her,  had  happened,  as  he  had  read, 
to  a  certain  prince,  after  he  had 


'270  FERDINAND'S   RETURN   AND   REGENCY. 

PART          These  mad  pranks,  savouring  of  absolute  idiocy, 
—  were  occasionally  chequered  by  other  acts  of  more 

She  changes      ;  ,  ,  , .  n  i         i        i  i 

her  minis-  intelligence,  but  not  less  startling,  fehe  had  early 
shown  a  disgust  to  her  father's  old  counsellors,  and 
especially  to  Ximenes,  who,  she  thought,  interfered 
too  authoritatively  in  her  domestic  concerns.  Be- 
fore leaving  Burgos,  however,  she  electrified  her 
husband's  adherents,  by  revoking  all  grants  made 
by  the  crown  since  Isabella's  death.  This,  almost 
the  only  act  she  was  ever  known  to  sign,  was  a 
severe  blow  to  the  courtly  tribe  of  sycophants,  on 
whom  the  golden  favors  of  the  late  reign  had  been 
so  prodigally  showered.  At  the  same  time  she  re- 
formed her  privy  council,  by  dismissing  the  present 
members,  and  reinstating  those  appointed  by  her 
royal  mother,  sarcastically  telling  one  of  the  ejected 
counsellors,  that  "  he  might  go  and  complete  his 
studies  at  Salamanca."  The  remark  had  a  biting 
edge  to  it,  as  the  worthy  jurist  was  reputed  some- 
what low  in  his  scholarship.4 

These  partial  gleams  of  intelligence,  directed  in 
this  peculiar  way  too,  led  many  to  discern  the  secret 
influence  of  her  father.  She  still,  however,  perti- 


been    dead    fourteen    years.      As  were   compelled   to  make  on   the 

Philip  was  disembowelled,  he  was  occasion.     It  is  impossible  to  read 

hardly  in  a  condition  for  such  an  his  Jeremiads  on  the  subject  with- 

auspicious  event.    The  queen,  how-  out  a  smile.     See,  in   particular, 

ever,  seems  to  have  been  caught  his   whimsical   epistle   to   his   old 

with  the  idea.    (Opus  Epist.,  epist.  friend,  the  archbishop  of  Granada. 

328.)     Martyr  loses  all  patience  at  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  333. 

the   inventions   of  this   il  blactero  4   Mariana,    Hisl.    de    Espafia, 

cuculhtus,"  as  he  calls  him  in  his  torn.  ii.   lib.  29,  cap.  3.  — Zurita, 

abominable  Latin,  as  well  as  at  the  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7.  cap    2(5, 

mad  pranks  of  the  queen,  and  the  38,  54.  —  Gomez,  I)e  Rebus  Ges- 

ridicuious  figure  which  he  and  the  tis,  fol.  72.  — -  Sundoval,  Hist,  del 

other  grave  personages  of  thecourt  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  11. 


RETIREMENT   OF   GONSALVO.  271 

naciously  refused  to  sanction  any  measures  of  cortes   CHAPTER 

for  his  recall ;  and,  when  pressed  by  that  body  on  

this  and  other  matters,  at  an  audience  which  she 
granted  before  leaving  Burgos,  she  plainly  told  them 
"  to  return  to  their  quarters,  and  not  to  meddle 
further  in  the  public  business  without  her  express 
commands."  Not  long  after  this,  the  legislature 
was  prorogued  by  the  royal  council  for  four  months. 

The  term  assigned  for  the  provisional  govern-  Disorderly 
ment  expired  in  December,  and  was  not  renewed.  tUc- 
No  other  regency  was  appointed  by  the  nobles  ;  and 
the  kingdom,  without  even  the  shadow  of  protection 
afforded  by  its  cortes,  and  with  no  other  guide  but 
its  crazy  sovereign,  was  left  to  drift  at  random 
amidst  the  winds  and  waves  of  faction.  This  was 
not  slow  in  brewing  in  every  quarter,  with  the  aid 
especially  of  the  overgrown  nobles,  whose  license, 
on  such  occasions  as  this,  proved  too  plainly,  that 
public  tranquillity  was  not  founded  so  much  on  the 
stability  of  law,  as  on  the  personal  character  of  the 
reigning  sovereign.5 

The   king's   enemies,   in   the   mean    time,  were 


a  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  troops  with 

torn.  ii.  rev  30,  cap.  16.  —  Peter  better  success,  during  her  husband's 

Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  346. —  illness,  and  reestablished  herself 

Zurita,  Anales.  lib.  7,  cap.  36-38.  in  the  strong  fortress  of  Segovia, 

—  Zufiiga,  Annales  de  Sevilla,  afio  which  Philip  had  transferred  to 

1507.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catoli-  Manuel.  (Peter  Martyr,  Opus 

cos,  MS.,  cap.  206.  Epist.,  epist.  343.  —  Bernaldez, 

The  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  207.) 
son  of  the  nobleman  who  bore  so  "  No  one  lamented  the  circuin- 
honorable  a  part  in  the  Granadine  stance,"  says  Oviedo.  The  mar- 
war,  mustered  a  large  force  by  land  chioness  closed  her  life  not  long 
and  sea  for  the  recovery  of  his  an-  after  this,  at  about  sixty  years  of 
cient  patrimony  of  Gibraltar. —  age.  Her  husband,  though  much 
Isabella's  high-spirited  friend,  the  older,  survived  her.  Quincuage- 
marchioness  of  Moya,  put  herself  nas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  1,  dial.  23. 


272  FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY. 

PART      pressing   their   correspondence    with   the    emperoi 

-1 Maximilian,  and  urging  his  immediate  presence  in 

hakingdom.  Spain.  Others  devised  schemes  for  marrying  the 
poor  queen  to  the  young  duke  of  Calabria,  or  some 
other  prince,  whose  years  or  incapacity  might  ena- 
ble them  to  act  over  again  the  farce  of  King  Philip. 
To  add  to  the  troubles  occasioned  by  this  mesh  of 
intrigue  and  faction,  the  country,  which  of  late 
years  had  suffered  from  scarcity,  was  visited  by  a 
pestilence,  that  fell  most  heavily  on  the  south.  In 
Seville  alone,  Bernaldez  reports  the  incredible 
number  of  thirty  thousand  persons  to  have  fallen 
victims  to  it. 6 

But,  although  the  storm  was  thus  darkening  from 
every  quarter,  there  was  no  general  explosion,  to 
shake  the  state  to  its  foundations,  as  in  the  time  of 
Henry  the  Fourth.  Orderly  ha-bits,  if  not  princi- 
ples, had  been  gradually  formed  under  the  long 
reign  of  Isabella.  The  great  mass  of  the  people 
had  learned  to  respect  the  operation,  and  appreciate 
the  benefits  of  law ;  and  notwithstanding  the  men- 
acing attitude,  the  bustle,  and  transitory  ebullitions 
of  the  rival  factions,  there  seemed  a  manifest  reluc- 
tance to  break  up  the  established  order  of  things, 
and,  by  deeds  of  violence  and  bloodshed,  to  renew 
the  days  of  ancient  anarchy. 

Much  of  this  good  result  was  undoubtedly  to  be 


6  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  amount  from  his  own  knowledge. 

208.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  He  states,  however,  that  170  died, 

tol.  71.— Mariana,  Hist,  de  Es-  out  of  his  own  little  parislr  of  500 

pafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  2.  persons,  and  he  narrowly  escaped 

The  worthy  Curate  of  Los  Pala-  with  life  himself,  after  a  severe 

cios  does  not  vouch  for  this  exact  attack.  Ubi  supra. 


RETIREMENT   OF  GONSALVO.  273 

attributed  to  the  vigorous  counsels  and  conduct  of   CHAPTER 

"••%r 

Ximenes,7  who,  together  with  the  grand  constable  - 

°  Ferdinand'. 

and  the  duke  of  Alva,  had  received  full  powers  g^lM^J" 
from  Ferdinand  to  act  in  his  name.  Much  is  also 
to  be  ascribed  to  the  politic  conduct  of  the  king. 
Far  from  an  intemperate  zeal  to  resume  the  sceptre 
of  Castile,  he  had  shown  throughout  a  discreet  for- 
bearance. He  used  the  most  courteous  and  conde- 
scending style,  in  his  communications  to  the  nobles 
and  the  municipalities,  expressing  his.  entire  confi- 
dence in  their  patriotism,  and  their  loyalty  to  the 
queen,  his  daughter.  Through  the  archbishop,  and 
other  important  agents,  he  had  taken  effectual 
measures  to  soften  the  opposition  of  the  more  con- 
siderable lords ;  until,  at  length,  not  only  such  ac- 
commodating statesmen  as  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
but  more  sturdy  opponents,  as  Villena,  Benavente, 
and  Bejar,  were  brought  to  give  in  their  adhesion 
to  their  old  master.  Liberal  promises,  indeed,  had 
been  made  by  the  emperor,  in  the  name  of  his 
grandson  Charles,  who  had  already  been  made  to 
assume  the  title  of  King  of  Castile.  But  the 
promises  of  the  imperial  braggart  passed  lightly 
with  the  more  considerate  Castilians,  who  knew 

7  Ximenes  equipped  and  paid  him  of  being  "  at  heart  much  more 
out  of  his  own  funds  a  strong  corps,  of  a  king  than  a  friar."  (Anales, 
for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  pro-  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  29.)  Gomez, 
tecting  the  queen's  person,  but  on  the  contrary,  traces  every  politi- 
quite  as  much  to  enforce  order  by  cal  act  of  his  to  the  purest  patriot- 
checking  the  turbulent  spirit  of  the  ism.  (De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  70,  et 
grandees;  a  stretch  of  authority,  alib.)  In  the  mixed  motives  of  ac- 
which  this  haughty  body  could  ill  tion,  Ximenes  might  probably  have 
brook,  (Ilobles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  been  puzzled  himself,  to  determine 
cap.  17. )  Zurita,  indeed,  who  how  much  belonged  to  the  one 
thinks  the  archbishop  had  a  strong  principle,  and  how  much  to  the 
relish  rur  sovereign  power,  accuses  other. 

VOL.     III.  3o 


274  FERDINAND'S    RETURN   AND    REGENCI. 

PART  how  far  they  usually  outstripped  his  performance, 
'. —  and  who  felt,  on  the  other  hand,  that  their  true  in- 
terests were  connected  with  those  of  a  prince, 
whose  superior  talents  and  personal  relations  all 
concurred  to  recommend  him  to  the  seat,  which  he 
had  once  so  honorably  occupied.  The  great  mass 
of  the  common  people,  too,  notwithstanding  the 
temporary  alienation  of  their  feelings  from  the 
Catholic  king  by  his  recent  marriage,  were  driven 
by  the  evils  they  actually  suffered,  and  the  vague 
apprehension  of  greater,  to  participate  in  the  same 
sentiments  ;  so  that,  in  less  than  eight  months  from 
Philip's  death,  the  whole  nation  may  be  said  to 
have  returned  to  its  allegiance  to  its  ancient  sove- 
reign. The  only  considerable  exceptions  were  Don 
Juan  Manuel  and  the  duke  of  Najara.  The  for- 
mer had  gone  too  far  to  recede,  and  the  latter  pos- 
sessed too  chivalrous,  or  too  stubborn,  a  temper  to 
do  so. 8 
He  leaves  At  length,  the  Catholic  monarch,  having  com- 

Naples. 

pleted  his  arrangements  at  Naples,  and  waited  until 
the  affairs  of  Castile  were  fully  ripe  for  his  return, 
set  sail  from  his  Italian  capital,  June  4th,  1507.  He 
proposed  to  touch  at  the  Genoese  port  of  Savona, 
where  an  interview  had  been  arranged  between 
him  and  Louis  the  Twelfth.  During  his  residence 
in  Naples,  he  had  assiduously  devoted  himself  to 

8    Peter   Martyr,   Opus    Epist.,  ciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  76,  ed. 

epist.   351.  — L.  Marineo,    Cosas  Milano,  1803.  —  Robles,  Vida  de 

Memorables,   fol.   187.  —  Lanuza,  Ximenez,    cap.     17.  —  Sandoval, 

Historias,   torn.   i.  lib.  1,  cap.  21.  Hist,  del  Em  p.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i. 

—  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  p    12 
cap.  19,  22,  25,  30,  39.  —  Guic- 


RETIREMENT  OF   GONSALVO.  275 

the  affairs  of  the   kingdom.     He  had  avoided  en-    CHAPTER 

xx. 


tering  into  the  local  politics  of  Italy,  refusing  all 
treaties  and  alliances  proposed  to  him  by  its  various 
states,  whether  offensive  or  defensive.  He  had 
evaded  the  importunate  solicitations  and  remon- 
strances of  Maximilian  in  regard  to  the  Castilian 
regency,  and  had  declined,  moreover,  a  personal 
conference  proposed  to  him  by  the  emperor,  during 
his  stay  in  Italy.  After  the  great  work  of  restqring 
the  Angevins  to  their  estates,  he  had  thoroughly 
reorganized  the  interior  administration  of  the  king- 
dom ;  creating  new  offices,  and  entirely  new  de- 
partments. He  made  large  reforms,  moreover,  in 
the  courts  of  law,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the 
new  system,  demanded  by  its  relations  as  a  depen- 
dency of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Lastly,  before 
leaving  the  city,  he  acceded  to  the  request  of  the 
inhabitants  for  the  reestablishment  of  their  ancient 


9 


university 

In  all  these  sagacious  measures,  he  had  been  ably 

J     Cordova. 

assisted  by  his  viceroy,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  Fer- 
dinand's deportment  towards  the  latter  had  been 
studied,  as  I  have  said,  to  efface  every  uncomforta- 
ble impression  from  his  mind.  On  his  first  arrival, 
indeed,  the  king  had  condescended  to  listen  to 
complaints,  made  by  certain  officers  of  the  ex- 
chequer, of  Gonsalvo's  waste  and  misapplication  of 

9  Giannone,   Istoria  di  Napoli,  gnorelli,  Coltura  nelle  Sicilie,  torn, 

lib.    30,   cap.  1-5.  —  Summonte,  iv.p.  84. 

Hist,    di    Napoli,   torn.  iv.  lib.  6,         The  learned  Neapolitan  civilian. 

3ap.  5.  —  L.  Marineo,    Cosas  Me-  Giannone,  bears  emphatic  testimo- 

morables,  fol.  187.  —  Buonaccorsi,  ny   to   the  general    excellence  of 

Diario,  p.  129.  — Bernaldez,  Reye;s  the  Spanish  legislation  for  Naples. 

Catolicos,   MS.,   cap.    210.  —  Si-  Ubi  supra. 


276  FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND   REGENCY. 

PART      the  public  moneys.    The  general  simply  asked  leave 

—  to  produce  his  own  accounts  in  his  defence.     The 

first  item,  which  he  read  aloud,  was  two  hundred 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty-six  ducats,  given 
in  alms  to  the  monasteries  and  the  poor,  to  secure 
their  prayers  for  the  success  of  the  king's  enter- 
prise. The  second  was  seven  hundred  thousand 
four  hundred  and  ninety-four  ducats  to  the  spies 
employed  in  his  service.  Other  charges  equally 
preposterous  followed ;  while  some  of  the  audience 
stared  incredulous,  others  laughed,  and  the  king 
himself,  ashamed  of  the  paltry  part  he  was  playing, 
dismissed  the  whole  affair  as  a  jest.  The  common 
saying  of  cuentas  del  Gran  Capitan,  at  this  day, 
attests  at  least  the  popular  faith  in  the  anecdote.10 

From  this  moment,  Ferdinand  continued  to  show 
Gonsalvo  unbounded  marks  of  confidence  ;  advis- 
ing with  him  on  all  important  matters,  and  making 
him  the  only  channel  of  royal  favor.  He  again  re- 
newed, in  the  most  emphatic  manner,  his  promise  to 
resign  the  grandmastership  of  St.  Jago  in  his  favor, 
on  their  return  to  Spain,  and  made  formal  applica- 
tion to  the  pope  to  confirm  it.11  In  addition  to  the 
princely  honors  already  conferred  on  the  Great 

10  Giovio,  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  verso  di  lui,  tanto  piu  ne  msospet- 

p.  102.  —  Chronica  del  Gran  Capi-  tixce  la  Lrigata,  pensando  che  il  Re 

tan,  lib.  3.  abbi  fatto  per  assicurarlo,  e  per  po- 

L1  Machiavelli  expresses  his  as-  terne  meglio  disporre  sotto  qnes- 

tonishment,  that  Gonsalvo  should  tasicurta."  (Legazione  Seconda 

have  been  the  dupe  of  promises,  a  Roma,  let.  23,  Oct.  6.)  But 

the  very  magnitude  of  which  made  what  alternative  had  he,  unless 

them  suspicious.  "  Ho  sentito  ra-  indeed  that  of  open  rebellion,  for 

gionare  di  questo  accordo  fra  Con-  which  he  seems  to  have  had  no  rel- 

salvo  e  il  Re,  e  maravigliarsi  cias-  ish  ?  And,  if  he  had.it  was  too 

cuno  che  Consalvo  se  ne  fidi ;  e  late  after  Ferdinand  was  in  Naples. 
quanta  quel  Re  e  stain  piu  liberate 


RETIREMENT    OF    GONSALVO.  277 

Captain,  he  granted  him  the  noble  duchy  of  Sessa,   CHAPTER 

YY 

by  an  instrument,  which,  after  a  pompous  recapit-  

ulation  of  his  stately  titles  and  manifold  services, 
declares  that  these  latter  were  too  great  for  recom- 
pense. 12  Unfortunately  for  both  king  and  subject, 
this  was  too  true. 13 

Gonsalvo  remained  a  day  or  two  behind  his  royal 
master  in  Naples,  to  settle  his  private  affairs.  In 
addition  to  the  heavy  debts  incurred  by  his  own 
generous  style  of  living,  he  had  assumed  those  of 
many  of  his  old  companions  in  arms,  with  whom  the 
world  had  gone  less  prosperously  than  with  himself. 
The  claims  of  his  creditors,  therefore,  had  swollen 
to  such  an  amount,  that,  in  order  to  satisfy  them 
fully,  he  was  driven  to  sacrifice  part  of  the  domains 
lately  granted  him.  Having  discharged  all  the  obli- 
gations of  a  man  of  honor,  he  prepared  to  quit  the 
land,  over  which  he  had  ruled  with  so  much  splen- 


12  Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  8,  cap.  3.)  This  sort  of  testimony 

lib.  3,  cap.  3. — Zurita,  Anales,  seems  to  contain  an  implication  not 

torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  cap.  6,  49.  — Gio-  very  flattering,  and  on  the  whole  is 

vio,  Vitas  Illust.  Virorum,  p.  279.  so  improbable,  that  I  cannot  but 

"  Vos  el  ilustre  Don  Gonzalo  think  the  Aragonese  historian  has 

Hernandez  de  Cordoba,"  begips  confounded  it  with  the  grant  of 

the  instrument,  "  Duque  de  Terra  Sessa,  bearing  precisely  the  same 

Nova,  Marques  de  Santangelo  y  date,  Fabruary  25th,  and  containing 

Vitonto,  y  mi  Condestable  del  rey-  also,  though  incidentally,  and  as  a 

no  de  Napoles,  nuestro  muycharoy  thing  of  course,  the  most  ample 

muy  amado  primo,  y  uno  del  nues-  tribute  to  the  Great  Captain.  — 

tro  secreto  Consejo,"  &c.  (See  Comp.  also  Pulgar,  Sum.,  p.  138. 

the  document  apud  Quintana,  Es-  13  Tacitus  may  explain  why. 

pafioles  Celebres,  torn.  i.  Apend.  "  Beneficia  eo  usque  laeta  sunt, 

no.  1.)  The  revenues  from  his  dum  videntur  exsolvi  posse;  ubi 

various  estates  amounted  to  40,000  multum  antevenere,  pro  gratia  odi- 

ducats.  Zurita  speaks  of  another  urn  redditur."  (Annales,  lib.  4, 

instrument,  a  public  manifesto  of  sec.  18.)  "II  n'est  pas  si  dange- 

the  Catholic  king,  proclaiming  to  reux,"  says  Rochefoucault,  in  a 

the  world  his  sense  of  his  general's  more  caustic  vein,  "  de  faire  du 

exalted  services  and  unimpeacha-  mal  a  la  plupart  des  hommes,  que 

ble  loyalty.  (Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  de  leur  faire  trop  de  bien." 


FERDINAND'S   RETURN   AND   REGENCY. 

PART      dor  and  renown  for  nearly  four  years.     The  Neapo 
litans  in  a  body  followed   him  to  the  vessel ;   and 


nobles,   cavaliers,   and   even   ladies   of  the   highest 
rank  lingered  on  the  shore  to  bid  him  a  last  adieu. 
Neapolitans   Not  a  ^7  e^6'  saJs  tne  historianj  was  to  be  seen. 


So  completely  had  he  dazzled  their  imaginations, 
and  captivated  their  hearts,  by  his  brilliant  and 
popular  manners,  his  munificent  spirit,  and  the 
equity  of  his  administration,  —  qualities  more  use- 
ful, and  probably  more  rare  in  those  turbulent  times, 
than  military  talent.  He  was  succeeded  in  the 
office  of  grand  constable  of  the  kingdom  by  Pros- 
pero  Colonna,  and  in  that  of  viceroy  by  the  -count 
of  Ribagorza,  Ferdinand's  nephew.14 
Brilliant  in-  On  the  28th  of  June,  the  royal  fleet  of  Aragon 

terview  of  * 

anddLottta.  entered  the  little  port  of  Savona,  where  the  king  of 
France  had  already  been  waiting  for  it  several  days. 
The  French  navy  was  ordered  out  to  receive  the 
Catholic  monarch,  and  the  vessels  on  either  side, 
gayly  decorated  with  the  national  flags  and  ensigns, 
rivalled  each  other  in  the  beauty  and  magnificence 
of  their  equipments.  King  Ferdinand's  galleys 
were  spread  with  rich  carpets  and  awnings  of  yel- 
low and  scarlet,  and  every  sailor  in  the  fleet  exhibit- 
ed the  same  gaudy-colored  livery  of  the  royal  house 
of  Aragon.  xLouis  the  Twelfth  came  to  welcome 
his  illustrious  guests,  attended  by  a  gallant  train  of 

u  Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  poll,   torn.   iv.   lib.   6,   cap.   5.  — 

pp.  280,  281.  —  Garibay,  Compen-  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  72 

dio,   torn.   ii.   lib.   20,  cap.   9.—  —  Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib 

Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib.  30,  3,  cap.  4. 
cap  1.  —  Summonte,  Hist,  di  Na- 


RETIREMENT  OF  GONSALVO.  279 

his  nobility  and  chivalry ;  and,  in  order  to  recipro-   CHAPTER 

cate,  as  far  as  possible,  the  confidence  reposed  in  . '. — . 

him  by  the  monarch  with  whom  he  had  been  so 
recently  at  deadly  feud,  immediately  went  on  board 
the  vessel  of  the  latter.15  Horses  and  mules  richly 
caparisoned  awaited  them  at  the  landing.  The 
French  king,  mounting  his  steed,  gallantly  placed 
the  young  queen  of  Aragon  behind  him.  His  cava- 
liers did  the  same  with  the  ladies  of  her  suite,  most 
of  them  French  women,  though  attired,  as  an  old 
chronicler  of  the  nation  rather  peevishly  complains, 
after  the  Spanish  fashion  ;  and  the  whole  party, 
with  the  ladies  en  croupe,  galloped  off  to  the  royal 
quarters  in  Savona.16 

Blithe  and  jocund  were  the  revels,  which  rung 
through  the  halls  of  this  fair  city,  during  the  brief 
residence  of  its  royal  visiters.  Abundance  of  good 
cheer  had  been  provided  by  Louis's  orders,  writes 
an  old  cavalier,17  who  was  there  to  profit  by  it ;  and 


15  "  Spettacolo  certaraente  me-        Germaine  appears  to  have  been 
morabile,  vedere  insieme  due  Re  no  great  favorite  with  the  French 
potentissimi    tra    tutti    i    Principi  chroniclers.     "  Et  y  estoit  sa  ferr 
Cristiani,  stati  poco  innanzi  si  acer-  me  Germaine  de  Fouez,  qui  tenoit 
bissimi  inimici,  non  solo  riconciliati,  une  tnarveilieuse  audace.     Elle  fist 
e  congiunti  di  parentado,  ma  de-  pen  de  compte  de  tous  les  Fran- 
posti  i  segni  dell'  odio,  e  della  me-  <jois,  mesmement  de  son  frere,  le 
moria  delle  offese,  commettere  cias-  gentil   due  de  Nemours."      (M6- 
cuno  di  loro  la  vita  propria  in  arbi-  moires  de  Bayard,  chap.  27,  apud 
trio  dell'  altro  con  non  minore  con-  Petitot,  Collection  des  Memoires, 
fidenza,  che  se  sempre  fossero  stati  torn,    xv.)      See   also   Fleurange, 
concordissimi  fratelli."    (Guicciar-  (Memoires,  chap.  19,  apud  Petitot, 
dini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  75.)    This  Collection  des  Memoires,  torn,  xvi.) 
astonishment  of  the  Italian  is  an  who    notices    the    same    arrogant 
indifferent  tribute  to  the  habitual  bearing. 

good  faith  of  the  times.  17  For   righting,   and    feasting, 

16  D'Auton,Hist.  deLouysXII.,  and  all  the  generous  pastimes  of 
part.  3,  chap.  38.  —  Buonaccorsi,  chivalry,  none  of  the  old  French 
feiario,  p.  132.  —  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  chroniclersof  this  time  rivals  D'Au- 
de  Louys  XII.,  p.  204.  ton.     He  is  the  very  Froissart  of 


280  FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY. 

FART      the  larders  of  Savona  were  filled  with  the  choicest 

game,  and  its  cellars  well  stored  with  the  delicious 

wines  of  Corsica,  Languedoc,  and  Provence.  Among 
the  followers  of  Louis  were  the  marquis  of  Mantua, 
the  brave  La  Palice,  the  veteran  D'Aubigny,  and 
many  others  of  renown,  who  had  so  lately  measured 
swords  with  the  Spaniards  on  the  fields  of  Italy, 
and  who  now  vied  with  each  other  in  rendering 
them  these  more  grateful,  and  no  less  honorable, 
offices  of  chivalry. 18 

As  the  gallant  D'Aubigny  was  confined  to  his 
apartment  by  the  gout,  Ferdinand,  who  had  always 
held  his  talents  and  conduct  in  high  esteem,  com- 
plimented him  by  a  visit  in  person.  But  no  one 
excited  such  general  interest  and  attention  as  Gon- 
salvo  de  Cordova,  who  was  emphatically  the  hero  of 
the  day.  At  least,  such  is  the  testimony  of  Guic- 
ciardini,  \vho  will  not  be  suspected  of  undue  par- 
tiality. Many  a  Frenchman  there  had  had  bitter 
experience  of  his  military  prowess.  Many  others 
had  grown  familiar  with  his  exploits  in  the  exagger- 
ated reports  of  their  countrymen.  They  had  been 
taught  to  regard  him  with  mingled  feelings  of  fear 
and  hatred,  and  could  scarcely  credit  their  senses, 
as  they  beheld  the  bugbear  of  their  imaginations 


the  sixteenth  century.     A  part  of  repnblished,  with  all  the  lights  of 

his  works  still  remains  in  manu-  editorial  erudition, 

script.     That  which  is  printed  re-  W  D'Auton,  Hist.  deLouys  XII., 

tains  the  same  form,  I  believe,  in  part.    3,    chap.    38.  —  Bernaldez, 

which  it  was  given  to  the  public  by  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  ubi  supra.— 

Godefroy,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  lib.  7. — 

seventeenth  century  ;   while  many  St.  Gelais,  Hist,  de  Louys  XII., 

an  inferior  chronicler  and  memoir-  p.  204. 
monger   has    been   published   and 


RETIREMENT  OF   GONSALVO.  281 

distinguished  above  all  others  for  "  the  majesty  of  CHAPTER 

his  presence,  the  polished  elegance  of  his  discourse,  1_ 

and  manners  in  which  dignity  was   blended  with 
grace."  19 

But  none  were  so  open  in  their  admiration  as  compn- 

ments  to 

King  Louis.  At  his  request,  Gonsalvo  was  admit-  GonsalTO- 
ted  to  sup  at  the  same  table  with  the  Aragonese 
sovereigns  and  himself.  During  the  repast  he  sur- 
veyed his  illustrious  guest  with  the  deepest  inter- 
est, asking  him  various  particulars  respecting  those 
memorable  campaigns,  which  had  proved  so  fatal  to 
France.  To  all  these  the  Great  Captain  responded 
with  becoming  gravity,  says  the  chronicler ;  and 
the  French  monarch  testified  his  satisfaction,  at 
parting,  by  taking  a  massive  chain  of  exquisite 
workmanship  from  his  own  neck,  and  throwing  it 
round  Gonsalvo's.  The  historians  of  the  event 
appear  to  be  entirely  overwhelmed  with  the'  magni- 
tude of  the  honor  conferred  on  the  Great  Captain, 
by  thus  admitting  him  to  the  same  table  with  three 
crowned  heads  ;  and  Guicciardini  does  not  hesitate 
to  pronounce  it  a  more  glorious  epoch  in  his  life 
than  even  that  of  his  triumphal  entry  into  the  capi- 
tal of  Naples.20 

!9  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  in   sommo   odio,   e   orrore   il    suo 

pp.  76,  77.  —  Giovio,  Vita  Illust.  nome,  non  si  saziassero  di  contem- 

Virorum,  p.  282.  —  Chronica  del  plarlo  e  onorarlo.  *****  E  accre- 

Gran  Capitan,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.  sceva  T'ammirazione  degli  uomini 

"  Ma  non  dava  minore  materia  la  macstA  eccellente  della  presenza 

ai  ragionamenU  il  Gran  Capitano,  sua,  la  magnificenza  delle  parole,  i 

al  quale  non  erano  meno  void  gli  gesti,  e  la  maniera  piena  di  gravit£ 

occhi  degli  uomini  per  la  fama  del  condita  di  grazia  :  ma  sopra  tutti  il 

suo  valore,  e   per   la   memoria  di  Re  di  Francia,"   &c.     Guicciardi- 

tante  vittorie.  la  quale  faceva,  che  ni.  uhi  supra. 
i  Franzesi,  ancora  che  vinli  tante        2°  Brantome,  Vies  des  Homines 

volte  di  lui,  e  che  solevano  avere  Illustres,   disc.  6.  —  Chronica   del 

VOL.  III.  36 


282  FERDINAND'S  RETURN   AND   REGENCY. 

PART  During;  this    interview,  the    monarchs    held    re- 

H 

peated   conferences,  at  which  none  were    present 

but  the  papal  envoy,  and  Louis's  favorite  minister, 
D'Amboise.  The  subject  of  discussion  can  only  be 
conjectured  by  the  subsequent  proceedings,  which 
make  it  probable  that  it  related  to  Italy ;  and  that 
it  was  in  this  season  of  idle  dalliance  and  festivity, 
that  the  two  princes,  who  held  the  destinies  of  that 
country  in  their  hands,  matured  the  famous  league 
of  Cambray,  so  disastrous  to  Venice,  and  reflecting 
little  credit  on  its  projectors,  either  on  the  score  of 
good  faith  or  sound  policy.  But  to  this  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  return  hereafter.21 
The  king's  At  length,  after  enjoying  for  four  days  the  splen- 

receptiou  in  "    J  • 

did  hospitality  of  their  royal  entertainer,  the  king 
and  queen  of  Aragon  reembarked,  and  reached  their 
own  port  of  Valencia,  after  various  detentions,  on 
the  20th  of  July,  1507.  Ferdinand,  having  rested 
a  short  time  in  his  beautiful  capital,  pressed  forward 
to  Castile,  where  his  presence  was  eagerly  ex- 
pected. On  the  borders,  he  was  met  by  the  dukes 
of  Albuquerque  and  Medina  Celi,  his  faithful  fol- 
lower the  count  of  Cifuentes,  and  many  other  no- 
bles and  cavaliers.  He  was  soon  after  joined  by 
deputies  from  many  of  the  principal  cities  in  the 
kingdom,  and,  thus  escorted,  made  his  entry  into  it 
by  the  way  of  Monteagudo,  on  the  21st  of  August. 

Gran  Capitan,   lib.  3,  cap.  4. —  moires,     torn.     xv.  —  Bernaldez, 

Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  pp.  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  210. — 

77,  78.  —  D'Auton,  Hist.  deLouys  Pulgar,  Suraario,  p.  195. 

XII.,  ubi  supra.  —  Quintana,  Es-  21   D'Auton,    Hist,    de    Louys 

paiioles  C61ebres,  torn.  i.  p.  319. —  XII.,    part.   3,   chap.   38.  —  Buo- 

M<§moires    de   Bayard,   chap.   27,  naccorsi,  Diario,  p.   133,  — Ulloa, 

apud  Petitot,  Collection  des  Me-  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  36. 


RETIREMENT    OF   GONSALVO.  283 

How  different  from  the  forlorn  and  outcast  condi-   CHAPTER 

XX* 

tion,  in  which  he  had  quitted  the  country  a  short 
year  before !  He  intimated  the  change  in  his  own 
circumstances,  by  the  greater  state  and  show  of  au- 
thority which  he  now  assumed.  The  residue  of 
the  old  Italian  army,  just  arrived  under  the  cele- 
brated Pedro  Navarro,  count  of  Oliveto,28  preceded 
him  on  the  march ;  and  he  was  personally  attended 
by  his  alcaldes,  alguazils,  and  kings-at-arms,  with 
all  the  appropriate  insignia  of  royal  supremacy.23 

At  Tortoles  he  was  met  by  the  queen,  his  daugh-  Joannas re- 

•'  tirement. 

ter,  accompanied  by  Archbishop  Ximenes.  The 
interview  between  them  had  more  of  pain,  than 
pleasure  in  it.  The  king  was  greatly  shocked  by 
Joanna's  appearance  ;  for  her  wild  and  haggard 
features,  emaciated  figure,  and  the  mean,  squalid 
attire  in  which  she  was  dressed,  made  it  difficult  to 
recognise  any  trace  of  the  daughter,  from  whom  he 
had  been  so  long  separated.  She  discovered  more 
sensibility  on  seeing  him,  than  she  had  shown  since 
her  husband's  death,  and  henceforth  resigned  her- 
self to  her  father's  will  with  little  opposition.  She 
was  soon  after  induced  by  him  to  change  her  un- 
suitable residence  for  more  commodious  quarters  at 
Tordesillas.  Her  husband's  remains  were  laid  in 
the  monastery  of  Santa  Clara,  rdjoining  the  palace, 


22  King  Ferdinand  had  granted  23  Bernaldez,   Reyes   Catolicos, 

him  the  title  and  territory  of  Olive-  MS.,  cap.  210.  —  Zurita,  Anales, 

to  in   the  kingdom  of  Naples,  in  torn.  vi.  lib.  8,   cap.  4,  7.  —  Peter 

recompense  for  his  eminent  servi-  Martyr,  Opus  Fpist..  epist.  358.  — 

ces   in  the  Italian  wars.     Aleson,  Gomez,  De  Rehus  Gestis,  fol.  74. 

Annales  de   Navarra,   torn.  v.    p.  — Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. 
178.  —  Giovio,   Vita;  Illust.  Viro- 
rum,  p.  190. 


284 


FERDINAND'S    RETURN    AND    REGENCY 


PART 
II. 


Irregularity 
of  Ferdi- 
nand's pro- 
ceedings. 


from  whose  windows  she  could  behold  his  sep- 
ulchre. From  this  period,  although  she  survived 
forty-seven  years,  she  never  quitted  the  walls  of 
her  habitation.  And,  although  her  name  appeared 
jointly  with  that  of  her  son,  Charles  the  Fifth,  in 
all  public  acts,  she  never  afterwards  could  be  in- 
duced to  sign  a  paper,  or  take  part  in  any  transac- 
tions of  a  public  nature.  She  lingered  out  a  half 
century  of  dreary  existence,  as  completely  dead  to 
the  world,  as  the  remains  which  slept  in  the  mon- 
astery of  Santa  Clara  beside  her.24 

From  this  time  the  Catholic  king  exercised  an 
authority  nearly  as  undisputed,  and  far  less  limited 
and  defined  than  in  the  days  of  Isabella.  So  firm 
did  he  feel  in  his  seat,  indeed,  that  he  omitted  to 
obtain  the  constitutional  warrant  of  cortes.  He 
had  greatly  desired  this  at  the  late  irregular  meet- 
ing of  that  body.  But  it  broke  up,  as  we  have 
seen,  without  effecting  any  thing ;  and,  indeed, 
the  disaffection  of  Burgos  and  some  other  principal 
cities  at  that  time,  must  have  made  the  success  of 
such  an  application  very  doubtful.  But  the  gen- 
eral cordiality,  with  which  Ferdinand  was  greeted, 
gave  no  ground  for  apprehending  such  a  result 
at  present. 

Many,  indeed,  of  his  partisans  objected  to  any 


24  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 
75.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 
epist.  363.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  lib. 
8,  cap.  49.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del 
Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  13. 

Philip's  remains  were  afterwards 
removed  to  the  cathedral  church  of 
Granada  ;  where  they  were  depos- 


ited, together  with  those  of  his 
wife  Joanna,  in  a  magnificent  sep- 
ulchre erected  by  Charles  V.,  near 
that  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
Pedraza,  Antiguedad  de  Granada, 
lib.  3,  cap.  7.  —  Colmenar,  D6- 
lices  de  1'Espagne  et  du  Portugal. 
(Leide,  1715,)  torn.  iii.  p.  490 


RETIREMENT    OF   GONSALVO.  285 

intervention  of  the   legislature  in   this   matter,  as  CHAPTER 

xx, 
superfluous ;  alleging  that  he  held  the  regency  as  — - 

natural  guardian  of  his  daughter,  nominated,  more- 
over, by  the  queen's  will,  and  confirmed  by  the 
cortes  at  Toro.  These  rights,  they  argued,  were 
not  disturbed  by  his  resignation,  which  was  a  com- 
pulsory act,  and  had  never  received  any  express 
legislative  sanction  ;  and  which,  in  any  event,  must 
be  considered  as  intended  only  for  Philip's  lifetime, 
and  to  be  necessarily  determined  with  that. 

But,  however  plausible  these  views,  the  irreg- 
ularity of  Ferdinand's  proceedings  furnished  an 
argument  for  disobedience  on  the  part  of  discon- 
tented nobles,  who  maintained,  that  they  knew  no 
supreme  authority  but  that  of  their  queen,  Joanna, 
till  some  other  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  legisla- 
ture. The  whole  affair  was  finally  settled,  with 
more  attention  to  constitutional  forms,  in  the  cor- 
tes held  at  Madrid,  October  6th,  1510,  when  the 
king  took  the  regular  oaths  as  administrator  of  the 
realm  in  his  daughter's  name,  and  as  guardian  of 
her  son.25 


23  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  7,  llos  fe  leales  servidores  de  la  reina 

cap.  26,  34  ;  lib.  9,  cap.  20.  nuestra  sefiora,  porque  la  admini- 

See  the  bold  language  of  the  stracion  e  gobernacion  deslos  reinos 

protest  of  the  marquis  of  Priego,  se  diera  e  concediera  a  qtiien  las 

against  this  assumption  of  the  re-  leyes  destos  reynos  mandan  que  se 

gency  by  the  Catholic  king.  "En  den  e  encomienden  en  caso,"  &c. 

caso  tan  grande,"  he  says,  "  que  (MS.  de  la  Biblioteca  de  la  Real 

se  trata  de  gobernacion  de  grandes  Acad.  de  Hist.,  apud  Marina,  Te- 

reinos  k  sefiorios  justa  6  razonable  oria,  torn.  ii.  part.  2,  cap.  18.)  Ma- 

cosa  fuera,  e  seria  que  fueramos  rina,  however,  is  not  justified  in 

llamados  e  certificados  de  ello,  regarding  Ferdinand's  subsequent 

porque  yo  e  los  otros  caballeros  convocation  of  cortes  for  this  pur- 

grandes  e  las  ciudades  e  alcaldes  pose,  as  a  concession  to  the  de- 

mayores  vieramos  lo  que  debia-  mands  of  the  nation.  (Teoria,  ubi 

mos  hacer  e  consentir  como  vasa-  supra.)  It  was  the  result  of  the 


286  FERDINAND'S    RETURN   AND    REGENCY. 

PART          Ferdinand's  deportment,  on  his  first  return,  was 
IK 

-  distinguished  by  a  most  gracious  clemency,  evinced 

uonesty.  not  so  much,  indeed,  by  any  excessive  remuneration 
of  services,  as  by  the  politic  oblivion  of  injuries. 
If  he  ever  alluded  to  these,  it  was  in  a  sportive 
way,  implying  that  there  was  no  rancour  or  ill-will 
at  heart.  "  Who  would  have  thought,"  he  ex- 
claimed one  day  to  a  courtier  near  him,  "  that  you 
could  so  easily  abandon  your  old  master,  for  one  so 
young  and  inexperienced  ?  "  "  Who  would  have 
thought,"  replied  the  other  with  equal  bluntness, 
"  that  my  old  master  would  have  outlived  my 
young  one  ?  "  26 

Heestab-  With   all   this   complaisance,  however,  the   king 

lishes  a 

guard.  ^  not  neg]ect  precautions  for  placing  his  authority 
on  a  sure  basis,  and  fencing  it  round  so  as  to  screen 
it  effectually  from  the  insults',  to  which  it  had  been 
formerly  exposed.  He  retained  in  pay  most  of  the 
old  Italian  levies,  with  the  ostensible  purpose  of  an 
African  expedition.  He  took  good  care  that  the 
military  orders  should  hold  their  troops  in  constant 
readiness,  and  that  the  militia  of  the  kingdom 
should  be  in  condition  for  instant  service.  He 
formed  a  body-guard  to  attend  the  royal  person  on 
all  occasions.  It  consisted  at  first  of  only  two 
hundred  men,  armed  and  drilled  after  the  fashion 
of  the  Swiss  ordonnance,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  his  chronicler,  Ayora,  an  experienced 

treaty  of  Blois,  with   Maximilian,         26  Giovio,  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum, 
guarantied  by  Louis  XII.,  the  ob-    p.  282.  — Chronica  del  Gran  Cap- 
ject  of  which  was  to  secure  the  sue-     itan,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. 
cession  to  the  archduke   Charles. 
Zurita,  Anales,  lib.  8,  cap.  47. 


RETIREMENT    OF    GONSALVO.  287 

martinet,  who  made  some  figure  at  the  defence  of    CHAPTEP 
Salsas.     This  institution  probably  was  immediate-  — • 
y  suggested   by  the  garde  du  corps  of  Louis  the 
Twelfth,  at   Savona,  which,  altogether  on  a  more 
formidable  scale  indeed,  had  excited  his  admiration 
by  the   magnificence  of  its  appointments  and  its 
thorough  discipline. 27 

Notwithstanding  the  king's  general  popularity, 
there  were  still  a  few  considerable  persons,  who 
regarded  his  resumption  of  authority  with  an  evil 
eye.  Of  these,  Don  Juan  Manuel  had  fled  the 
kingdom  before  his  approach,  and  taken  refuge  at 
the  court  of  Maximilian,  where  the  counsellors  of 
that  monarch  took  good  care,  that  he  should  not 
acquire  the  ascendency  he  had  obtained  over  Philip. 
The  duke  of  Najara,  however,  still  remained  in 
Castile,  shutting  himself  up  in  his  fortresses,  and 
refusing  all  compromise  or  obedience.  The  king 
without  hesitation  commanded  Navarro  to  march 
against  him  with  his  whole  force.  Najara  was  per- 
suaded by  his  friends  to  tender  his  submission, 
without  waiting  the  encounter  ;  and  he  surrendered 
his  strong-holds  to  the  king,  who,  after  detaining 
them  some  time  in  his  keeping,  delivered  them 
over  to  the  duke's  eldest  son.28 

With    another  offender  he    dealt   more    sternly. 

27  Znrita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  8,  gardes  du   Roy,  et  de  ses  Gentils- 

cap.   10.  —  MSS.  de  Torres  y  de  hommes,   qu'il   r^putoit  &  grande 

Oviedo,   apud  Mem.  de   la  Acad.  chose,  et  triomphale  ordonnance.' 

de    Hist.,   torn.    vi.    Ilust.    6.  —  Ubi  supra. 

D' Anton,    Hist,   de    Louys  XII.,  *   Bernaldez,    Reyes  Cat61icos 

part  3,  chap.  38.  MS.,  cap.    210.  —  Peter  Martyr, 

The  Catholic  king  was  very  mi-  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  363.  —  Gomez, 

nute  in  his  inquiries,  according  to  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  75.  —  Zurita, 

A.uton,  "  du  faict  et  de  1'estat  des  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  8.  cap.  15. 


'288  FERDINAND'S   RETURN  AND  REGENCY. 


II. 

His  e>cces- 


PART  This  was  Don  Pedro  de  Cordova,  marquis  of 
Pricgo,  who,  the  reader  may  remember,  when  quite 
•IT*,  sever-  a  j^ ^  narrowly  escaped  the  bloody  fate  of  his 
father,  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  in  the  fatal  slaughter  of 
the  Sierra  Vermeja.  This  nobleman,  in  common 
with  some  other  Andalusian  lords,  had  taken  um- 
brage at  the  little  estimation  and  favor  shown  them, 
as  they  conceived,  by  Ferdinand,  in  comparison 
with  the  nobles  of  the  north ;  and  his  temerity 
went  so  far,  as  not  only  to  obstruct  the  proceed- 
ings of  one  of  the  royal  officers,  sent  to  Cordova 
to  inquire  into  recent  disturbances  there,  but  to 
imprison  him  in  the  dungeons  of  his  castle  of 
Montilla. 

This  outrage  on  the  person  of  his  o\vn  servant 
exasperated  the  king  beyond  all  bounds.  He  re- 
solved at  once  to  make  such  an  example  of  the 
offender,  as  should  strike  terror  into  the  disaffected 
nobles,  and  shield  the  royal  authority  from  the  repe- 
tition of  similar  indignities.  As  the  marquis  was 
one  of  the  most  potent  and  extensively  allied  gran- 
dees in  the  kingdom,  Ferdinand  made  his  prepara- 
tions on  a  formidable  scale,  ordering  in  addition 
to  the  regular  troops,  a  levy  of  all  between  the 
ages  of  twenty  and  seventy  throughout  Andalusia. 
Priego's  friends,  alarmed  at  these  signs  of  the 
gathering  tempest,  besought  him  to  avert  it,  if  pos- 
sible, by  instant  concession  ;  and  his  uncle,  the 
Great  Captain,  urged  this  most  emphatically,  as 
the  only  way  of  escaping  utter  ruin. 

The  rash  young  man,  finding  himself  likely  to 
receive  no  support  in  the  unequal  contest,  accepted 


RETIREMENT   OF   GONSALVO.  289 

the  counsel,  and  hastened  to  Toledo,  to  throw  CHAPTER 
himself  at  the  king's  feet.  The  indignant  monarch,  xx' 
however,  would  not  admit  him  into  his  presence, 
but  ordered  him  to  deliver  up  his  fortresses,  and  to 
remove  to  the  distance  of  five  leagues  from  the 
court.  The  Great  Captain  soon  after  sent  the  king 
an  inventory  of  his  nephew's  castles  and  estates,  at' 
the  same  time  deprecating  his  wrath,  in  considera- 
tion of  the  youth  and  inexperience  of  the  offender. 
Ferdinand,  however,  without  heeding  this,  went 
on  with  his  preparations,  and  having  completed 
them,  advanced  rapidly  to  the  south.  When  arrived 
at  Cordova,  he  ordered  the  imprisonment  of  the  1508. 
marquis.  A  formal  process  was  then  instituted 
against  him  before  the  royal  council,  on  the  charge 
of  high  treason.  He  made  no  defence,  but  threw 
himself  on  the  mercy  of  his  sovereign.  The  court 
declared,  that  he  had  incurred  the  penalty  of  death, 
but  that  the  king,  in  consideration  of  his  submis- 
sion, was  graciously  pleased  to  commute  this  for  a 
fine  of  twenty  millions  of  maravedies,  perpetual 
banishment  from  Cordova  and  its  district,  and  the 
delivery  of  his  fortresses  into  the  royal  keeping, 
with  the  entire  demolition  of  the  offending  castle  of 
Montilla.  This  last,  famous  as  the  birth-place  of 
the  Great  Captain,  was  one  of  the  strongest  and 
most  beautiful  buildings  in  all  Andalusia.29  Sen- 

29  "  Montiliana,"   writes   Peter  Montilla,  for  he  had  been  preceptor 

Martyr,  "  ilia  atria,  qnae  vidisti  ali-  to  their  young  master,  who  was  a 

quando,multoauro,multoqueebore  favorite   pupil,  to  judge  from  the 

compta  ornataque,  proh  dolor  !  fun-  hitter  wailings  of  the  kind-hearted 

ditus   dirui  sunt   jussa."      (Opus  pedagogue    over    his    fate.      See 

Epist.,  epist.  405.)     He  was  well  epist.  404,  405. 
acquainted  with  the  lordly  halls  of 

VOL.  Ill  37 


290  FERDINAND'S  RETURN   AND   REGENCY. 


PART      tence  of  death  was  at  the  same  time  pronounced 
-  against  several  cavaliers,  and  other  inferior  persons 
concerned  in  the  affair,  and  was  immediately  ex- 
ecuted. 
Disgust  o»         The  Castilian  aristocracy,  alarmed  and  disgusted 

the  nobles.  J 

by  the  severity  of  a  sentence,  which  struck  down 
one  of  the  most  considerable  of  their  order,  were 
open  in  their  remonstrances  to  the  king,  beseeching 
him,  if  no  other  consideration  moved  him  in  favor 
of  the  young  nobleman,  to  grant  something  to  the 
distinguished  services  of  his  father  and  his  uncle. 
The  latter,  as  well  as  the  grand  constable,  Velasco, 
who  enjoyed  the  highest  consideration  at  court, 
were  equally  pressing  in  their  solicitations.  Ferdi- 
nand, however,  was  inexorable  ;  and  the  sentence 
was  executed.  The  nobles  chafed  in  vain ;  al- 
though the  constable  expostulated  with  the  king  in 
a  tone,  which  no  subject  in  Europe  but  a  Castilian 
grandee  would  have  ventured  to  assume.  Gonsalvo 
coolly  remarked,  "  It  was  crime  enough  in  Don 
Pedro  to  be  related  to  me."30 
oonsaivo's  This  illustrious  man  had  had  good  reason  to  feel, 

progress 

cou°nutrv.the  before  this,  that  his  credit  at  court  was  on  the  wane. 
On  his  return  to  Spain,  he  was  received  with  un- 
bounded enthusiasm  by  the  nation.  He  was  de- 
tained by  illness  a  few  days  behind  the  court,  and 
his  journey  towards  Burgos  to  rejoin  it,  on  his 

a>  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  Anales,MS.,am>  1507.— Garibay, 

MS.,  cap.   215. —  Peter  Martyr,  Compendio,  torn.  ii.  lib.  20,  cap. 

Opus  Epist.,  epist.  392,  393,  405.  10.— Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan, 

—  Giovio,    Vitae   lllust.   Virorum,  lib.  3,  cap.   6.  — Sandoval,  Hist, 

p.  284. — Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  13. 
lib.  8,  cap.  20,  21,  22.  —  Carbajal, 


RETIREMENT  OF   GONSALVO.  291 

recovery,  was  a  triumphal  procession  the  whole  CHAPTER 
way.  The  roads  were  thronged  with  multitudes  so  xx' 
numerous,  that  accommodations  could  scarcely  be 
found  for  them  in  the  towns  on  the  route.81  For 
they  came  from  the  remotest  parts  of  the  country, 
all  eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  hero,  whose 
name  and  exploits,  the  theme  of  story  and  of  song, 
were  familiar  to  the  meanest  peasant  in  Castile. 
In  this  way  he  made  his  entry  into  Burgos,  amid 
the  cheering  acclamations  of  the  people,  and  attend- 
ed by  a  cortege  of  officers,  who  pompously  dis- 
played on  their  own  persons,  and  the  caparisons  of 
their  steeds,  the  rich  spoils  of  Italian  conquests. 
The  old  count  of  Urena,  his  friend,  who,  with  the 
whole  court  came  out  by  Ferdinand's  orders  to 
receive  him,  exclaimed  with  a  prophetic  sigh,  as  he 
saw  the  splendid  pageant  come  sweeping  by,  "  This 
gallant  ship,  I  fear,  will  require  deeper  water  to  ride 
in  than  she  will  find  in  Castile  !"32 

Ferdinand  showed  his  usual  gracious  manners  in  Ferdinand 

breaks  hi* 

his  reception  of  Gonsalvo.  It  was  not  long,  how-  word- 
ever,  before  the  latter  found  that  this  was  all  he 
was  to  expect.  No  allusion  was  made  to  the 
grand-mastership.  When  it  was  at  length  brought 
before  the  king,  and  he  was  reminded  of  his  prom- 
ises, he  contrived  to  defer  their  performance  under 
various  pretexts  ;  until,  at  length,  it  became  too 
apparent,  that  it  was  his  intention  to  evade  them 
altogether. 

'1  Giovio,  Vitae  Ulust.  Virorum,     MS.,  cap.  210.  —  Giovio,  Vitffi  D- 

p.  282.  —  Pulgar,  Sumario,  p.  197.    lust.  Virorum,  ubi  supra.  —  Chr6ni- 

39  Bernaldez,   Reyes  Catdlicos,    ca  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. 


292  FERDINAND'S  RETURN  AND  REGENCY. 

PART          While   the  Great  Captain   and  his  friends  were 

—  filled  with  an  indignation,  at  this  duplicity,  which 

oooiness.  they  could  ill  suppress,  a  circumstance  occurred  to 
increase  the  coldness  arising  in  Ferdinand's  mind 
towards  his  injured  subject.  This  was  the  pro- 
posed marriage  (a  marriage  which,  from  whatever 
cause,  never  took  place33)  of  Gonsalvo's  daughter 
Elvira,  to  his  friend  the  constable  of  Castile.34 
Ferdinand  had  designed  to  secure  her  large  inher 
itance  to  his  own  family,  by  an  alliance  with  his 
grandson,  Juan  de  Aragon,  son  of  the  archbishop 
of  Saragossa.  His  displeasure,  at  finding  himself 
crossed  in  this,  was  further  sharpened  by  the  petu- 
lant spirit  of  his  young  queen.  The  constable, 
now  a  widower,  had  been  formerly  married  to  a 
natural  daughter  of  Ferdinand.  Queen  Germaine, 
adverting  to  his  intended  union  with  the  lady 
Elvira,  unceremoniously  asked  him,  "  If  he  did  not 
feel  it  a  degradation  to  accept  the  hand  of  a  sub- 
ject, after  having  wedded  the  daughter  of  a  king?" 
"  How  can  I  feel  it  so,"  he  replied,  alluding  to  the 

33  Qnintana  errs  in  stating  that  ated  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns, 
Dona  Elvira  married  the  constable,  for  his  distinguished  services,  duke 
'Espafioles    C£lebres,   torn.   i.   p.  of  Frias.     He   had   large   estates, 
321.)     He  had  two  wives,  Dofia  chiefly  in  Old  Castile,  with  a  yearly 
Blanca  de  Herrera,  and  Dona  Ju-  revenue,  according  to  L.  Marineo, 
ana  de  Aragon,  and  at  his  death  of   60,000    ducats.      He   appears 
was  laid  by  their  side  in  the  church  to    have    possessed    many    noble 
of  Santa  Clara  de  Medina  del  Po-  and    brilliant   qualities,    accompa- 
mar.     (Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Dig-  nied,  however,  with  a  haughtiness, 
nidades,  lib.  3,  cap.  21.)     Elvira  which    made    him    feared,  rather 
married  the  count  of  Cabra.     Ul-  than  loved.     He  died  in  February, 
loa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  42.  1512,  after  a  few    hours'   illness, 

34  Bernardino  de  Velaaco,  grand  as  appears    by  a   letter  of  Peter 
constable  of  Castile,  as   he  was  Martyr.     Opus  Epist.,  epist.  479. 
called,  par  excellence,  succeeded  in  —Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Dignidades, 
1492  to  that  dignity,  which  became  ubi    supra.  —  L.    Marineo,   Cosaa 
hereditary  in  his  family.     He  was  Memorables,  fol.  23. 

third  count  of  Haro,  and  was  ere- 


rtETtREMENT  OF   GONSALVO.  293 

king's  marriage  with  her,  "  when  so  illustrious  an   CHAPTER 
example  has  been  set  me  ! "     Germaine,  who  cer-  — 
tainly  could  not  boast  the  magnanimity  of  her  pre- 
decessor, was  so  stung  with  the  retort,  that  she  not 
only  never  forgave  the  constable,  but  extended  her 
petty  resentment  to  Gonsalvo,  who  saw  the  duke 
of  Alva  from  this  time  installed  in  the  honors  he 
had   before  exclusively  enjoyed,  of  immediate  at- 
tendance  on    her  royal   person  whenever  she  ap- 
peared in  public.85 

However  indifferent  Gonsalvo  may  have  been  to  Gonsaivo 

<>  withdraw* 

the  little  mortifications  inflicted  by  female  spleen,  fromcourt 
he  could  no  longer  endure  his  residence  at  a  court, 
where  he  had  lost  all  consideration  with  the  sove- 
reign, and  experienced  nothing  but  duplicity  and 
oase  ingratitude.  He  obtained  leave,  without  diffi- 
culty, to  withdraw  to  his  own  estates ;  where,  not 
long  after,  the  king,  as  if  to  make  some  amends  for 
the  gross  violation  of  his  promises,  granted  him  the 
royal  city  of  Loja,  not  many  leagues  from  Granada. 
It  was  given  to  him  for  life,  and  Ferdinand  had  the 
effrontery  to  propose  as  a  condition  of  making  the 
grant  perpetual  to  his  heirs,  that  Gonsalvo  should 
relinquish  his  claim  to  the  grand-mastership  of  St. 
Jago.  But  the  latter  haughtily  answered,  "  He 
would  not  give  up  the  right  of  complaining  of  the 
injustice  done  him,  for  the  finest  city  in  the  king's 
dominions."86 

From  this  time  he  remained  on  his  estates  in  the 


35  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,     pp.  284,  285.  —  Chronica  del  Gran 
pp.  282,  283.  Capitan,  lib.  3,  cap.  6.  —  Pulgar, 

36  Giovio,  Vitas  Illust.  Virorum,     Sumario,  p.  208. 


FERDINAND'S   RETURN   AND   REGENCY. 

PART      south,  chiefly  at  Loja,  with  an  occasional  residence 
in  Granada,  where   he  enjoyed   the  society  of  his 

'  '  J    J 


Splendor  of  ...  . 

MS  retire.      Q\^  friend  and  military  mstructer,  the  count  ol    1  en- 

mem.  * 

dilla.  He  found  abundant  occupation  in  schemes 
for  improving  the  condition  of  his  tenantry,  and  of 
the  neighbouring  districts.  He  took  great  interest 
in  the  fate  of  the  unfortunate  Moriscoes,  numerous 
in  this  quarter,  whom  he  shielded  as  far  as  possible 
from  the  merciless  grasp  of  the  Inquisition,  while 
he  supplied  teachers  and  other  enlightened  means 
for  converting  them,  or  confirming  them  in  a  pure 
faith.  He  displayed  the  same  magnificence  and 
profuse  hospitality  in  his  living  that  he  had  al- 
ways done.  His  house  was  visited  by  such  in- 
telligent foreigners  as  came  to  Spain,  and  by  the 
most  distinguished  of  his  countrymen,  especially 
the  younger  nobility  and  cavaliers,  who  resorted  to 
it,  as  the  best  school  of  high-bred  and  knightly 
courtesy.  He  showed  a  lively  curiosity  in  all  that 
was  going  on  abroad,  keeping  up  his  information 
by  an  extensive  correspondence  with  agents,  whom 
he  regularly  employed  for  the  purpose  in  the  prin- 
cipal European  courts.  When  the  league  of  Cam- 
bray  was  adjusted,  the  king  of  France  and  the 
pope  were  desirous  of  giving  him  the  command  of 
the  allied  armies.  But  Ferdinand  had  injured  him 
too  sensibly,  to  care  to  see  him  again  at  the  head 
of  a  military  force  in  Italy.  He  was  as  little  de- 
sirous of  employing  him  in  public  affairs  at  home, 
and  suffered  the  remainder  of  his  days  to  pass 
away  in  distant  seclusion  ;  a  seclusion,  however, 
not  unpleasing  to  himself,  iior  unprofitable  to  oth- 


RETIREMENT    OF    GONSALVO.  295 

ers.87     The  world  called   it  disgrace  :  and  the  old   CHAPTER 

xx 
count  of  Urefia   exclaimed,   "  The    good    ship   is '. — 

stranded  at  last,  as  I  predicted  !  "  "  Not  so,"  said 
Gonsalvo,  to  whom  the  observation  was  reported, 
"  she  is  still  in  excellent  trim,  and  waits  only  the 
rising  of  the  tide,  to  bear  away  as  bravely  as 
ever."88 


37  The  inscription  on  Guicciar-  *  Quintana,  Espanoles  Celebres, 

dini's  monument,  might  have  been  torn.  i.  pp.  322  -  334.  —  Giovio, 

written  on  Gonsalvo's.  Vita  Illust.  Virorum,  p.  286.  — 

•' Ct^us  negotium, an  otium  gloriosius  in-  Chrunica  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  3, 

certum."  cap.  7-9.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus 

See  Pignotti.Storia  della  Tosca-  Epist.,  epist.  500.  —  Guicciardini, 

na,  (Pisa,  1813,)  torn.  ix.  p.  155.  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  pp.  77,  78. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

IXMENES.—  CONQUESTS  IN  AFRICA.— UNIVERSITY  OF 
ALCALL  — POLYGLOT  BIBLE. 

1508  —  1510. 

Enthusiasm  of  Ximenes.  —  His  warlike  Preparations.  —  He  sends  an 
Army  to  Africa.  —  Storms  Oran.  —  His  triumphant  Entry.  —  The 
King's  Distrust  of  Him.  —  He  returns  to  Spain.  —  Navarro's  African 
Conquests.  —  Magnificent  Endowments  of  Ximenes.  —  University  of 
Alcala.  —  Complutensian  Polyglot. 

PART          THE  high-handed  measures  of  Ferdinand,  in  re- 
gard to  the  marquis  of  Priego  and  some  other  nobles, 


ii. 


Ferdinand's  excited  general  disgust  among  the  jealous  aristocra- 
cy of  Castile.  But  they  appear  to  have  found  more 
favor  with  the  commons,  who  were  probably  not 
unwilling  to  see  that  haughty  body  humbled,  which 
had  so  often  trampled  on  the  rights  of  its  inferiors.1 
As  a  matter  of  policy,  however,  even  with  the  no- 
bles, this  course  does  not  seem  to  have  been  miscal- 
culated ;  since  it  showed,  that  the  king,  whose  tal- 
ents they  had  always  respected,  was  now  possessed 


1  On  his  return  from  Cordova,  which  the  whole  procession  moved 

he  experienced  a  most  loyal  and  under  thirteen   triumphal    arches, 

enthusiastic  reception  from  the  an-  each  inscribed  with  the  name  of 

cient  capital  of  Andalusia.     The  one  of  his  victories.    For  a  descrip- 

most  interesting  part  of  the  pageant  tion  of  these  civic  honors,  see  Ber- 

was  the  troops  of  children,  gayly  naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  M?.,  cap. 

dressed,   who   came   out   to   meet  216,  and  Zufiiga,  Annales  de  Se- 

him,  presenting  the  keys  of  the  villa,  afio  1508. 
city  and  an  imperial  crown,  after 


UNlVERSIli    OF  ALCALA\  297 

of  power  to  enforce  obedience,  and  was  fully  resolv-   CHAPTER 

,                  .                                                                               xxi. 
ed  to  exert  it.  

Indeed,  notwithstanding  a  few  deviations,  it  must 
be  allowed  that  Ferdinand's  conduct  on  his  return 
was  extremely  lenient  and  liberal ;  more  especially, 
considering  the  subjects  of  provocation  he  had  sus- 
tained, in  the  personal  insults  and  desertion  of  those, 
on  whom  he  had  heaped  so  many  favors.  History 
affords  few  examples  of  similar  moderation  on  the 
restoration  of  a  banished  prince,  or  party.  In  fact, 
a  violent  and  tyrannical  course  would  not  have  been 
agreeable  to  his  character,  in  which  passion,  how- 
ever strong  by  nature,  was  habitually  subjected  to 
reason.  The  present,  as  it  would  seem,  excessive 
acts  of  severity  are  to  be  regarded,  therefore,  not  as 
the  sallies  of  personal  resentment,  but  as  the  dic- 
tates of  a  calculating  policy,  intended  to  strike  ter- 
ror into  the  turbulent  spirits,  whom  fear  only  could 
hold  in  check. 

To  this  energetic  course  he  was  stimulated,  as  Enthusiasm 

7  ofXimenee. 

was  said,  by  the  counsels  of  Ximenes.  This  emi- 
nent prelate  had  now  reached  the  highest  ecclesias- 
tical honors  short  of  the  papacy.  Soon  after  Ferdi- 
nand's restoration,  he  received  a  cardinal's  hat  from 
Pope  Julius  the  Second  ; 2  and  this  was  followed  by 
his  appointment  to  the  office  of  inquisitor  general 
of  Castile,  In  the  place  of  Deza,  archbishop  of  Se- 
ville. The  important  functions  devolved  on  him  by 
these  offices,  in  conjunction  with  the  primacy  of 

2  He  obtained  this  dignity  at  the  apud  Quintanilla,  copied  from  the 
kind's  solicitation,  during  his  visit  archives  of  Alcala.  Archetype, 
to  Naples.  See  Ferdinand's  letter,  Apend.  no.  15. 

VOL.  III.  38 


293 


AFRICAN    EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 


PART 
II. 


1505. 

Sept.  13. 


Spain,  might  be  supposed  to  furnish  abundant  sub- 
ject and  scope  for  his  aspiring  spirit.  But  his 
views,  on  the  contrary,  expanded  with  every  step 
of  his  elevation,  and  now  fell  little  short  of  those  of 
an  independent  monarch.  His  zeal  glowed  fiercer 
than  ever  for  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  faith. 
Had  he  lived  in  the  age  of  the  crusades,  he  would 
indubitably  have  headed  one  of  those  expeditions 
himself;  for  the  spirit  of  the  soldier  burned  strong 
and  bright  under  his  monastic  weeds.8  Indeed, 
like  Columbus,  he  had  formed  plans  for  the  recovery 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  even  at  this  late  day.4  But 
his  zeal  found  a  better  direction  in  a  crusade  against 
the  neighbouring  Moslems  of  Africa,  who  had  re- 
taliated the  wrongs  of  Granada  by  repeated  de- 
scents on  the  southern  coasts  of  the  Peninsula,  call- 
ing in  vain  for  the  interference  of  government.  At 
the  instigation  and  with  the  aid  of  Ximenes,  an 
expedition  had  been  fitted  out  soon  after  Isabella's 
death,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Mazarquivir, 
an  important  port,  and  formidable  nest  of  pirates, 
on  the  Barbary  coast,  nearly  opposite  Carthagena. 


3  "  Ego  tamen   dnra   universas 
ejus  actiones  comparo,"  says  Al- 
varo   Gomez,   "  magis   ad   bellica 
exercitia  a  natura  effictum  esse  ju- 
dico.     Erat  enim  vir  animi  invicti 
et  sublimis,  omniaque  in  melius  as- 
serere  conantis."     De  Rebus  Ges- 
tis,  fol.  95. 

4  From  a  letter  of  King  Eman- 
l<el   of  Portugal,   it  appears  that 
Ximenes  had  endeavoured  to  inter- 
est him,  together  with  the  kings 
of  Aragon  and  England,  in  a  cru- 
sade  to   the  Holy  Land.      There 
was  much  method  in  his  madness, 


if  we  may  judge  from  the  careful 
survey  he  had  procured  of  the 
coast,  as  well  as  his  plan  of  opera- 
tions. The  Portuguese  monarch 
praises  in  round  terms  the  edifying 
zeal  of  the  primate,  but  wisely  con- 
fined himself  to  his  own  crusades 
in  India,  which  were  likely  to  make 
better  returns,  at  least  in  this 
world,  than  those  to  Palestine. 
The  letter  is  still  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  Alcala ;  see  a  copy 
in  Quintanilla,  Archetype,  Apend . 
no.  16. 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ALCALA.  299 

He  now  meditated  a  more  difficult  enterprise,  the   CHAPTER 

p  n.  XXI. 

conquest  or  Uran. " 

This  place,  situated  about  a  league  from  the  for-  H»  aligns 

against 

mer,  was  one  of  the  most  considerable  of  the  Mos-  Oran- 
lem  possessions  in  the  Mediterranean,  being  a  prin- 
cipal mart  for  the  trade  of  the  Levant.     It  contained 
about  twenty  thousand   inhabitants,  was  strongly 
fortified,  and  had  acquired  a  degree  of  opulence  by 
its  extensive  commerce,  which  enabled  it  to  main 
tain  a  swarm  of  cruisers,  that  swept  this  inland 
sea,  and  made  fearful  depredations  on  its  populous 
borders.6 

No  sooner  was  Ferdinand  quietly  established 
again  in  the  government,  than  Ximenes  urged  him 
to  undertake  this  new  conquest.  The  king  saw  its 
importance,  but  objected  the  want  of  funds.  The 
cardinal,  who  was  prepared  for  this,  replied,  that 
"  he  was  ready  to  lend  whatever  sums  were  neces- 
sary, and  to  take  sole  charge  of  the  expedition, 
leading  it,  if  the  king  pleased,  in  person."  Ferdi- 
nand, who  had  no  objection  to  this  mode  of  making 
acquisitions,  more  especially  as  it  would  open  a 
vent  for  the  turbulent  spirits  of  his  subjects,  readily 
acquiesced  in  the  proposition. 

The  enterprise,  however  disproportionate  it  might 
seem  to  the  resources  of  a  private  individual,  was 
not  beyond  those  of  the  cardinal.  He  had  been 
carefully  husbanding  his  revenues  for  some  time 

5  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  28, 

cap.  15.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Ges-  cap.  15  ;  lib.  29,  cap.  9. 

tis,    fol.  77.  —  Robles,   Vida    de  6  Peter    Martyr.  Opus   Euist., 

Ximenez,  cap.  17.  — Carbajal,  Ana-  epist.  418. 
les,.  MS.,  ailo   1507.  —  Mariana, 


300  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF   XIMENE& 

PART      past,  with  a  view  to  this  object ;  although  he  had 

occasionally  broken  in  upon   his  appropriations,  to 

redeem  unfortunate  Spaniards,  who  had  been  swept 
into  slavery.  He  had  obtained  accurate  surveys  of 
the  Barbary  coast  from  an  Italian  engineer  named 
Vianelli.  He  had  advised,  as  to  the  best  mode  of 
conducting  operations,  with  his  friend  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova,  to  whom,  if  it  had  been  the  king's  pleas- 
ure, he  would  gladly  have  intrusted  the  conduct  of 
the  expedition.  At  his  suggestion,  that  post  was 
now  assigned  to  the  celebrated  engineer,  Count 
Pedro  Navarro.7 

prepw"1*6  No  time  was  lost  in  completing  the  requisite 
preparations.  Besides  the  Italian  veterans,  levies 
were  drawn  from  all  quarters  of  the  country,  es- 
pecially from  the  cardinal's  own  diocese.  The 
chapter  of  Toledo  entered  heartily  into  his  views, 
furnishing  liberal  supplies,  and  offering  to  accom- 
pany the  expedition  in  person.  An  ample  train  of 
ordnance  was  procured,  with  provisions  and  military 
stores  for  the  maintenance  of  an  army  four  months. 
Before  the  close  of  spring,  in  1509,  all  was  in 
readiness,  and  a  fleet  of  ten  galleys  and  eighty  small- 
er vessels  rode  in  the  harbour  of  Carthagena,  hav- 
ing on  board  a  force,  amounting  in  all  to  four  thous- 
and horse,  and  ten  thousand  foot.  Such  were  the 
resources,  activity,  and  energy,  displayed  by  a  man 
whose  life,  until  within  a  very  few  years,  had  been 


1  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  Martyr,  OpusEpist.,  epist.  413. — 

96-100. — Bernaldez,  Reyes   Ca-  Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan.  lib.  3, 

tolicos,  MS.,  cap.  218.  —  Robles,  cap.  7. 
Vidade  Ximenez,  cap.  17.  —  Peter 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA.  301 

spent    in    cloistered    solitudes,    and    in    the   quiet   CHAPTER 

XXI 

practices  of  religion,  and  who  now,  oppressed  with  — 
infirmities  more  than  usual,  had  passed  the  seventieth 
year  of  his  age. 

In   accomplishing  all  this,  the  cardinal  had  ex- 

v 

perienced  greater  obstacles  than  those  arising  from 
bodily  infirmity  or  age.  His  plans  had  been  con- 
stantly discouraged  and  thwarted  by  the  nobles, 
who  derided  the  idea  of  "  a  monk  fighting  the  bat- 
tles of  Spain,  while  the  Great  Captain  was  left  to 
stay  at  home,  and  count  his  beads  like  a  hermit." 
The  soldiers,  especially  those  of  Italy,  as  well  as 
their  commander  Navarro,  trained  under  the  ban- 
ners of  Gonsalvo,  showed  little  inclination  to  serve 
under  their  spiritual  leader.  The  king  himself  was 
cooled  by  these  various  manifestations  of  discontent. 
But  the  storm,  which  prostrates  the  weaker  spirit, 
serves  only  to  root  the  stronger  more  firmly  in  its 
purpose ;  and  the  genius  of  Ximenes,  rising  with 
the  obstacles  it  had  to  encounter,  finally  succeeded 
in  triumphing  over  all,  in  reconciling  the  king,  dis- 
appointing the  nobles,  and  restoring  obedience  and 
discipline  to  the  army.  8 

On   the  16th  of  May,  1509,  the   fleet  weighed  s^te 

*  '  army  to 

anchor,  and  on'the  following  day  reached  the  African  Afrl'A 
port  of  Mazarquivir.  No  time  was  lost  in  disem- 
barking ;  for  the  fires  on  the  hill-tops  showed  that 
the  country  was  already  in  alarm.  It  was  proposed 
to  direct  the  main  attack  against  a  lofty  height,  or 
ridge  of  land,  rising  between  Mazarquivir  and  Oran, 

8  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  Archetype,  lib.  3,  cap.  19.  —  Ber- 
100  -  102.  —  Robles,  Vida  de  Xi-  naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap. 
rnenoz,  ubi  supra.  —  Quiruanilla,  218. 


302  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION  OF  XIMENF.S. 

PART      so  near  the  latter  as  entirely  to  command  it.     At 

' —  the  same  time,  the  fleet  was  to  drop  down  before 

the  Moorish  city,  and  by  opening  a  brisk  cannon- 
ade, divert  the  attention  of  the  inhabitants  from  the 
principal  point  of  assault. 
Addresses          As  soon  as  the  Spanish  army  had  landed,  and 

the  troops,  J 

formed  in  order  of  battle,  Ximenes  mounted  his 
mule,  and  rode  along  the  ranks.  He  was  dressed 
in  his  pontifical  robes,  with  a  belted  sword  at  his 
side.  A  Franciscan  friar  rode  before  him,  bearing 
aloft  the  massive  silver  cross,  the  archiepiscopal 
standard  of  Toledo.  Around  him  were  other  breth-* 
ren  of  the  order,  wearing  their  monastic  frocks, 
with  scimitars  hanging  from  their  girdles.  As  the 
ghostly  cavalcade  advanced,  they  raised  the  trium- 
phant hymn  of  Vexilla  regis,  until  at  length  the 
cardinal,  ascending  a  rising  ground,  imposed  silence, 
and  made  a  brief,  but  animated  harangue  to  his 
soldiers.  He  reminded  them  of  the  wrongs  they 
had  suffered  from  the  Moslems,  the  devastation  of 
their  coasts,  and  their  brethren  dragged  into  merci- 
less slavery.  When  he  had  sufficiently  roused  their 
resentment  against  the  enemies  of  their  country  and 
religion,  he  stimulated  their  cupidity  by  dwelling 
on  the  golden  spoil,  which  awaited  them  in  the 
opulent  city  of  Oran  ;  and  he  concluded  his  dis- 
course by  declaring,  that  he  had  come  to  peril  his 
own  life  in  the  good  cause  of  the  Cross,  and  to  lead 
them  on  to  battle,  as  his  predecessors  had  often 
done  before  him,9 

9   Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  MS.,  ubi  supra  — Zurita,  Anales 


UNIVERSITY   OF   ALCALA.  303 

The    venerable    aspect    and    heart-stirring    elo-   CHAPTER 

XXI 

quence  of  the  primate  kindled  a  deep,  referential  -      _! — 
enthusiasm  in  the  bosoms  of  his  martial  audience,  ^j"^ 
which   showed    itself  by  the   profoundest   silence.  P 
The  officers,  however,  closed  around   him  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  address,  and  besought  him  not  to 
expose  his  sacred  person  to  the  hazard  of  the  fight ; 
reminding  him,  that  his  presence  would  probably  do 
more  harm  than  good,  by  drawing  off  the  attention 
of  the  men  to  his  personal  safety.     This  last  con- 
sideration moved  the  cardinal,  who,  though  reluct- 
antly, consented  to  relinquish  the  command  to  Na- 
varro,  and,  after  uttering  his  parting  benediction 
over  the  prostrate  ranks,  he  withdrew  to  the  neigh- 
bouring fortress  of  Mazarquivir. 

The  day  was  now  far  spent,  and  dark  clouds  of 
the  enemy  were  seen  gathering  along  the  tops  of 
the  sierra,  which  it  was  proposed  first  to  attack. 
Navarro,  seeing  this  post  so  strongly  occupied, 
doubted  whether  his  men  would  be  able  to  carry  it 
before  nightfall,  if  indeed  at  all,  without  previous 
rest  and  refreshment,  after  the  exhausting  labors  of 
the  day.  He  returned,,  therefore,  to  Mazarquivir, 
to  take  counsel  of  Ximenes.  The  latter,  whom  he 
found  at  his  devotions,  besought  him  "  not  to  falter 
at  this  hour,  but  to  go  forward  in  God's  name,  since 
both  the  blessed  Saviour  and  the  false  prophet 
Mahomet  conspired  to  deliver  the  enemy  into  his 
hands."  The  soldier's  scruples  vanished  before  the 


torn.  vi.  lib.  8,  cap.  30.  —  Gomez,     do,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  dial,   de 
De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  108.  —  Ovie-    Ximenez. 


304  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      intrepid  bearing  of  the  prelate,  and,  returning  to  the 

./ army,  he  gave  instant  orders  to  advance. 10 

^""oran  Slowly  and  silently  the  Spanish  troops  began 
May  is.  their  ascent  up  the  steep  sides  of  the  sierra,  under 
the  friendly  cover  of  a  thick  mist,  which,  rolling 
heavily  down  the  skirts  of  the  hills,  shielded  them 
for  a  time  from  the  eye  of  the  enemy.  As  soon  as 
they  emerged  from  it,  however,  they  were  saluted 
with  showers  of  balls,  arrows,  and  other  deadly 
missiles,  followed  by  the  desperate  charges  of  the 
Moors,  who,  rushing  down,  endeavoured  to  drive 
back  the  assailants.  But  they  made  no  impression 
on  the  long  pikes  and  deep  ranks  of  the  latter, 
which  remained  unshaken  as  a  rock.  Still  the 
numbers  of  the  enemy,  fully  equal  to  those  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  advantages  of  their  position 
enabled  them  to  dispute  the  ground  with  fearful  ob- 
stinacy. At  length,  Navarro  got  a  small  battery  of 
heavy  guns  to  operate  on  the  flank  of  the  Moors. 
The  effect  of  this  movement  was  soon  visible.  The 
exposed  sides  of  the  Moslem  column,  finding  no 
shelter  from  the  deadly  volleys,  were  shaken  and 
thrown  into  disorder.  The  confusion  extended  to 
the  leading  files,  which  now,  pressed  heavily  by  the 
iron  array  of  spearmen  in  the  Christian  van,  began 
to  give  ground.  Retreat  was  soon  quickened  into 
a  disorderly  flight.  The  Spaniards  pursued  ;  many 
of  them,  especially  the  raw  levies,  breaking  their 
ranks,  and  following  up  the  flying  foe  without  the 

W  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.     typo,  lib.   3,    cap.    19.  —  Zurita, 
108  -  110.  —  Quintanilla,  Arche-    Anales,  lib.  8,  cap.  30 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA.  305 

least  regard  to  the  commands  or  menaces  of  their  CHAPTER 

officers;  a  circumstance  which  might  have  proved 

fatal,  had  the  Moors  had  strength  or  discipline  to 
rally.  As  it  was,  the  scattered  numbers  of  the 
Christians,  magnifying  to  the  eye  their  real  force, 
served  only  to  increase  the  panic,  and  accelerate 
the  speed  of  the  fugitives. ll 

While  this  was  going  on,  the  fleet  had  anchored  The«tr 

ttormed. 

before  the  city,  and  opened  a  very  heavy  cannon- 
ade, which  was  answered  with  equal  spirit  from 
sixty  pieces  of  artillery  which  garnished  the  fortifi- 
cations. The  troops  on  board,  however,  made  good 
their  landing,  and  soon  joined  themselves  to  their 
victorious  countrymen,  descending  from  the  sierra. 
They  then  pushed  forward  in  all  haste  towards 
Oran,  proposing  to  carry  the  place  by  escalade. 
They  were  poorly  provided  with  ladders,  but  the 
desperate  energy  of  the  moment  overleaped  every 
obstacle  ;  and  planting  their  long  pikes  against  the 
walls,  or  thrusting  them  into  the  crevices  of  the 
stones,  they  clambered  up  with  incredible  dexterity, 
although  they  were  utterly  unable  to  repeat  the 
feat  the  next  day  in  cold  blood.  The  first  who 
gained  the  summit  was  Sousa,  captain  of  the  cardi- 
nal's guard,  who,  shouting  forth  "  St.  Jago  and 
Ximenes,"  unfurled  his  colors,  emblazoned  with  the 
primate's  arms  on  one  side,  and  the  Cross  on  the 
other,  and  planted  them  on  the  battlements.  Six 
other  banners  were  soon  seen  streaming  from  the 

ll  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  110,  111.  — 
epist.  418.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Ca-  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii. 
lolicos,  MS.,  cap.  218. —  Gomez,  rey  30,  cap.  18. 

VOL.    [II.  39 


306  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF   XIMENES. 

PART  ramparts  ;  arid  the  soldiers  leaping  into  the  town  got 
—  -  —  possession  of  the  gates,  and  threw  them  open  to 
their  comrades.  The  whole  army  now  rushed  in, 
sweeping  every  thing  before  it.  Some  few  of  the 
Moors  endeavoured  to  make  head  against  the  tide, 
but  most  fled  into  the  houses  and  mosques  for  pro- 
tection. Resistance  and  flight  were  alike  unavail- 
ing. No  mercy  was  shown  ;  no  respect  for  age  or 
sex  ;  and  the  soldiery  abandoned  themselves  to  all 
the  brutal  license  and  ferocity,  which  seem  to  stain 
religious  wars  above  every  other.  It  was  in  vain 
Navarro  called  them  off.  They  returned  like  blood- 
hounds to  the  slaughter,  and  never  slackened,  till  at 
last  wearied  with  butchery,  and  gorged  with  the 
food  and  wine  found  in  the  houses,  they  sunk  down 
to  sleep  promiscuously  in  the  streets  and  public 
squares.  12 


Moorish  The  sunj  wnich  on  the  preceding  morning  had 

shed  its  rays  on  Oran,  flourishing  in  all  the  pride  of 
commercial  opulence,  and  teeming  with  a  free  and 
industrious  population,  next  rose  on  it  a  captive 
city,  with  its  ferocious  conquerors  stretched  in 
slumber  on  the  heaps  of  their  slaughtered  victims.13 
No  less  than  four  thousand  Moors  were  said  to  have 
fallen  in  the  battle,  and  from  five  to  eight  thousand 

w  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  ubi          13    "  Sed    tandem    somnus   ex 

supra.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catoli-  labore  etviriaobortuseos  oppressit, 

cos,     MS.,    cap.    218.  —  Robles,  et    cruentis    hostium    cadaveribus 

Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  22.  —  Peter  tanta  securitate  et  fiducia  indormi- 

Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  ubi  supra.  —  erunt,  ut  permulti  in  Oranis  urbis** 

Quintanilla,  Archetypo,  lib.  3,  cap.  plateis   ad   multam    diem   stertue- 

19.  —  Carbajal,  Anales,,  MS.,afio  rint."     Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis, 

1509.  —  Oviedo,     Quincuagenas,  fol.  111. 
MS.  —  Sandovai,  Hist,  del  Emp. 
Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  15. 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ALCALA.  507 

were   made   prisoners.     The  loss  of  the  Christians   CHAPTER 

was  inconsiderable.     As  soon  as  the  Spanish  com-  . . 

mander  had  taken  the  necessary  measures  for 
cleansing  the  place  from  its  foul  and  dismal  im- 
purities, he  sent  to  the  cardinal,  and  invited  him  to 
take  possession  of  it.  The  latter  embarked  on 
board  his  galley,  and,  as  he  coasted  along  the 
margin  of  the  city,  and  saw  its  gay  pavilions  and 
sparkling  minarets  reflected  in  the  waters,  his  soul 
swelled  with  satisfaction  at  the  glorious  acquisition 
he  had  made  for  Christian  Spain.  It  seemed  in- 
credible, that  a  town  so  strongly  manned  and  forti- 
fied, should  have  been  carried  so  easily. 

As  Ximenes  landed  and  entered  the   gates,  at-  ximeneseo. 

tcrs  Oran. 

tended  by  his  train  of  monkish  brethren,  he  was 
hailed  with  thundering  acclamations  by  the  army  as 
the  true  victor  of  Oran,  in  whose  behalf  Heaven 
had  condescended  to  repeat  the  stupendous  miracle 
of  Joshua,  by  stopping  the  sun  in  his  career.14  But 
the  cardinal  humbly  disclaiming  all  merits  of  his 
own,  was  heard  to  repeat  aloud  the  sublime  lan- 
guage of  the  Psalmist,  "  Non  nobis,  Domine,  non 


14  To   accommodate  the  Chris-  direct  communication  with  their  an- 

tians,  as  the  day  was  far  advanced  cestors  present  in  the  action  ;  and 

when   the   action   began,  the   sun  who  all  agree  that  it  was  matter  of 

was  permitted  to  stand  still  several  public  notoriety   and  belief  at  the 

hours ;  there  is  some  discrepancy  time.     See  the  whole  formidable 

as  to  the  precise  number ;  most  au-  array   of    evidence    set    forth    by 

thorities,  however,  make   it   four.  Quintanilla.     (Archetypo,  pp.  236 

There  is  no  miracle  in  the  whole  et  seq.  and  Apend.  p.  103.)    It  was 

Roman     Catholic    budget,    better  scarcely   to   have    been    expected 

vouched  than  this.     It  is  recorded  that  so  astounding  a  miracle  should 

by  four  eyewitnesses,  men  of  learn-  escape   the   notice  of  all   Europe, 

ing  and  character.     It  is  attested,  where  it  must  have  been  as  appa- 

moreover,  by  a  cloud  of  witnesses,  rent  as  at   Oran.     This  universal 

who   depose   to  have  received   it,  silence  may  be  thought,  indeed,  the 

Borne   from   tradition,  others  from  greater  miracle  of  the  two. 


308 


AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 


PART 
II. 


Opposition 
•f  his  gen- 
eral. 


nobis,"  while  he  gave  his  benedictions  to  the  sol- 
diery. He  was  then  conducted  to  the  alcazar,  and 
the  keys  of  the  fortress  were  put  into  his  hand. 
The  spoil  of  ths  captured  city,  amounting,  as  was 
said,  to  half  a  million  of  gold  ducats,  the  fruit  of 
long  successful  trade  and  piracy,  was  placed  at  his 
disposal  for  distribution.  But  that  which  gave 
most  joy  to  his  heart  was  the  liberation  of  three 
hundred  Christian  captives,  languishing  in  the  dun- 
geons of  Oran.  A  few  hours  after  the  surrender, 
the  mezuar  of  Tremecen  arrived  with  a  powerful 
reinforcement  to  its  relief;  but  instantly  retreated 
on  learning  the  tidings.  -Fortunate,  indeed,  was  it, 
that  the  battle  had  not  been  deferred  to  the  suc- 
ceeding day.  This,  which  must  be  wholly  ascribed 
to  Ximenes,  was  by  most  referred  to  direct  inspira- 
tion. Quite  as  probable  an  explanation  may  be 
found  in  the  boldness  and  impetuous  enthusiasm 
of  the  cardinal's  character.15 

The  conquest  of  Oran  opened  unbounded  scope 
to  the  ambition  of  Ximenes  ;  who  saw  in  imagina- 
tion the  banner  of  the  Cross  floating  triumphant 
from  the  walls  of  every  Moslem  city  on  the  Medi- 
terranean. He  experienced,  however,  serious  -im- 
pediments to  his  further  progress.  Navarro,  accus- 
tomed to  an  independent  command,  chafed  in  his 
present  subordinate  situation,  especially  under  a 
spiritual  leader,  whose  military  science  he  justly 


15   Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  1,  cap.  22. 

MS.,  cap.  218.  —  Robles,  Vida  de  — Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. — 

Ximenez,  cap.   22.  —  Gomez,  De  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos 

Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  113. —  Lanuza,  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  15. 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ALCAL.A.  309 

held  in  contempt.     He  was  a  rude,  unlettered  sol-    CHAPTEB 

XXL 

dier,  and  bluntly  spoke  his  rnind  to  the  primate.  - 
He  told  him,  "  his  commission  under  him  termi- 
nated with  the  capture  of  Oran  ;  that  two  generals 
were  too  many  in  one  army ;  that  the  cardinal 
should  rest  contented  with  the  laurels  he  had  al- 
ready won,  and,  instead  of  playing  the  king,  go 
home  to  his  flock,  and  leave  fighting  to  those  to 
whom  the  trade  belonged."16 

But  what  troubled  the  prelate  more  than  this  in-  Hi«d««tn« 

of  Ferdi- 

solence  of  his  general,  was  a  letter  which  fell  into  nand 
his  hands,  addressed  by  the  king  to  Count  Navarro, 
in  which  he  requested  him  to  be  sure  to  find  some 
pretence  for  detaining  the  cardinal  in  Africa,  as 
long  as  his  presence  could  be  made  any  way  ser- 
viceable. Ximenes  had  good  reason  before  to  feel 
that  the  royal  favor  to  him  flowed  from  selfishness, 
rather  than  from  any  personal  regard.  The  king 
had  always  wished  the  archbishopric  of  Toledo  foi 
his  favorite,  and  natural  son,  Alfonso  of  Aragon. 
After  his  return  from  Naples,  he  importuned  Xime- 
nes to  resign  his  see,  and  exchange  it  for  that  of 
Saragossa,  held  by  Alfonso ;  till,  at  length,  the  in- 
dignant prelate  replied,  "  that  he  would  never 
consent  to  barter  away  the  dignities  of  the  church  ; 
that  if  his  Highness  pressed  him  any  further,  he 
would  indeed  throw  up  the  primacy,  but  it  should 
be  to  bury  himself  in  the  friar's  cell  from  which 
the  queen  had  originally  called  him."  Ferdinand, 


16    Flechier,   Histoire    de    Xi-    Reyes   de  Aragon,  torn.   ii.    rey 
menes,    pp.  308,  309.  —  Abarca,    30,  cap.  18. 


310  AFRICAN    EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      who,  independently  of  the  odium  of  such  a  pro- 
ceeding,  could  ill  afford  to  part  with  so  able  a  min- 
ister, knew  his  inflexible  temper  too  well  ever  to 
resume  the  subject.17 

With  some  reason,  therefore,  for  distrusting  the 
good-will  of  his  sovereign,  Ximenes  put  the  worst 
possible  construction  on  the  expressions  in  his  let- 
ter. He  saw  himself  a  mere  tool  in  Ferdinand's 
hands,  to  be  used  so  long  as  occasion  might  serve, 
with  the  utmost  indifference  to  his  own  interests 
or  convenience.  These  humiliating  suspicions,  to- 
gether with  the  arrogant  bearing  of  his  general, 
disgusted  him  with  the  further  prosecution  of  the 
expedition  ;  while  he  was  confirmed  in  his  purpose 
of  returning  to  Spain,  and  found  an  obvious  apology 
for  it  in  the  state  of  his  own  health,  too  infirm  to 
encounter,  with  safety,  the  wasting  heats  of  an 
African  summer. 

*™setos  re~  Before  his  departure,  he  summoned  Navarro  and 
his  officers  about  him,  and,  after  giving  them  much 
good  counsel  respecting  the  government  and  de- 
fence of  their  new  acquisitions,  he  placed  at  their 
disposal  an  ample  supply  of  funds  and  stores,  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  army  several  months.  He 
May 22.  then  embarked,  not  with  the  pompous  array  and 
circumstance  of  a  hero  returning  from  his  conquests, 
but  with  a  few  domestics  only,  in  an  unarmed  gal- 
ley, showing,  as  it  were,  by  this  very  act,  the  good 

17  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  Sandoval  of  the  prelate,  "  thought 

lib.  3,  p.  107.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  his  archbishopric  worth  more  than 

Gestis,  fol.  117.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  the  good  graces  of  a  covetous  old 

del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  16.  monarch." 
—  "  The   worthy  brother,"    says 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ALCALi.  311 

effects  of  his   enterprise,  in  the   security  which  it    CHAPTER 

XXI 

brought  to  the  before  perilous  navigation  of  these  !_ 

inland  seas.18 

Splendid  preparations  were  made  for  his  recup- 
tion  in  Spain,  and  he  was  invited  to  visit  the  court 
at  Valladolid,  to  receive  the  homage  and  public  tes- 
timonials due  to  his  eminent  services.  But  his 
ambition  was  of  too  noble  a  kind  to  be  dazzled  by 
the  false  lights  of  an  ephemeral  popularity..  He 
had  too  much  pride  of  character,  indeed,  to  allow 
room  for  the  indulgence  of  vanity.  He  declined 
these  compliments,  and  hastened  without  loss  of 
time  to  his  favorite  city  of  Alcala.  There,  too,  the 
citizens,  anxious  to  do  him  honor,  turned  out  under 
arms  to  receive  him,  and  made  a  breach  in  the 
walls,  that  he  might  make  his  entry  in  a  style  wor- 
thy of  a  conqueror.  But  this  also  he  declined, 
choosing  to  pass  into  the  town  by  the  regular  ave- 
nue, with  no  peculiar  circumstance  attending  his 
entrance,  save  only  a  small  train  of  camels,  led  by 
African  slaves,  and  laden  with  gold  and  silver  plate 
from  the  mosques  of  Oran,  and  a  precious  collection 
of  Arabian  manuscripts,  for  the  library  of  his  infant 
university  of  Alcala. 

He  showed  similar  modesty  and  simplicity  in  his 
deportment  and  conversation.  He  made  no  allu- 
sion to  the  stirring  scenes  in  which  he  had  been  so 
gloriously  engaged  ;  and,  if  others  made  any,  turned 
I\\G  discourse  into  some  other  channel,  particularly 


!8  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,    Gestis,  fol.  118.  —  Quintanilla,  Ar- 
epist    420.  —  Gomez,   De    Rebus    chetypo,  lib.  3,  cap.  20. 


312  AFRICAN    EXPEDITION    OF  XIMENES. 


FART  to  the  condition  of  his  college,  its  discipline,  and 
literary  progress,  which,  with  the  great  project  for 
the  publication  of  his  famous  Polyglot  Bible,  seemed 
now  almost  wholly  te  absorb  his  attention.19 

His  first  care,  however,  was  to  visit  the  families 
in  his  diocese,  and  minister  consolation  and  relief, 
which  he  did  in  the  most  benevolent  manner,  to 
those  who  were  suffering  from  the  loss  of  friends, 
whether  by  death  or  absence,  in  the  late  campaign. 
Nor  did  he  in  his  academical  retreat  lose  sight  of 
the  great  object  which  had  so  deeply  interested 
him,  of  extending  the  empire  of  the  Cross  over 
Africa.  From  time  to  time  he  remitted  supplies  for 
the  maintenance  of  Oran ;  and  he  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity of  stimulating  Ferdinand  to  prosecute  his 
conquests. 
Nero's  The  Catholic  king,  however,  felt  too  sensibly  the 

African  con-  9 

importance  of  his  new  possessions  to  require  such 
admonition ;  and  Count  Pedro  Navarro  was  furnished 
with  ample  resources  of  every  kind,  and,  above  all, 
with  the  veterans  formed  under  the  eye  of  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova.  Thus  placed  on  an  independent  field 
of  conquest,  the  Spanish  general  was  not  slow  in 
pushing  his  advantages.  His  first  enterprise  was 

1510.  against  Bugia,  whose  king,  at  the  head  of  a  power- 
ful army,  he  routed  in  two  pitched  battles,  and  got 

Jai.3i.  possession  of  his  flourishing  capital.  Algiers,  Ten- 
nis, Tremecen,  and  other  cities  on  the  Barbary 
coast,  submitted  one  after  another  to  the  Spanish 

W  Quintanilla,  Archetype,  lib.  3,     torn.  vi.  lib.  8,  cap.  30.-   Robles. 
cap.  20.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Ges-     Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  22 
tis,  fol.  119, 120.  — Zurita,  Anales, 


UNIVERSITY    OF  ALCALi.  3] 3 

arms.     The   inhabitants   were   received  as   vassals  CIUPTEB 

of  the  Catholic  king,   engaging  to  pay  the  taxes  1_ 

usually  imposed  by  their  Moslem  princes,  and  to 
serve  him  in  war,  with  the  addition  of  the  whim- 
sical provision,  so  often  found  in  the  old  Granadine 
treaties,  to  attend  him  in  cortes.  They  guarantied, 
moreover,  the  liberation  of  all  Christian  captives  in 
their  dominions  ;  for  which  the  Algerines,  however, 
took  care  to  indemnify  themselves,  by  extorting  the 
full  ransom  from  their  Jewish  residents.  It  was  of 
little  moment  to  the  wretched  Israelite  which  party 
won  the  day,  Christian  or  Mussulman ;  he  was  sure 
to  be  stripped  in  either  case.80 

On  the  26th  of  July,  1510,  the  ancient  city  of 
Tripoli,  after  a  most  bloody  and  desperate  defence, 
surrendered  to  the  arms  of  the  victorious  general, 
whose  name  had  now  become  terrible  along  the 
whole  northern  borders  of  Africa.  In  the  following 
month,  however,  he  met  with  a  serious  discomfiture  Aug.  M. 
in  the  island  of  Gelves,  where  four  thousand  of  his 
men  were  slain  or  made  prisoners.21  This  check 

20  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  9,  temerity   with  his  life.     He   was 
cap.   1,2,  4,  13.  —  Peter  Martyr,  eldest  son  of  the  old  duke  of  Alva, 
Opus   Epist.,   epist.   435-437. —  and  father  of  that  nobleman,  who 
Quintanilla,  Archetype,  lib.  3,  cap.  subsequently  acquired  such  gloomy 
20.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  celebrity  by  his  conquests  and  cru- 
lib.  29,  cap.  22.  —  Gomez,  De  Re-  elties   in    the    Netherlands.     The 
bus  Gestis,  fol.   122-  124.  —  13er-  tender  poet,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  offers  sweet  incense  to  the  house 
222. — Zurita  gives  at  length  the  of  Toledo,  in  one  of  his  pastorals, 
capitulation   with  Algiers,   lib.  9,  in  which  he  mourns  over  the  dis- 
cap,  13.  astrous  day  of  Gelves  ; 

21  Chenier,   Recherches  sur  les        «  o  patria  lagdrnosa,  i  como  buelvea 
Maures,  tom.  ii.  pp.  355,  356.  — It  l°s  oj<«  »  los  Gelves  sospirando  !  " 

is  but  just  to  state,  that  this  disaster  The  death  of  the  young  nobleman 

was   imputable  to  Don  Garcia  de  is  veiled  under  a  beautiful   simile, 

Toledo,   who  had   charge   of  the  which  challenges  comparison  with 

expedition,  and  who  expiated  his  the   great   masters   of   Latin    and 

VOL     III.  40 


314 


AFRICAN   EXPEDITION    OF   X1MENES. 


PART 

II. 


in  the  brilliant  career  of  Count  Navano,  put  a  final 
stop  to  the  progress  of  the  Castilian  arms  in  Africa 
under  Ferdinand.22 

The  results  already  obtained,  however,  were  of 
great  importance,  whether  we  consider  the  value  of 
the  acquisitions,  being  some  of  the  most  opulent, 
marts  on  the  Barbary  coast,  or  the  security  gained 
for  commerce,  by  sweeping  the  Mediterranean  of 
the  pestilent  hordes  of  marauders,  which  had  so 
long  infested  it.  Most  of  the  new  conquests  es- 
caped from  the  Spanish  crown  in  later  times,  through 
the  imbecility  or  indolence  of  Ferdinand's  succes- 
sors. The  conquests  of  Ximenes,  however,  were 
placed  in  so  strong  a  posture  of  defence,  as  to  resist 


Italian  son"-,  from  whom  the  Cas- 
tilian bard  derived  it. 

"Puso  en  el  diiro  suelo  la  herrnosa 
cnra,  como  la  rosn  matntina, 
cuando  yn  el  sol  declina  '1  medio  dia ; 
que  pierde  su  alegria,  i  marchitando 
va  la  color  mndando  ;  o  en  el  canipo 
cual  queda  el  lirio  bianco,  qu'  el  arado 
crudamente  c.ortado  al  passar  dexa  ; 
del  cual  aun  no  s'  alexa  pressuroso 
aquel  color  hernioso,  o  se  destierra; 
mas  ya  la  madre  lierra  descuidada, 
no  1'  administra  nada  de  su  aliento, 
qn'  era  el  sustentainiento  i  vigor  suyo  ; 
tal  esta  el  rostro  tuyo  en  el  arena, 
fresca  rosa,  a^nccna  blanca  i  pura." 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  Obras, 

ed.  de  Herrera,  pp.  507,  508. 

22  The  reader  rnay  feel  some  cu- 
riosity respecting  the  fate  of  count 
Pedro  Navarro.  He  soon  after  this 
went  to  Italy,  where  he  held  a 
high  command,  and  maintained  his 
reputation  in  the  wars  of  that  coun- 
try, until  he  was  taken  by  the 
French  in  the  great  battle  of  Ra- 
venna. Through  the  carelessness 
or  coldness  of  Ferdinand  he  was 
permitted  to  languish  in  captivity, 
till  he  took  his  revenge  by  enlisting 
in  the  service  of  the  French  mon- 
arch. Before  doing  this,  however, 


he  resigned  his  Neapolitan  estates, 
and  formally  renounced  his  allegi- 
ance to  the  Catholic  king ;  of  whom, 
being  a  Navarese  by  birth,  he  was 
not  a  native  subject.  He  unfortu- 
nately fell  into  the  hands  of  his 
own  countrymen  in  one  of  the  sub- 
sequent actions  in  Italy,  and  was 
imprisoned  at  Naples,  in  Castel 
Nuovo,  which  he  had  himself  for- 
merly gained  from  the  French. 
Here  he  soon  after  died  ;  if  we  are 
to  believe  Brant6me,  being  pri- 
vately despatched  by  command  of 
Charles  V. ;  or,  as  other  writers 
intimate,  by  his  own  hand.  His 
remains,  first  deposited  in  an  ob- 
scure corner  of  the  church  of 
Santa  Maria,  were  afterwards  re- 
moved to  the  chapel  of  the  great 
Gonsalvo,  and  a  superb  mausoleum 
was  erected  over  them  by  the 
prince  of  Sessa,  grandson  of  the 
hero.  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis, 
fol.  124.  —  Aleson,  Annales  de 
Navarra,  torn.  v.  pp.  226,  289,  406. 
—  Brantome,  Vies  des  Hommes 
Illustres,  disc.  9.  —  Giovio,  Vitae 
Illust.  Virurum,  pp.  19,0-193. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA.  315 

every  attempt  for  their  recovery  by  the  enemy,  and   CHAPTER 

XXI 

to  remain  permanently  incorporated  with  the  Span-  '— 

ish  empire.  *3 

This  illustrious  prelate,  in  the  mean  while,  was 
busily  occupied,  in  his  retirement  at  Alcala  de  Hen-  Alcal4> 
ares,  with  watching  over  the  interests  and  rapid 
developement  of  his  infant  university.  This  insti- 
tution was  too  important  in  itself,  and  exercised  too 
large  an  influence  over  the  intellectual  progress  of 
the  country,  to  pass  unnoticed  in  a  history  of  the 
present  reign. 

As  far  back  as  1497,  Ximenes  had  conceived  the 
idea  of  establishing  a  university  in  the  ancient  town 
of  Alcala,  where  the  salubrity  of  the  air,  and  the 
sober,  tranquil  complexion  of  the  scenery,  on  the 
beautiful  borders  of  the  Henares,  seemed  well  suit- 


23  Ximenes  continued  to  watch  uttered  these  words,  the  apparition 
over  the  city  which  he  had  so  val-  vanished  without  ceremony.  It 
iantly  won,  long  after  his  death,  repeated  its  visit  in  the  same  man- 
He  never  failed  to  be  present  in  ner  on  the  following  night,  and,  a 
seasons  of  extraordinary  peril.  At  few  days  after,  its  assurance  was 
least  the  gaunt,  gigantic  figure  of  verified  by  the  total  discomfiture  of 
a  monk,  dressed  in  the  robes  of  his  the  Algerines,  in  a  bloody  battle 
order,  and  wearing  a  cardinal's  hat,  under  the  walls.  See  the  evidence 
was  seen,  sometimes  stalking  along  of  these  various  apparitions,  as  col- 
the  battlements  at  midnight,  and,  at  lected,  for  the  edification  of  the 
others,  mounted  on  a  white  charger  court  of  Rome,  by  that  prince  of 
and  brandishing  a  naked  sword  in  miracle-mongers,  Quintanilla.  (Ar- 
the  thick  of  the  fight.  His  last  chetypo,  pp.  317,  335,  338,  340.) 
appearance  was  in  1643,  when  Bishop  Flechier  appears  to  have  no 
Oran  was  closely  beleaguered  by  misgivings  as  to  the  truth  of  these 
the  Algerines.  A  sentinel  on  duty  old  wives'  tales.  (Histoire  de 
saw  a  figure  moving  along  the  Ximen£s,  liv.  6.) 
parapet  one  clear,  moonlight  night,  Oran,  after  resisting  repeated  as- 
dressed  in  a  Franciscan  frock,  with  saults  by  the  Moors,  was  at  length 
a  general's  baton  in  his  hand.  As  so  much  damaged  by  an  earth- 
soon  as  it  was  hailed  by  the  terri-  quake,  in  1790,  that  it  was  aban- 
fied  soldier,  it  called  to  him  to  doned,  and  its  Spanish  garrison 
"  tell  the  garrison  to  be  of  good  and  population  were  transferred  to 
heart,  for  the  enemy  should  not  the  neighbouring  city  of  Mazarqui- 
prevail  against  them."  Having  vir. 


3  It)  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION  OF  XIMENES. 

PART  ed  to  academic  study  and  meditation.  He  even 
went  so  far  as  to  obtain  plans  at  this  time  for  nis 
buildings  from  a  celebrated  architect.  Other  en- 

o 

gagements,  however,  postponed  the  commencement 
of  the  work  till  1500,  when  the  cardinal  himself  laid 
the  corner-stone  of  the  principal  college,  with  a 
solemn  ceremonial,24  and  invocation  of  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  his  designs.  From  that  hour,  amidst 
all  the  engrossing  cares  of  church  and  state,  he 
never  lost  sight  of  this  great  object.  When  at  Al- 
cala, he  might  be  frequently  seen  on  the  ground, 
with  the  rule  in  his  hand,  taking  the  admeasure- 
ments of  the  buildings,  and  stimulating  the  industry 
of  the  workmen  by  seasonable  rewards.25 

The  plans  were  too  extensive,  however,  to  admit 
of  being  speedily  accomplished.  Besides  the  prin- 
cipal college  of  San  Ildefonso,  named  in  honor  of 
the  patron  saint  of  Toledo,  there  were  nine  others, 
together  with  an  hospital  for  the  reception  of  in- 
valids at  the  university.  These  edifices  were  built 
in  the  most  substantial  manner,  and  such  parts  as 
admitted  of  it,  as  the  libraries,  refectories,  and 
chapels,  were  finished  with  elegance,  and  even 
splendor.  The  city  of  Alcala  underwent  many  im- 
portant and  expensive  alterations,  in  order  to  render 
it  more  worthy  of  being  the  seat  of  a  great  and 


24  The 

present 

and  other  tokens,  with  inscriptions  prisco. 

bearing  the  names  of  the  architect  fol.  28. 

and  founder  and  date  of  the  build-        25  Flechier,  Histoire  de  Xime- 

ing,  under   the   corner-slone,  was  nes,  p.  597. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA.  317 

flourishing   university.      The  stagnant  water  was   CHAPTER 
carried  ofT  by  drains,  the  streets  were  paved,  old      ^^ 
buildings  removed,  and  new  and  spacious  avenues 
thrown  open.26 

At  the  expiration  of  eight  years,  the  cardinal  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  whole  of  his  vast  de- 
sign completed,  and  every  apartment  of  the  spacious 
pile  carefully  furnished  with  all  that  was  requisite 
for  the  comfort  and  accommodation  of  the  student. 
It  was,  indeed,  a  noble  enterprise,  more  particularly 
when  viewed  as  the  work  of  a  private  individual. 
As  such  it  raised  the  deepest  admiration  in  Francis 
the  First,  when  he  visited  the  spot,  a  few  years  after 
the  cardinal's  death.  "  Your  Ximenes,"  said  he, 
"has  executed  more  than  I  should  have  dared  to  con- 
ceive ;  he  has  done,  with  his  single  hand,  what  in 
France  it  has  cost  a  line  of  kings  to  accomplish."  27 

The  erection  of  the  buildings,  however,  did  not  proYisiom 

for  educa- 

terrninate  the  labors  of  the  primate,  who  now  as-  tion- 
sumed  the  task  of  digesting  a  scheme  of  instruction 
and  discipline  for  his  infant  seminary.  In  doing 
this,  he  sought  light  wherever  it  was  to  be  found ; 
and  borrowed  many  useful  hints  from  the  venerable 
university  of  Paris.  His  system  was  of  the  most 
enlightened  kind,  being  directed  to  call  all  the 

26  Oviedo,   Quincuagenas,   MS.  cardinal   of    too  great    a   passion 

—  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  for  building  ;  and  punningly  said, 

16.  —  Quintanilla,   Archetypo,    p.  "  The  church  of  Toledo  had  never 

178.  —  Colmenar,  Delices  de  1'Es-  had  a  bishop  of  greater  edification 

pagne,  torn.   ii.    pp.   308-310. —  in   every   sense,   than  Ximenes." 

Navagiero,  Viaggio,  fol.  7, —  who  Flechier,  Histoire  de  Ximenes,  p. 

notices    particularly    the    library,  597. 

"  piena  di  molti  libri  et  Latini  et        27  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 

Greci  et  Hebraici."  79. 

The   good    people  accused   the 


318  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      powers  of  the  student  into  action,  and  not  to  leave 

'.    -  him  a  mere  passive  recipient  in  the  hands  of  his 

teachers.  Besides  daily  recitations  and  lectures,  he 
was  required  to  take  part  in  public  examinations 
and  discussions,  so  conducted  as  to  prove  effectually 
his  talent  and  acquisitions.  In  these  gladiatorial 
displays,  Ximenes  took  the  deepest  interest,  and 
often  encouraged  the  generous  emulation  of  the 
scholar  by  attending  in  person. 

Two  provisions  may  be  noticed  as  characteristic 
of  the  man.  One,  that  the  salary  of  a  professor 
should  be  regulated  by  the  number  of  his  disciples. 
Another,  that  every  professor  should  be  ineligible  at 
the  expiration  of  every  four  years.  It  was  impos- 
sible, that  any  servant  of  Ximenes  should  sleep  on 
his  post.28 

Liberal  foundations  were  made  for  indigent  stu- 
dents, especially  in  divinity.  Indeed,  theological 
studies,  or  rather  such  a  general  course  of  study  as 
should  properly  enter  into  the  education  of  a  Chris- 
tian minister,  was  the  avowed  object  of  the  insti- 
tution. For  the  Spanish  clergy  up  to  this  period, 
as  before  noticed,  were  too  often  deficient  in  the 
most  common  elements  of  learning.  But  in  this 
preparatory  discipline,  the  comprehensive  mind  of 
Ximenes  embraced  nearly  the  whole  circle  of  sci- 
ences taught  in  other  universities.  Out  of  the 
forty-two  chairs,  indeed,  twelve  only  were  dedica- 
ted to  divinity  and  the  canon  law  ;  while  fourteen 
were  appropriated  to  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  the 

38  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  82-84. 


UNIVERSITY    OF  ALCALA.  319 

ancient  classics :  studies,  which  probably  found  es-   CHAPTER 

XXI. 

pecial    favor  with    the  cardinal,  as  furnishing  the  - 
only  kejs  to  a  correct  criticism  and  interpretation 
of  the  Scriptures.39 

Having  completed  his  arrangements,  the  cardinal 
sought  the  most  competent  agents  for  carrying  his 
plans  into  execution  ;  and  this  indifferently  from 
abroad  and  at  home.  His  mind  was  too  lofty  for 
narrow  local  prejudices,  and  the  tree  of  knowledge, 
he  knew,  bore  fruit  in  every  clime.30  He  took 
especial  care,  that  the  emolument  should  be  suffi- 
cient to  tempt  talent  from  obscurity,  and  from 
quarters  however  remote,  where  it  was  to  be  found. 
In  this  he  was  perfectly  successful,  and  we  find  the 
university  catalogue  at  this  time  inscribed  with  the 
names  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  in  their 
various  departments,  many  of  whom  we  are  en- 
abled to  appreciate  by  the  enduring  memorials  of 
erudition,  which  they  have  bequeathed  to  us.31 

29  Navagiero  says,  it  was  pre-  3°  Lampillas,  in  his  usual  patri- 

scribed  the  lectures  should  be  in  otic  vein,  stoutly   maintains    that 

Latin.     Viaggio,  fol.  7.  —  Robles,  the  chairs  of  the  university  were 

Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  16.  all  supplied   by  native   Spaniards. 

Of  these  professorships,  six  were  "  Trovo  in  Spagna,"  he  says  of 

appropriated    to   theology;   six  to  the   cardinal,  "tutta  quella  scelta 

canon  law ;  four  to  medicine  ;  one  to  copia  di  grandi  uomini,  quali  richie- 

anatomy  ;  one  to  surgery  ;  eight  to  deva    la    grande    impresa,  "    &c 

the  aits,  as  they  were  called,  em-  (Letteratura    Spagriuola,    torn.  i. 

bracing  logic,  physics,  and  meta-  part.   2,  p.  160.)    Alvaro  Gomez, 

physics ;  one  to  ethics ;  one  to  math-  who  flourished  two  centuries  earli- 

evnatics;  four  to   the   ancient  Ian-  er,  and  personally  knew  the  proYes- 

guages;  four  to  rhetoric  ;  and 'six  to  sors,  is  the  better  authority.     De 

grammar.     One  is  struck  with  the  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  80  -82. 

disproportion  of  the  mathematical  31  L.  Marineo,   Cosas  Memora- 

studies  to   the   rest.     Though   an  bles,  fol.  13. 

important  part  ef  general   educa-  Alvaro  Gomez  knew  several  of 

tion,  and  consequently  of  the  course  these   savans,    whose    scholarship 

embraced   in   most   universities,  it  (and  he  was  a  competent  judge) 

had   too   little  reference  to  a  reli-  he  notices  with  liberal  panegyric, 

gious  one,  to  find  much  favor  with  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  80  et  seq. 
the  cardinal. 


320  AFRICAN    EXPEDITION   OF   XIMENES. 

PART          In  July,  1508,  the  cardinal  received  the  welcome 

11 

' —  intelligence,  that  his  academy  was  opened  for  the 

admission  of  pupils  ;  and  in  the  following  month 
the  first  lecture,  being  on  Aristotle's  Ethics,  was 
publicly  delivered.  Students  soon  flocked  to  the 
new  university,  attracted  by  the  reputation  of  its 
professors,  its  ample  apparatus,  its  thorough  system 
of  instruction,  and  above  all,  its  splendid  patronage, 
and  the  high  character  of  its  founder.  We  have 
no  information  of  their  number  in  Xirnenes's  life- 
time; but  it  must  have  been  very  considerable,  since 
no  less  than  seven  thousand  came  out  to  receive 
Francis  the  First,  on  his  visit  to  the  university, 
within  twenty  years  after  it  was  opened.32 

rhe  king  Five  years  after  this  period,  in  1513,  King  Ferdi- 

visits  the  J  o 

.  nan(^  jn  an  excursion  made  for  the  benefit  of  his 
declining  health,  paid  a  visit  to  Alcala.  Ever  since 
his  return  from  Oran,  the  cardinal,  disgusted  with 
public  life,  had  remained  with  a  few  brief  excep- 
tions in  his  own  diocese,  devoted  solely  to  his  per- 
sonal and  professional  duties.  It  was  with  proud 
satisfaction  that  he  now  received  his  sovereign,  and 
exhibited  to  him  the  noble  testimony  of  the  great 
objects,  to  which  his  retirement  had  been  con- 
secrated. The  king,  whose  naturally  inquisitive 
mind  no  illness  could  damp,  visited  every  part  of 
the  establishment,  and  attended  the  examinations, 
and  listened  to  the  public  disputations  of  the 
scholars  with  interest.  With  little  learning  of  his 
own,  he  had  been  made  too  often  sensible  of  his 

32  Quintanilla,  Archetype,  lib.  3,  cap.  17. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALl.  321 

deficiencies    not   to   appreciate    it  in  others.     His   CHAPTER 

XXI 

acute    perception   readily   discerned    the    immense 


benefit  to  his  kingdom,  and  the  glory  conferred  on 
his  reign  by  the  labors  of  his  ancient  minister,  and 
he  did  ample  justice  to  them  in  the  unqualified 
terms  of  his  commendation. 

It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  rector  of  San 
Ildefonso,  the  head  of  the  university,  came  out  to 
receive  the  king,  preceded  by  his  usual  train  of 
attendants,  with  their  maces,  or  wands  of  office. 
The  royal  guard,  at  this  exhibition,  called  out  to 
them  to  lay  aside  these  insignia,  as  unbecoming  any 
subject  in  the  presence  of  his  sovereign.  "  Not 
so,"  said  Ferdinand,  who  had  the  good  sense  to 
perceive  that  majesty  could  not  be  degraded  by  its 
homage  to  letters  ;  "  not  so  ;  this  is  the  seat  of  the 
Muses,  and  those,  who  are  initiated  in  their  myste- 
ries, have  the  best  right  to  reign  here."33 

In   the   midst  of  his    pressing   duties,   Ximenes  p°'ygio« 

edition  o( 

found  time  for  the- execution  of  another  work,  theBibIe- 
which  would  alone  have  been  sufficient  to  render 
his  name  immortal  in  the  republic  of  letters.  This 
was  his  famous  Bible,  or  Complutensian  Polyglot, 
as  usually  termed,  from  the  place  where  it  was 
printed.84  It  was  on  the  plan,  first  conceived  by 
Origen,  of  exhibiting  in  one  view  the  Scriptures  in 

33  Gomez,   De    Rebus   Gestis,    Epist.,  epist.  254.)     These  irrev- 
fol.  86.  erent  doubts  were  uttered  before  it 

The   reader  will  readily  call  to  had   gained   its   literary  celebrity, 

mind  the  familiar  anecdote  of  King  L.  Marineo  derives  the  name  Com- 

Charles  and  Dr.  Busby.  plutum  from  the  abundant  fruitful- 

34  "  Alcala  de  Henares,"  says  ness  of  the  soil, — "  cumplumiento 
Martyr  in  one  of  his  early  letters,  que  tiene   de  cada  cosa."     Cosas 
"  qua?    dicitur    esse    Complutum.  Memorables,  fol.  13. 

Sit,  vel  ne,  nil  mihi  curae."    (Opus 

VOL.   III.  41 


322  AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF   XIMENES. 

PART  their  various  ancient  languages.  It  was  a  work  of 
"'  surpassing  difficulty,  demanding  an  extensive  and 
critical  acquaintance  with  the  most  ancient,  and 
consequently  the  rarest  manuscripts.  The  charac- 
ter and  station  of  the  cardinal  afforded  him,  it  is 
true,  uncommon  facilities.  The  precious  collection 
of  the  Vatican  was  liberally  thrown  open  to  him, 
especially  under  Leo  the  Tenth,  whose  munificent 
spirit  delighted  in  the  undertaking. S5  He  obtained 
copies,  in  like  manner,  of  whatever  was  of  value  in 
the  other  libraries  of  Italy,  and,  indeed,  of  Europe 
generally ;  and  Spain  supplied  him  with  editions  of 
the  Old  Testament  of  great  antiquity,  which  had 
been  treasured  up  by  the  banished  Israelites. x 
Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  lavish  expenditure 
in  this  way,  from  the  fact  that  four  thousand  gold 
crowns  were  paid  for  seven  foreign  manuscripts, 
which,  however,  came  too  late  to  be  of  use  in  the 
compilation. 37 

The  conduct  of  the  work  was  intrusted  to  nine 
scholars,  well  skilled  in  the  ancient  tongues,  as  most 
of  them  had  evinced  by  works  of  critical  acuteness 
and  erudition.  After  the  labors  of  the  day,  these 

35  Ximenes    acknowledges    his  cognitione  eminentissimorum  opera 
obligations  to  his  Holiness,  in  par-  uteremur,   et  castigatissima   omni 
ticular  for  the  Greek  MSS."  "  At-  ex  parte  vetustissimaque  exempla- 
que  ex  ipsis  [exemplaribus]  quidem  ria  pro  archetypis  haberemus  ;  quo- 
Graeca  Sanctitati  tuas  debemus  ;  qui  rum  quidem,  tarn  Hebrseorum  quam 
ex  ista  Apostolica  bibliotheca  anti-  Grsecorum  ac  Latinorum,  multipli- 
quissimos  tarn  Veteris  quam  Novi  cem   copiam,  variis  ex  locis,  non 
codices   perquam   humane   ad  nos  sine  summo  labore  conquisivimus." 
naisisti."  Biblia  Polyglotta,  (Com-  Biblia  Polyglotta,  Compluti,  Pro- 
pluti,  1514-  17,)  Prologo.  logo. 

36  "  Maximam,"  says  the  cardi-        37  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 
nal  in  his  Preface,  "  laboris  nostri  39.  —  Quintanilla,  Archetype,  Ub. 
partem  in  eo  prsecipue  fuisse  versa-  3,  cap.  10. 

tarn ;  ut  et  virorum  in  linguarum 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALX.  323 

learned  sages  were  accustomed  to  meet,  in  order  to   CHAPTER 

XXI. 

settle  the  doubts  and  difficulties  which  had  arisen  in — 

the  course  of  their  researches,  and,  in  short,  to  com- 
pare the  results  of  their  observations.  Ximenes, 
who,  however  limited  his  attainments  in  general 
literature,38  was  an  excellent  biblical  critic,  fre- 
quently presided,  and  took  a  prominent  part  in 
these  deliberations.  "  Lose  no  time,  my  friends," 
he  would  say,  "  in  the  prosecution  of  our  glorious 
work ;  lest,  in  the  casualties  of  life,  you  should  lose 
your  patron,  or  I  have  to  lament  the  loss  of  those, 
whose  services  are  of  more  price  in  my  eyes  than 
wealth  and  worldly  honors."39 

The  difficulties  of  the  undertaking  were  sensibly  Difficult™ 

'  J     of  the  task. 

increased  by  those  of  the  printing.  The  art  was 
then  in  its  infancy,  and  there  were  no  types  in 
Spain,  if  indeed  in  any  part  of  Europe,  in  the  ori- 
ental character.  Ximenes,  however,  careful  to  have 
the  whole  executed  under  his  own  eye,  imported 
artists  from  Germany,  and  had  types  cast  in  the 


38  Martyr  speaks  of  Ximenes,  in  some  account,  Lopez  de  Zufiiga,  a 

one  of  his   epistles,   as  "  doctrinal  controversialist  of  Erasmus,   Bar- 

singularioppletum."  (OpusEpist.,  tholomeo   de   Castro,   the   famous 

epist.  108.)     He  speaks  with  more  Greek   Demetrius    Cretensis,   and 

distrust  in  another;  "Aiunt   esse  Juan  de  Vergara  ;  —  all  thorough 

virum,  si  non  literis,  morum  tamen  linguists,  especially  in  the  Greek 

sanctitate  egregium."  (Epist.  160.)  and  Latin.     To  these  were  joined 

This  was  written  some  years  later,  Paulo   Coronel,  Alfonso   a   physi- 

when  he  had  better  knowledge  of  cian,  and  Alfonso  Zamora,  con vert- 

him.  ed   Jews,   and    familiar   with   the 

a9   Quintanilla,   Archetypo,   lib.  oriental   languages.     Zamora   has 

3,  cap.    10.  — Gomez,   De    Rebus  the  merit  of  the  philological  eom- 

Gestis,  fol.  38.  pilations  relative  to  the   Hebrew 

The   scholars   employed   in  the  and  Chaldaic,  in  the  last  volume, 

compilation  were  the  venerable  Le-  lidem  auct.  ut  supra  ;  et  Suma  de 

brija,  the  learned  Nunez,  or  Pin-  la  Vida  de  Cisneros,  MS. 
ciano,  of  whom  the  reader  has  had 


324  AFRICAN  EXPEDITION   OF   XIMENES. 

PART      various   languages    required,    in    his   founderies  at 
-  Alcala.40 

The  work  when  completed  occupied  six  volumes 
folio;41  the  first  four  devoted  to  the  Old  Testament, 
the  fifth  to  the  New ;  the  last  containing  a  Hebrew 
and  Chaldaic  vocabulary,  with  other  elementary 
treatises  of  singular  labor  and  learning.  It  was  not 
brought  to  an  end  till  1517,  fifteen  years  after  its 
commencement,  and  a  few  months  only  before  the 
death  of  its  illustrious  projector.  Alvaro  Gomez 
relates,  that  he  had  often  heard  John  Broccario,  the 
son  of  the  printer,42  say,  that  when  the  last  sheet 
was  struck  off,  he,  then  a  child,  was  dressed  in  his 
best  attire,  and  sent  with  a  copy  to  the  cardinal. 
The  latter,  as  he  took  it,  raised  his  eyes  to  Heaven, 
and  devoutly  offered  up  his  thanks,  for  being  spared 
to  the  completion  of  this  good  work.  Then,  turn- 
ing to  his  friends  who  were  present,  he  said,  that 
"  of  all  the  acts  which  distinguished  his  adminis- 
tration, there  was  none,  however  arduous,  better 
entitled  to  their  congratulation  than  this."43 

40  Quintanilla,    Archetvpo,    lib.  ^  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 
3,  cap.  10.  38. 

41  The  work  was  originally  put  The  part  devoted  to  the  Old  Tes- 
at  the  extremely  low  price  of  six  lament  contains  the  Hebrew  origin- 
ducats  and  a  half  a  cony.     (Biblia  al  with  the  Latin  Vulgate,  the  Sep- 
Polyglotta  Compluti,  Praefix.)    As  tuagint  version,  and  the  Chaldaic 
only   600   copies,   however,   were  paraphrase,  with  Latin  translations 
struck  off,  it  lias  become  exceed-  by    the    Spanish    scholars.      The 
ingly  rare  and  valuable.  According  New  Testament  was  printed  in  the 
to  Brunei,  it  has  been  sold  as  high  original  Greek,  with  the  Vulgate 
as  .£63.  of  Jerome.     After  the  completion 

**  "  Industria  etsolertia  honora-     of  this  work,  the  cardinal  projected 
bilis  viri  Arnaldi  Guillelmi  de  Bro-     an  edition  of  Aristotle  on  the  same 
cario,   artis  impressoris    Magistri.     scale,  which  was  unfortunately  de- 
Anno  Domini  1517.    Julii  die  de-    feated,  by  his  death.    Ibid.,  fol.  39. 
cimo."    Biblia  Polyglotta  Complu- 
ti.    Postscript  to  4th  and  last  part 
of  Vetus  Test. 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ALCALA. 


325 


This  is  not  the  place,  if  I  were  competent,  to  CHAP™ 
discuss  the  merits  of  this  great  work,  the  reputa-  —  — • 
tion  of  which  is  familiar  to  every  scholar.  Critics, 
indeed,  have  disputed  the  antiquity  of  the  manu- 
scripts used  in  the  compilation,  as  well  as  the  cor- 
rectness and  value  of  the  emendations.44  Unfortu- 
nately, the  destruction  of  the  original  manuscripts, 
in  a  manner  which  forms  one  of  the  most  whimsical 
anecdotes  in  literary  history,  makes  it  impossible  to 
settle  the  question  satisfactorily.45  Undoubtedly, 
many  blemishes  may  be  charged  on  it,  necessarily 
incident  to  an  age  when  the  science  of  criticism 
was  imperfectly  understood,46  and  the  stock  of  ma- 


44  The  principal  controversy  on 
this  subject,  was  carried  on  in  Ger- 
many between  Wetstein  and  Goe- 
re  ;  the  former  impugning,  the  lat- 
ter  defending   the   Complutensian 
Bible.     The   cautious   and   candid 
Michaelis,    whose    prepossessions 
appear  to  have  been  on  the  side  of 
Goeze,  decides  ultimately,  after  his 
own  examination,  in  favor  of  Wet- 
stein,  as  regards  the  value  of  the 
MSS.  employed;  not  however  as 
relates  to  the  grave  charge  of  wil- 
fully   accommodating    the    Greek 
text    to    the  Vulgate.      See    the 
grounds  and  merits  of  the  contro- 
versy, apud  Michaelis,  Introduction 
to  the  New  Testament,  translated 
by  Marsh,  vol.  ii.  part  1,  chap.  12, 
sec.  1  ;  part  2,  notes. 

45  Professor    Moldenhauer,   of 
Germany,  visited   Alcala  in  1784, 
for  the  interesting  purpose  of  ex- 
amining  the   MSS.    used    in    the 
Complutensian  Polyglot.  He  there 
learned  that  they  had  all  been  dis- 
posed of,  as  so  much  waste  paper, 
(membfanas  inutiles)  by  the  libra- 
rian of  that  time  to  a  rocket-maker 
of   the    town,   who   soon   worked 
them  up  in  the  regular  way  of  his 


vocation  !  He  assigns  no  reason 
for  doubting  the  truth  of  the  story. 
The  name  of  the  librarian,  unfor- 
tunately, is  not  recorded.  It  would 
'have  been  as  imperishable  as  that 
of  Omar.  Marsh's  Michaelis,  vol. 
ii.  part  1,  chap.  12,  sec.  1,  note. 

46  The  celebrated  text  of  "  the 
three  witnesses,"  formerly  cited 
in  the  Trinitarian  controversy,  and 
which  Porson  so  completely  over- 
turned, rests  in  part  on  what 
Gibbon  calls  "  the  honest  bigotry 
of  the  Complutensian  editors. " 
One  of  the  three  Greek  manu- 
scripts, in  which  that  text  is  found, 
is  a  forgery  from  the  Polyglot  of 
Alcala,  according  to  Mr.  Norton, 
in  his  recent  work,  "  The  Eviden- 
ces of  the  Genuineness  of  the  Gos- 
pels," (Boston,  1837,  vol.  i.  Addi- 
tional Notes,  p.  xxxix.),  — a  work 
which  few  can  be  fully  compe- 
tent to  criticize,  but  which  no  per- 
son can  peruse  without  confessing 
the  acuteness  and  strength  of  its 
reasoning,  the  nice  discrimination 
of  its  criticism,  and  the  precision 
and  purity  of  its  diction.  What- 
ever difference  of  opinion  may  be 
formed  as  to  some  of  its  conclu- 


jects  of 


AFRICAN   EXPEDITION  OF   XIMENES. 

PART  terials  much  more  limited,  or  at  least  more  difficult 
!  _  of  access,  than  at  the  present  day.47  After  every 
deduction,  however,  the  cardinal's  Bible  has  the 
merit  of  being  the  first  successful  attempt  at  a 
polyglot  version  of  the  Scriptures,  and  consequent- 
1}  of  facilitating,  even  by  its  errors,  the  execution 
of  more  perfect  and  later  works  of  the  kind.48 
Nor  can  we  look  at  it  in  connexion  with  the  age, 
and  the  auspices  under  which  it  was  accomplished, 
without  regarding  it  as  a  noble  monument  of  piety, 
learning,  and  munificence,  which  entitles  its  author 
to  the  gratitude  of  the  whole  Christian  world. 

nd  pro.         Such  were  the  gigantic    projects  which  amused 

s  of  1       J 

t},e  ]ejsure  hours  of  this  great  prelate.  Though 
gigantic,  they  were  neither  beyond  his  strength  to 
execute,  nor  beyond  the  demands  of  his  age  and 
country.  They  were  not  like  those  works,  which, 
forced  into  being  by  whim,  or  transitory  impulse, 
perish  with  the  breath  that  made  them  ;  but,  taking 
deep  root,  were  cherished  and  invigorated  by  the 


sions,  no   one  will   deny,  that  the  turse  originem  recurrendum  est." 

originality   and   importance  of  its  Biblia  Polyglotta,  Compluti,  Pr6- 

views  make  it  a  substantial  acces-  logo. 

sion    to   theological   science  ;    and  *&  Tiraboschi  adduces  a  Psalter, 

that,  within    the   range  permitted  published   in   four  of  the   ancient 

by  the  subject,  it  presents,  on   the  tongues,  at  Genoa,  in  1516,  as  the 

whole,  one  of  the  noblest   speci-  first  essay  of  a   polyglot  version, 

mens  of  scholarship,  and  elegance  (Letteratura  Italian  a,  torn.  viii.  p. 

of  composition,  to  be  found  in  our  191.)     Lampilhs  does  not  fail  to 

youthful  literature.  add  this  enormity  to  the  black  cat- 

47  "  Accedit,"  say  the  editors  of  alogue    which    he    has    mustered 

the  Polyglot,  ad  verting  to  the  blun-  against   the   librarian  of  Modena. 

ders  of  early   transcribers,   "  ubi-  (Letteratura    Spagnuola,    torn.  ii. 

cunque  Latinorum  codicum  varietas  part.  2,  p.  21JO.)     The  first  three 

est,  aut  depravatse  lectionis  suspitio  volumes  of  the  Complutensian  Bi- 

(id  quod  librariorum  imperitia  si-  ble  were  printed   before   1516,  al- 

mul  et  negligentia   frequentissime  though  the  whole  work  did  not  pass 

accidore  videmus),  ad  primam  Scrip-  the  press  till  the  following  year. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA. 

national  sentiment,  so  as  to  bear  rich  fruit  for  DOS-   CHAPTER 

'     XXI 

terity.  This  was  particularly  the  case  with  the  - 
institution  at  Alcala.  It  soon  became  the  subject 
of  royal  and  private  benefaction.  Its  founder  be- 
queathed it,  at  his  death,  a  clear  revenue  of  four- 
teen thousand  ducats.  By  the  middle  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  this  had  increased  to  forty-two 
thousand,  and  the  colleges  had  multiplied  from  ten 
to  thirty-five.49 

The  rising  reputation  of  the  new  academy,  which 
attracted  students  from  every  quarter  of  the  Penin- 
sula to  its  halls,  threatened  to  eclipse  the  glories  of 
the  ancient  seminary  at  Salamanca,  and  occasioned 
bitter  jealousies  between  them.  The  field  of  let- 
ters, however,  was  wide  enough  for  both,  especially 
as  the  one  was  more  immediately  devoted  to  theo- 
logical preparation,  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  civil 
jurisprudence,  which  formed  a  prominent  branch  of 
instruction  at  the  other.  In  this  state  of  things, 
their  rivalry,  far  from  being  productive  of  mischief, 
might  be  regarded  as  salutary,  by  quickening  liter- 
ary ardor,  too  prone  to  languish  without  the  spur 
of  competition.  Side  by  side  the  sister  universities 
went  forward,  dividing  the  public  patronage  and 
estimation.  As  long  as  the  good  era  of  letters 
lasted  in  Spain,  the  academy  of  Ximenes,  under 
the  influence  of  its  admirable  discipline,  maintained 
a  reputation  inferior  to  none  other  in  the  Penin- 


49  Quintanilla,  Archetypo,  lib.  3,  liberal  grants  and  immunities  to 

cap.  17.  —  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  Alcala  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

MS.,  dial,  de  Ximeni.  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  43, 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella  conceded  45. 


328 


AFRICAN   EXPEDITION   OF  XIMENES. 


PART 

II. 


sula,50  and  continued  to  send  forth  its  sons  to  occu- 
py the  most  exalted  posts  in  church  and  state,  and 
shed  the  light  of  genius  and  science  over  their  own 
and  future  ages.51 


50  Erasmus,  in  a  letter  to  his 
riend  Vergara,  in  1527,  perpe- 
trates a  Greek  pun  on  the  classic 
name  of  Alcala,  intimating  the 
highest  opinion  of  the  state  of  sci- 
ence there.  "  Gratulor  tibi,  orna- 
tissime  adolescens,  gratulor  vestrae 
Hispaniae  ad  pristinam  eruditionis 
laudem  veluti  postliminio  reflores- 
centi.  Gratulor  Compluto,  quod 
duorum  praesulum  Francisci  et  Al- 


fonsi  felicibus  auspiciis  sic  efflores- 
cit  omni  genere  studiorum,  ut  jure 
optimo  ra^TXat/ro  appellare  possi- 
mus."  Epistolas,  p.  771. 

51  Quintanilla  is  for  passing  the 
sum  total  of  the  good  works  of 
these  worthies  of  Alcala  to  the 
credit  of  its  founder.  They  might 
serve  as  a  makeweight  to  turn  the 
scale  in  favor  of  his  beatification. 
Archetypo,  lib.  3,  cap.  17. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

WARS  AND  POLITICS  OF  ITALY. 

1508—1513. 

League  of  Cambray.  —  Alarm  of  Ferdinand.  —  Holy  League.  -—  Battle 
of  Ravenna.  —  Death  of  Gaston  de  Foix.  —  Retreat  of  the  French.  — 
The  Spaniards  victorious. 

THE  domestic  history  of  Spain,  after  Ferdinand's   CHAPTER 

resumption  of  the  regency,  contains  few  remarkable 

events.  Its  foreign  relations  were  more  important. 
Those  wi,th  Africa  have  been  already  noticed,  and 
we  must  now  turn  to  Italy  and  Navarre. 

The  possession  of  Naples  necessarily  brought 
Ferdinand  within  the  sphere  of  Italian  politics.  He 
showed  little  disposition,  however,  to  avail  himself 
of  it  for  the  further  extension  of  his  conquests. 
Gonsalvo,  indeed,  during  his  administration,  medi- 
tated various  schemes  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
French  power  in  Italy,  but  with  a  view  rather  to 
the  preservation  than  enlargement  of  his  present 
acquisitions.  After  the  treaty  with  Louis  the 
Twelfth,  even  these  designs  were  abandoned,  and 
the  Catholic  monarch  seemed  wholly  occupied  with 
the  internal  affairs  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  rising  empire  in  Africa.1 

1  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iii.     Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  6,  cap. 
lib.  5,  p.  257.  ed.  Milano,  1803.  —    7,  9,  et  alibi. 

VOL.  LJI.  42 


330  WARS  AND   POLITICS  OF   ITALY. 

PART          The  craving  appetite  of  Louis  the  Twelfth,  on 

'• — .  the  other  hand,  sharpened   by  the  loss  of  Naples, 

against  sought  to  indemnify  itself  by  more  ample  acquisi- 
tions in  the  north.  As  far  back  as  1504,  he  had 
arranged  a  plan  with  the  emperor  for  the  partition 
of  the  continental  possessions  of  Venice,  intro- 
ducing it  into  one  of  those  abortive  treaties  at  Blois 
for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter.2  The  scheme  is 
said  to  have  been  communicated  to  Ferdinand  in 
the  royal  interview  at  Savona.  No  immediate  ac- 
tion followed,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the  latter 
monarch,  with  his  usual  circumspection,  reserved 
his  decision  until  he  should  be  more  clearly  satisfied 
of  the  advantages  to  himself.3 

cambray!  At  length  the  projected  partition  was  definitely 
1508.  settled  by  the  celebrated  treaty  of  Cambray,  De- 
cember 10th,  1508,  between  Louis  the  Twelfth 
and  the  emperor  Maximilian,  in  which  the  pope, 
King  Ferdinand,  and  all  princes  who  had  any  claims 
for  spoliations  by  the  Venetians,  were  invited  to 
take  part.  The  share  of  the  spoil  assigned  to  the 
Catholic  monarch  was  the  five  Neapolitan  cities, 
Trani,  Brindisi,  Gallipoli,  Pulignano,  and  Otranto, 
pledged  to  Venice  for  considerable  sums  advanced 
by  her  during  the  late  war.4  The  Spanish  court, 
and,  not  long  after,  Julius  the  Second  ratified  the 
treaty,  although  it  was  in  direct  contravention  of 


2  Dumont,  Corps' Diplomatique,        4  Flassan,  Diplomatie  Fran§aise, 
torn.  iv.  part.  l,no.  30.  — Flassan,  torn.  i.  lib.  2,  p.  283.  —  Dumont, 
Diplomatie  Franeaise,  torn.  i.  pp.  Corps  Diplomatique,  torn.  iv.  part 
282,  283.  1,  no.  52. 

3  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv. 
p.  78. 


WARS  AND   POLITICS  OF  ITALY.  331 

the   avowed   purpose  of  the   pontiff,  to   chase   the   CHAPTER 

barbarians   from   Italy.      It   was    his   bold    policy,  _ 

however,  to  make  use  of  them  first  for  the  aggran- 
dizement of  the  church,  and  then  to  trust  to  his 
augmented  strength  and  more  favorable  opportuni- 
ties for  eradicating  them  altogether. 

Never  was  there  a  project  more  destitute  of  prin- 
ciple, or  sound  policy.  There  was  not  one  of  the 
contracting  parties,  who  was  not  at  that  very*  time 
in  close  alliance  with  the  state,  the  dismemberment 
of  which  he  was  plotting.  As  a  matter  of  policy,  it 
went  to  break  down  the  principal  barrier,  on  which 
each  of  these  powers  could  rely  for  keeping  in 
check  the  overweening  ambition  of  its  neighbours, 
and  maintaining  the  balance  of  Italy. 5  The  alarm 
of  Venice  was  quieted  for  a  time  by  assurances 
from  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain,  that  the 
league  was  solely  directed  against  the  Turks,  ac- 
companied by  the  most  hypocritical  professions  of 
good-will,  and  amicable  offers  to  the  republic. 6 

The  preamble  of  the  treaty  declares,  that,  it  being  n.  origin 
the  intention  of  the  allies  to  support  the  pope  in  a 
crusade  against  the  infidel,  they  first  proposed  to 
recover  from  Venice  the  territories  of  which  she  had 
despoiled  the  church  and  other  powers,  to  the  mani- 
fest hindrance  of  these  pious  designs.  The  more 
flagitious  the  meditated  enterprise,  the  deeper  was 


5  This  argument,  used  by  Ma-  torn.  i.  pp.  66,  67. — Ulloa,  Vita 
ihiavelli   against   Louis's    rupture  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  36,  37.     Guicciar- 
with  Venice,  applies  with  more  or  dini,   Istoria,   torn.  iv.    p.  141.— 
less  force  to  all  the  other  allies.  Bembo,  Istoria  Viniziana,  torn.  ii. 
Opere,  II  Principe,  cap.  3.  lib.  7. 

6  Du  Bos,  Ligue  de  Cambray, 


332  WARS  AND   POLITICS   OF  ITALY. 

PART  the  veil  of  hypocrisy  thrown  over  it  in  this  corrupt 
-  age.  The  true  reasons  for  the  confederacy  are  to 
be  found  in  a  speech  delivered  at  the  German  diet, 
some  time  after,  by  the  French  minister  Helian. 
"  We,"  he  remarks,  after  enumerating  various  enor- 
mities of  the  republic,  "  we  wear  no  fine  purple  ; 
feast  from  no  sumptuous  services  of  plate  ;  have  no 
coffers  overflowing  with  gold.  We  are  barbarians. 
Surely,"  he  continues  in  another  place,  "  if  it  is  de- 
rogatory to  princes  to  act  the  part  of  merchants,  it 
is  unbecoming  in  merchants  to  assume  the  state  of 
princes."7  This,  then,  was  the  true  key  to  the 
conspiracy  against  Venice  ;  envy  of  her  superior 
wealth  and  magnificence,  hatred  engendered  by  her 
too  arrogant  bearing,  and  lastly  the  evil  eye,  with 
which  kings  naturally  regard  the  movements  of  an 
active,  aspiring  republic.? 

To  secure  the  cooperation  of  Florence,  the  kings 
of  France  and  Spain  agreed  to  withdraw  their  pro- 
tection from  Pisa,  for  a  stipulated  sum  of  money. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  whole  history  of  the  mer- 
chant princes  of  Venice  so  mercenary  and  base,  as 
this  bartering  away  for  gold  the  independence,  for 


7  See  a  liberal  extract  from  this  tion,  with  which  Martyr,  a  Milanese, 

harangue,    apud    Daru,   Hist,   de  predicts  (Opus  Epist.,  epist.  410.), 

Venise,   torn.   iii.    liv.  23,  —  also  and  Guicciardini,  a  Florentine,  re- 

apud  Du  Bos,  Ligue  de  Cambray,  cords,  the  humiliation  of  Venice, 

torn.  i.  p.  240  et  seq.  — The  old  (Istoria,  lib.  4,  p.  137.)     The  ar- 

poet,  Jean  Marot,  sums  up  the  sins  rogance  of  the  rival  republic  does 

of  the   republic  in   the   following  not  escape   the    satirical    lash   of 

verse  ;  Machiavelli ; 

"Autre  Dicn  n'ont  que  1'or,  c'est  leur  "San  Marco,  impetuoso  ed  importune, 

crennce."  Credendosi  haver  sempre  il  vento  in  poppa, 

CEiivres  de  Clement  Marot,  avec  Non  si  euro  di  rovinare  ognuno  ; 

les  Ouvrages  de  Jean  Marot,  (La  N6  vidde  come  la  potenza  troppa 

Haye,  1731,)  torn.  v.  p.  71.  Era  nociva." 

B  See  the  undisguised  satisfac-  Dell' Asinod-Oro,  cap.-*. 


WARS  AND   POLITICS   OF  ITALY.  333 

which  this  little  republic  had  been  so  nobly  con-   CHAPTEB 
tending  for  more  than  fourteen  years.  9 

Early  in  April,  1509,  Louis  the  Twelfth  crossed 


the  Alps  at  the  head  of  a  force  which  bore  down  all  Italy- 
opposition.  City  and  castle  fell  before  him,  and 
his  demeanor  to  the  vanquished,  over  whom  he  had 
no  rights  beyond  the  ordinary  ones  of  war,  was 
that  of  an  incensed  master  taking  vengeance  on  his 
rebellious  vassals.  In  revenge  for  his  detention 
before  Peschiera,  he  hung  the  Venetian  governor 
and  his  son  from  the  battlements.  This  was  an 
outrage  on  the  laws  of  chivalry,  which,  however 
hard  they  bore  on  the  peasant,  respected  those  of 
high  degree.  Louis's  rank,  and  his  heart  it  seems, 
unhappily,  raised  him  equally  above  sympathy  with 
either  class.  10 

On  the  14th  of  May  was  fought  the  bloody  battle     1509. 
of  Agnadel,  which  broke  the  power  of  Venice,  and 
at  once  decided  the  fate  of  the  war.11     Ferdinand 


9  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafla,  lib.  received  only  a  like  sum  with  him- 

29,  cap.  15.  —  Ammirato,  Istorie  self.   Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv. 

Florentine,  torn.  iii.  lib.  28,  p.  286.  pp.  78,  80,  156,  157. 

—  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,epist.  10  Memoires  de  Bayard,  chap. 

423.  30.  —  Fleurange,  M<§moires,  chap. 

Louis  XII.  was  in  alliance  with  8.  — Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv. 

Florence,  but   insisted  on  100,000  p.  183. 

ducats   as   the  price  of  his  acqui-  Jean  Marot  describes  the  execu- 
escence   in   her  recovery  of  Pisa,  tion  in  the  following  cool  and  sum- 
Ferdinand,  or  rather  his  general,  mary  style. 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  had  taken  „  Ce  Cha8telaln  de  ^  auggi  ,e  ^^ 
risa  under  his   protection,  and   the  p0»r  la  derrision  et  response  \ilaine 
king  insisted   on   50,000  ducats  for  Qu'ils  firent  au  hSrault,  furent  pi  is  et  gan- 
his    abandonment    of   her       This  PuUgJfvant  tout  ,e  monde       dug  et  ^ 
honorable   transaction   resulted   in  tranglez. 
the    payment    of    the    respective  CEuvres,  torn.  v.  p.  iss. 
amounts  to  the  royal  jobbers;  the  ]1  The  fullest  account,  probably, 
50,000  excess   of  Louis's   portion  of  the  action  is  in  the  "  Voyage  de 
being  kept  a  profound  secret  from  Venise,"  of  Jean  Marot.   (Cfcuvrea, 
Ferdinand,  who  was  made  to  be-  torn.   v.   pp.  124-139.)     This  pi- 
lieve  by  the  parties,  that  his  ally  oneer  of  French  song,  since  eclipsed 


334  WARS   AND   POLITICS   OF   ITALY. 


PART  had  contributed  nothing  to  these  operations,  except 
by  his  diversion  on  the  side  of  Naples,  where  he 
possessed  himself  without  difficulty  of  the  cities 
allotted  to  his  share.  They  were  the  cheapest,  and 
if  not  the  most  valuable,  were  the  most  permanent 
acquisitions  of  the  war,  being  reincorporated  in  the 
monarchy  of  Naples. 

Then  followed  the  memorable  decree,  by  which 

'          •/ 

Venice  released  her  continental  provinces  from  their 
allegiance,  authorizing  them  to  provide  in  any  way 
they   could    for    their    safety  ;    a    measure,    which 
whether  originating  in  panic  or  policy,  was  perfect 
ly  consonant  with  the  latter.  1S     The  confederates 
who  had  remained  united    during  the  chase,  soon 
quarrelled  over  the  division  of  the  spoil.     Ancient 
jealousies    revived.     The  republic,   with   cool   and 
consummate  diplomacy,  availed  herself  of  this  state 
of  feeling. 

Pope  Julius,  who  had  gained  all  that  he  had  pro- 
posed, and  was  satisfied  with  the  humiliation  of 
Venice,  now  felt  all  his  former  antipathies  and  dis- 
trust of  the  French  return  in  full  force.  The  rising 
flame  was  diligently  fanned  by  the  artful  emissaries 
of  the  republic,  who  at  length  effected  a  reconcilia- 

by  his  more  polished   son,  accom-         12  Foreign  historians  impute  tint 

Eanied  his  master,  Louis  XII.,  on  measure  to  the  former  motive,  the 

is  Italian  expedition,  as  his  poet  Venetians  to  the  latter.     The  cool 

chronicler  ;   and    the    subject    has  and  deliberate  conduct  of  this  gov- 

elicited  occasionally  some  sparks  of  ernment,  from  which  all  passion,  tc 

poetic  fire,  though  struck  out  with  use  the  language  of  the  abbe  Du 

a  rude  hand.     The  poem  is  so  con-  Bos,  seems  to  have  been  banished. 

scientious  in  its   facts   and   dates,  may  authorize  our  acquiescence  in 

that  it  is  commended  by  a  French  the  statement  most  flattering  to  the 

critic,  as  the  most  exact  record  of  national  vanity.   See  the  discussion 

the   Italian   campaign.     Ibid.    Re-  apud  Ligue  de  Cambray,  pp.  12t: 

marques,  p.  16.  et  seq. 


WARS   AND   POLITICS   OF  ITALY.  335 

tion  on  her  behalf  with  the  haughty  pontiff.     The   CHAPTER 
latter,  having  taken  this  direction,  went  forward  in      XX1L 
it  with  his  usual  impetuosity.     He  planned  a  new 
coalition  for  the  expulsion  of  the  French,  calling  on 
the  other  allies  to  take  part  in  it.     Louis  retaliated 
by  summoning  a  council  to  inquire  into  the  pope's 
conduct,  and  by  marching  his  troops  into  the  terri- 
tories of  the  church. 1S 

The  advance  of  the  French,  who  had  now  got  p^a°nd- 
possession  of  Bologna,  alarmed  Ferdinand.  He  isii. 
had  secured  the  objects  for  which  he  had  entered 
into  the  war,  and  was  loath  to  be  diverted  from 
enterprises  in  which  he  was  interested  nearer  home. 
"  I  know  not,"  writes  Peter  Martyr,  at  this  time, 
"  on  what  the  king  will  decide.  He  is  intent  on 
following  up  his  African  conquests.  He  feels  natural 
reluctance  at  breaking  with  his  French  ally.  But 
T  do  not  well  see  how  he  can  avoid  supporting  the 
pope  and  the  church,  not  only  as  the  cause  of  re- 
ligion, but  of  freedom.  For  if  the  French  get 
possession  of  Rome,  the  liberties  of  all  Italy  arid 
of  every  state  in  Europe  are  in  peril."  14 

The  Catholic  king  viewed  it  in  this  light,  and 
sent  repeated  and  earnest  remonstrances  to  Louis 
the  Twelfth,  against  his  aggressions  on  the  church, 
beseeching  him  not  to  interrupt  the  peace  of  Chris- 

13  Bernaldez,   Reyes   Catolicos,         14  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  465. — Me 
MS.,  cap.  221.  —  Fleuranpe,  M6-     moires   de    Bayard,   chap.   46. — 
moires,  chap.  7.  —  Peter  Martyr,     Fleurange,  Me"moires,  chap.  26. — 
Opus  Epist.,  epist.  416.  —  Guic-     Bernaldez,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  MS., 
ciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.   pp.   178,     cap.  225. 
179,  190,  191  ;  torn.  v.  pp.  71,  82- 
86.  —  Bembo,    Istoria    Viniziana, 
lib.  7,  9,  JO 


333 


WARS   AND   POLITICS   OF  ITALY. 


PART 
n. 


Investiture 
»f  Naples. 


teridom,  and  his  own  pious  purpose,  more  particu- 
larly, of  spreading  the  banners  of  the  Cross  over 
the  infidel  regions  of  Africa.  The  very  sweet  and 
fraternal  tone  of  these  communications  filled  the 
king  of  France,  says  Guicciardini,  with  much  dis- 
trust of  his  royal  brother ;  and  he  was  heard  to 
say,  in  allusion  to  the  great  preparations  which  the 
Spanish  monarch  was  making  by  sea  and  land,  "  I 
am  the  Saracen  against  whom  they  are  directed."15 
To  secure  Ferdinand  more  to  his  interests,  the 
pope  granted  him  the  investiture,  so  long  withheld, 
of  Naples,  on  the  same  easy  terms  on  which  it  was 
formerly  held  by  the  Aragonese  line.  His  Holiness 
further  released  him  from  the  obligation  of  his  mar- 
riage treaty,  by  which  the  moiety  of  Naples  was  to 
revert  to  the  French  crown,  in  case  of  Germaine's 
dying  without  issue.  This  dispensing  power  of 
the  successors  of  St.  Peter,  so  convenient  for  prin- 
ces in  their  good  graces,  is  undoubtedly  the  severest 
tax  ever  levied  by  superstition  on  human  reason.16 


15  Istoria,  lib.  9,  p.  135.  —  Car- 
bajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1511. — 
Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS., 
cap.  225.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus 
Epist.,  epist.  465. 

Machiavelli's  friend  Vettori,  in 
one  of  his  letters,  speaks  of  the 
Catholic  king  as  the  principal  au- 
thor of  the  new  coalition  against 
France,  and  notices  three  hundred 
lances  which  he  furnished  the  pope 
in  advance,  for  this  purpose.  (Ma- 
chiavelli,  Opere,  Lettere  Famigliari, 
no.  8.)  He  does  not  seem  to  under- 
stand that  these  lances  were  part 
of  the  services  due  for  the  fief  of 
Naples.  The  letter  above  quoted 
of  Martyr,  a  more  competent  and 


unsuspicious  authority,  shows  Fer- 
dinand's sincere  aversion  to  a  rup- 
ture with  Louis  at  the  present  junc- 
ture ;  and  a  subsequent  passage  of 
the  same  epistle  shows  him  too 
much  in  earnest  in  his  dissuasives, 
to  be  open  to  the  charge  of  in- 
sincerity. "Ut  mitibus  verbis  ip- 
sum,  Reginam  ejus  uxorem,  ut 
consiliarios  omnes  Cabanillas  allo- 
quatur,  ut  agant  apud  regem  suum 
de  pace,  dat  in  frequentibus  manda- 
tis."  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 
ubi  supra. —  See  further,  epist.  454. 
16  Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 
no.  441.  —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Es- 
pafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  24.  — 
Giovio,  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum,  p. 


WARS   AND   POLITICS   OF   ITALY.  337 

On  the  4th  of  October,  1511,  a  treaty  was  con-  CHAPTER 
eluded  between  Julius  the  Second,  Ferdinand,  and  — 
Venice,  with  the  avowred  object  of  protecting  the 
church,  —  in  other  words,  driving  the  French  out 
of  Italy  17  From  the  pious  purpose  to  which  it  was 
devoted,  it  was  called  the  Holy  League.  The 
quota  to  be  furnished  by  the  king  of  Aragon  was 
twelve  hundred  heavy  and  one  thousand  light  cav- 
alry, ten  thousand  foot,  and  a  squadron  of  eleven 
galleys,  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Venetian  fleet. 
The  combined  forces  were  to  be  placed  under  the 
command  of  Hugo  de  Cardona,  viceroy  of  Naples, 
a  person  of  polished  and  engaging  address,  but 
without  the  resolution  or  experience  requisite  to 
military  success.  The  rough  old  pope  sarcastically 
nicknamed  him  "  Lady  Cardona."  It  was  an  ap- 
pointment, that  would  certainly  have  never  been 
made  by  Queen  Isabella.  Indeed,  the  favor  shown 
this  nobleman  on  this  and  other  occasions  was  so 
much  beyond  his  deserts,  as  to  raise  a  suspicion  in 
many,  that  he  was  more  nearly  allied  by  blood  to 
Ferdinand,  than  was  usually  imagined.18 

164.  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp.  from  Naples,  without  condescend- 
Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  18.  ing  to  meet  his  Holiness,  who  was 
The  act  of  investiture  was  dated  waiting  there  for  a  personal  inter- 
July  3d,  1510.  In  the  following  view  with  him.  Peter  Martyr, 
August,  the  pontiff  remitted  the  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  353.  —  Guic- 
feudal  services  for  the  annual  trib-  ciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  iv.  p.  73. 
ute  of  a  white  palfrey,  and  the  aid  17  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  v. 
of  300  lances  when  the  estates  of  lib.  10,  p.  207.  —  Mariana,  Hist, 
the  church  should  be  invaded,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  30,  cap.  5. 
(Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  9,  — Rymer,  Foedera,  torn.  xiii.  pp. 
cup.  11.)  The  pope  had  hitherto  305-308. 

refused  the  investiture,  except  on  18  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  y. 

the  most  exorbitant  terms ;  which  lib.   10,  p.  208.  —  Bembo,  Istoria 

so  much  disgusted  Ferdinand,  that  Viniziana,  torn.  ii.  lib.  12. — Mari- 

he  passed  by  Ostia  on  his  return  ana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib. 

VOT-   III.  43 


338  WARS   AND    POLITICS  OF   ITALY. 

Early  in  1512,  France,  by  great  exertions  and 
without  a  single  confederate  out  of  .Italy,  save  the 
false  and  fluctuating  emperor,  got  an  army  into  the 
field  superior  to  that  of  the  allies  in  point  of 
numbers,  and  still  more  so  in  the  character  of  its 
commander.  This  was  Gaston  de  Foix,  duke  de 
Nemours,  and  brother  of  the  queen  of  Aragon. 
Though  a  boy  in  years,  for  he  was  but  twenty- 
two,  he  was  ripe  in  understanding,  and  possessed 
consummate  military  talents.  He  introduced  a 
severer  discipline  into  his  army,  and  an  entirely 
new  system  of  tactics.  He  looked  forward  to  his 
results  with  stern  indifference  to  the  means  by 
which  they  were  to  be  effected.  He  disregarded 
the  difficulties  of  the  roads,  and  the  inclemency  of 
the  season,  which  had  hitherto  put  a  check  on  mili- 
tary operations.  Through  the  midst  of  frightful 
morasses,  or  in  the  depth  of  winter  snows,  he  per- 
formed his  marches  with  a  celerity  unknown  in  the 
warfare  of  that  age.  In  less  than  a  fortnight  after 
leaving  Milan,  he  relieved  Bologna  then  besieged 
by  the  allies,  made  a  countermarch  on  Brescia, 
defeated  a  detachment  by  the  way,  and  the  whole 
Venetian  army  under  its  walls ;  and,  on  the  same 
day  with  the  last  event,  succeeded  in  carrying  the 

30,  cap.  5,    14.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Re  di  Napoli."  Machiavelli,  Opere, 

Opus  Epist.,  epist.  483.  let.  di  16  Maggio,  1514. 

Vettori,  it  seems,  gave  credence  According  to  Aleson,  the  king 

to  the  same  suggestion.    "Spagna  would  have  appointed  Navarro  to 

ha  sempre  amato  assai  questo  suo  the    post    of   commander-in-chief, 

Vicere,  e  per  errore  che  abbia  fatto  had  not  his  low  birth  disqualified 

non  1'ha  gastigato,  ma  piu  presto  him  for  it  in  the  eyes  of  the  allies, 

fatto  piti  grande,  e  si  puo  pensare,  Annales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v.  lib. 

come  molti  dicono,  che  sia  suo  fi-  35,  cap.  12. 
glio,  e  che  abbia  in  pensiero  lasciarlo 


WARS  AND   POLITICS   OF  ITALY. 


339 


place  by  storm.  After  a  few  weeks'  dissipation 
of  the  carnival,  he  again  put  himself  in  motion, 
and,  descending  on  Ravenna,  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  allied  army  to  a  decisive  action  under  its  walls. 
Ferdinand,  well  understanding  the  peculiar  charac- 
ters of  the  French  and  of  the  Spanish  soldier,  had 
cautioned  his  general  to  adopt  the  Fabian  policy 
of  Gonsalvo,  and  avoid  a  close  encounter  as  long 
as  possible.19 

This  battle,  fought  with  the  greatest  numbers, 
was  also  the  most  murderous,  which  had  stained 
the  fair  soil  of  Italy  for  a  century.  No  less  than 
eighteen  or  twenty  thousand,  according  to  authentic 
accounts,  fell  in  it,  comprehending  the  best  blood 
of  France  and  Italy.80  The  viceroy  Cardona  went 
off  somewhat  too  early  for  his  reputation.  But  the 
Spanish  infantry,  under  the  count  Pedro  Navarro, 
behaved  in  a  style  worthy  of  the  school  of  Gonsalvo. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  day,  they  lay  on  the 
ground,  in  a  position  which  sheltered  them  from  the 
deadly  artillery  of  Este,  then  the  best  mounted  and 
best  served  of  any  in  Europe.  When  at  length,  as 
the  tide  of  battle  was  going  against  them,  they 
were  brought  into  the  field,  Navarro  led  them  at 
once  against  a  deep  column  of  landsknechts,  who, 
armed  with  the  long  German  pike,  were  bearing 


19  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos, 
MS.     cap.   230,  231.  —  Guicciar- 
dini,    Istoria,     torn.    v.     lib.     10, 
pp.  260-272.  —  Giovio,  Vita  Leo- 
nis  X.,  apud  Vitae  Illust.  Virorum, 
lib.  2,   pp.  37,  38.  —  Memoires  de 

Bayard  ,    chap.   48.  —  Fleurange, 

,,„      no 
Memoires,  chap.  2b  -  28. 

20  Ariosto  introduces  the  bloody 


rout  of  Ravenna  among  the  visions 
of  Melissa  ;  in  which  the  courtly 
prophetess  (or  rather  poet)  pre- 
diets  the  glories  of  the  house  of 
Este. 

"  Nuoternnno  i  destrier  flno  alia  panels 
£«'  sallsue  ,1man,  !>er  tl!tta  '«  campagna  ; 
Ch'  a  seppellire  il  popcl  verri  manco 
Tedesco,  Ispano,  Greco,  Halo,  e  Franco." 
Orlando  Furioso,  canio  3,  st.  M, 


1512. 


340  WARS   AND  POLITICS  OF  ITALY. 

PART      down  all  before  them.     The  Spaniards  received  the 
— — ••  shock  of  this   formidable   weapon  on   the   mailed 


panoply  with  which  their  bodies  were  covered,  and 
dexterously  gliding  into  the  hostile  ranks,  contrived 
with  their  short  swords  to  do  such  execution  on  tho 
enemy,  unprotected  except  by  corselets  in  front, 
and  incapable  of  availing  themselves  of  their  long 
weapon,  that  they  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
totally  discomfited.  It  was  repeating  the  experi- 
ment more  than  once  made  during  these  wars,  but 
never  on  so  great  a  scale,  and  it  fully  established 
the  superiority  of  the  Spanish  arms.21 
Death  of  The  Italian  infantry,  which  had  fallen  back  be- 

Gaston  de  *  * 

fore  the  landsknechts,  now  rallied  under  cover  of 
the  Spanish  charge  ;  until  at  length  the  overwhelm- 
ing clouds  of  French  gendarmerie,  headed  by  Ives 
d'Allegre,  who  lost  his  own  life  in  the  melee,  com- 
pelled the  allies  to  give  ground.  The  retreat  of  the 
Spaniards,  however,  was  conducted  with  admirable 
order,  and  they  preserved  their  ranks  unbroken,  as 
they  repeatedly  turned  to  drive  back  the  tide  of 
pursuit.  At  this  crisis,  Gaston  de  Foix,  flushed 
with  success,  was  so  exasperated  by  the  sight  of 
this  valiant  corps  going  ofF  in  so  cool  and  orderly  a 
manner  from  the  field,  that  he  made  a  desperate 

21  Brantome,  Vies  des  Homines  Machiavelli  does  justice  to  the 

Illustres,  disc.  6.  —  Guicciardini,  gallantry    of    this    valiant    corps, 

Istoria,   torn.  v.  lib.  10,  pp.  290-  whose   conduct  on    this    occasion 

305.  —  Bernaldez,  Reyes  Calolicos,  furnishes  him  with  a  pertinent  il- 

MS.,  cap.  231,  233.  —  Memoires  lustration,  in  estimating  the  con> 

de  Bayard,  chap.  54.  —  Du  Bellay,  parative  value  of  the  Spanish,  or 

Memoires,  apud  Petitot,  Collection  rather  Roman  arms,  and  the  Ger- 

des  Memoires,  torn.  xvii.  p.  234.  man.     Opere,  torn,  iv.,  Arte  della 

—  Fleurange,  Memoires,  chap.  29,  Guerra,  lib.  2,  p.  67. 
30.  —  Bembo,    Istoria    Viniziana, 
torn.  ii.  lib.  12. 


WARS  AND   POLITICS  OF  ITALY.  34 J 

charge   at  the   head  of  his  chivalry,   in  hopes  of    CHAPTER 

breaking  it.     Unfortunately,  his  wounded  horse  fell  . 

under  him.  It  was  in  vain  his  followers  called  out, 
"  It  is  our  viceroy,  the  brother  of  your  queen ! " 
The  words  had  no  charm  for  a  Spanish  ear,  and  he 
was  despatched  with  a  multitude  of  wounds.  He 
received  fourteen  or  fifteen  in  the  face ;  good  proof, 
says  the  loyal  serviteur,  "  that  the  gentle  prince  had 
never  turned  his  back." 22 

There  are  few  instances  in  history,  if  indeed  HJ»  <*«•"»• 
there  be  any,  of  so  brief,  and  at  the  same  time  so 
brilliant  a  military  career,  as  that  of  Gaston  de  Foix  ; 
and  it  well  entitled  him  to  the  epithet  his  country- 
men gave  him  of  the  "  thunderbolt  of  Italy."58  He 
had  not  merely  given  extraordinary  promise,  but  in 
the  course  of  a  very  few  months  had  achieved  such 
results,  as  might  well  make  the  greatest  powers  of 
the  peninsula  tremble  for  their  possessions.  His 
precocious  military  talents,  the  early  age  at  which 
he  assumed  the  command  of  armies,  as  well  as  many 
peculiarities  of  his  discipline  and  tactics,  suggest 
some  resemblance  to  the  beginning  of  Napoleon's 
career. 

Unhappily,  his  brilliant  fame  is  sullied  by  a  reck- 
lessness of  human  life,  the  more  odious  in  one  too 

22   Memoires  de  Bayard,  chap,  liques  Juliennes,  torn.  xiv.  chap. 

54.  —  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  v.  109,)  an  author,  who  has  the  rare 

lib.  10,  pp.  306-309.  — Peter  Mar-  merit  of  combining  profound  philo- 

tyr,  epist.  483. —  Brantome,  Vies  sophical  analysis  with  the  superfi- 

des  Hommes  Illustres,  disc.  24.  cial  and  picturesque  graces  of  nar- 

The  best,  that  is,  the  most,  per-  rative. 

spicuous  and  animated  description  23  "  Lefoudredel'Italie."  (Gail- 

of  the   fight   of  Ravenna,  among  lard,  Rivalite,  torn.  iv.   p.  391.)  — 

contemporary  writers,  will  be  found  light    authority,    I    acknowledge, 

in  Guicciardini  (ubi  supra) ;  among  even  for  a  sobriquet. 
the  modem,  in  Sismondi,  (Repub- 


342  WARS  AND  POLITICS  OF  ITALY. 

PART      young  to  be  steeled  by  familiarity  with  the  iron  trade 

! to  which  he  was  devoted.     It  may  be  fair,  however, 

to  charge  this  on  the  age  rather  than  on  the  indi- 
vidual, for  surely  never  was  there  one  characterized 
by  greater  brutality,  and  more  unsparing  ferocity  in 
its  wars.24  So  little  had  the  progress  of  civilization 
done  for  humanity.  It  is  not  until  a  recent  period, 
that  a  more  generous  spirit  has  operated  ;  that  a 
fellow-creature  has  been  understood  not  to  forfeit 
his  rights  as  a  man,  because  he  is  an  enemy  ;  that 
conventional  laws  have  been  established,  tending 
greatly  to  mitigate  the  evils  of  a  condition,  which 
with  every  alleviation  is  one  of  unspeakable  misery; 
and  that  those  who  hold  the  destinies  of  nations  in 
their  hands  have  been  made  to  feel,  that  there  is 
less  true  glory,  and  far  less  profit,  to  be  derived  from 
war,  than  from  the  wise  prevention  of  it. 

The  defeat  at  Ravenna  struck  a  panic  into  the 
confederates.  The  stout  heart  of  Julius  the  Second 
faltered,  and  it  required  all  the  assurances  of  the 
Spanish  and  Venetian  ministers  to  keep  him  staunch 
to  his  purpose.  King  Ferdinand  issued  orders  to 
the  Great  Captain  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  for 

24  One  example  may  suffice,  oc-  of  the  whole  number  of  fugitives 

curring  in  the  war  of  the  League,  only  one  escaped  with   life  ;   and 

in  1510.    When  Vicenza  was  taken  the  blackened    and   convulsed  ap- 

by  the  Imperialists,  a  number  of  pearance  of  the  bodies  showed  toe 

the  inhabitants,  amounting  to  one,  plainly  the  cruel  agonies  of  suffo- 

or,  according  to  some  accounts,  six  cation.       (Memoires    de    Bayard, 

thousand,  took  refuge  in  a  neigh-  chap.  40.  —  Bembo,  Istoria  Vini- 

bouring   grotto,   with   their   wives  ziana,  torn.  ii.   lib.  10.)      Bayard 

and  children,  comprehending  many  executed  two  of  the  authors  of  this 

of   the   principal    families   of   the  diabolical   act  on   the  spot.      But 

place.    A  French  officer,  detecting  the  "chevalier  sans  reproche  "  was 

their  retreat,  caused  a  heap  of  fag-  an  exception  to,  rather  than  an  ex- 

gots  to  be  piled  up  at  the  mouth  of  ample  of,  the  prevalent  spirit  of  the 

the  cavern  and  set  on  fire.     Out  age. 


WARS    AND   POLITICS   OF   ITALY.  343 

taking  the  command  of  forces  to  be  instantly  raised   CHAPTER 

XXII 

for  Naples.     There  could  be  no  better  proof  of  the  1_ 

royal  consternation.  *5 

The  victory  of  Ravenna,  however,  was  more  fatal  T^  Frencb 

J  retreat. 

to  the  French  than  to  their  foes.  The  uninterrupt- 
ed successes  of  a  commander  are  so  far  unfortunate, 
that  they  incline  his  followers,  by  the  brilliant  illu- 
sion they  throw  around  his  name,  to  rely  less  on 
their  own  resources,  than  on  him  whom  they  have 
hitherto  found  invincible  ;  and  thus  subject  their 
own  destiny  to  all  the  casualties  which  attach  to 
the  fortunes  of  a  single  individual.  The  death  of 
Gaston  de  Foix  seemed  to  dissolve  the  only  bond 
which  held  the  French  together.  The  officers  be- 
came divided,  the  soldiers  disheartened,  and,  with 
the  loss  of  their  young  hero,  lost  all  interest  in  the 
service.  The  allies,  advised  of  this  disorderly  state 
of  the  army,  recovered  confidence,  and  renewed 
their  exertions.  Through  Ferdinand's  influence 
over  his  son-in-law,  Henry  the  Eighth  of  England, 
the  latter  had  been  induced  openly  to  join  the 
League  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  year.26 
The  Catholic  king  had  the  address,  moreover, 
just  before  the  battle  to  detach  the  emperor  from 

25  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  v.  He  had  become  a  party  to  it  as  ear- 
lib.  10,  pp.  310  -  312,  322,  323.  —  ly  as  November  17,  of  the  preceding 
Chronica  del  Grau  Capitan,  lib.  3,  year;  he  deferred  its  publication, 
cap.  7. —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espaiia,  however,  until  he  had  received  the 
torn.  ii.  lib.  30,  cap.  9.  —  Giovio,  last  instalment  of  a  subsidy,  that 
Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  lib.  3,  p.  Louis  XII.  was  to  pay  him  for  the 
288.  —  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  maintenance  of  peace.  (Rymer, 
1512.  —  See  also  Lettera  di  Vettori,  Fosdera,  torn.  xiii.  pp.  311-323 
Majrgio  16,  1514,  apud  Machia-  — Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Francois, 
velli,  Opere.  torn.  xv.  p.  385.)  Even  the  chival- 

*  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  rous  Harry  the  Eighth  could  not 

torn.  iv.  p.  137.  escape  the  trickish  spirit  of  the  age. 


344 


WARS   AND    POLITICS  OF   ITALY. 


PART 
II. 


jam.  2«. 


Venice  dis- 
gusted. 


1513, 


France,  by  effecting  a  truce  between  him  and  Ven- 
ice.27 The  French,  now  menaced  and  pressed  on 
every  side,  began  their  retreat  under  the  brave  La 
Palice,  and,  to  such  an  impotent  state  were  they 
reduced,  that,  in  less  than  three  months  after  the 
fatal  victory,  they  were  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  hav- 
ing abandoned  not  only  their  recent,  but  all  their 
conquests  in  the  north  of  Italy. 28 

The  same  results  now  took  place  as  in  the  late 
war  against  Venice.  The  confederates  quarrelled 
over  the  division  of  the  spoil.  The  republic,  with 
the  largest  claims,  obtained  the  least  concessions. 
She  felt  that  she  was  to  be  made  to  descend  to  an 
inferior  rank  in  the  scale  pf  nations.  Ferdinand 
earnestly  remonstrated  with  the  pope,  anji  subse- 
quently, by  means  of  his  Venetian  minister,  with 
Maximilian,  on  this  mistaken  policy. 29  But  the 
indifference  of  the  one,  and  the  cupidity  of  the 
other,  were  closed  against  argument.  The  result 
was  precisely  what  the  prudent  monarch  foresaw. 
Venice  was  driven  into  the  arms  of  her  perfidious 
ancient  ally,  and  on  the  23d  of  March,  1513,  a  de- 
finitive treaty  was  arranged  with  France  for  their 
mutual  defence.30  Thus  the  most  efficient  member 
was  alienated  from  the  confederacy.  All  the  recent 
advantages  of  the  allies  were,  compromised.  New 


27  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  v. 
lib.  10,  p.  320. 

28  Memoires   de   Bayard,  chap. 
55.  — Fleurange,  Memoires,  chap. 
31. — Ferreras,  Hist.   d'Espagne, 
torn.  viii.  pp.  380,  381.  —  Guicciar- 
dini, Istoria,  torn.   v.  lib.  10,  pp. 
335,  336.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn, 
vi.  lib.  10,  cap.  20. 


29  Zurita,  Analess  torn.  vi.  lib. 
10,   cap.  44  -  48.  —  Guicciardini, 
Istoria,  torn.  vi.  lib.  11,  p.  52. 

Martyr  reports  a  conversation 
that  he  had  with  the  Venetian  min- 
ister in  Spain,  touching  this  busi- 
ness. Opus  Epist.,  epist.  520. 

30  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique, 
torn.  iv.  part.  1,  no.  86. 


WARS  AND   POLITICS   OF   ITALY.  345 

combinations  were  to  be  formed,  and  new  and  in-   CHAPTER 

terminable  prospects  of  hostility  opened.  '. 

Ferdinand,   relieved    from  immediate   appreheu-  Battle  or 

Novora. 

sions  of  the  French,  took  comparatively  little  inter- 
est in  Italian  politics.  He  was  too  much  occupied 
with  settling  his  conquests  in  Navarre.  The  army, 
indeed,  under  Cardona  still  kept  the  field  in  the 
north  of  Italy.  The  viceroy,  after  reestablishing 
the  Medici  in  Florence,  remained  inactive.  The 
French,  in  the  mean  while,  had  again  mustered  in 
force,  and  crossing  the  mountains  encountered  the 
Swiss  in  a  bloody  battle  at  Novara,  where  the  for-  1513. 
mer  were  entirely  routed.  Cardona,  then  rousing 
from  his  lethargy,  traversed  the  Milanese  without 
opposition,  laying  waste  the  ancient  territories  of 
Venice,  burning  the  palaces  and  pleasure-houses  of 
its  lordly  inhabitants  on  the  beautiful  banks  of  the 
Brenta,  and  approaching  so  near  to  the  "  Queen  of 
the  Adriatic,"  as  to  throw  a  few  impotent  balls  into 
the  monastery  of  San  Secondo. 

The  indignation  of  the  Venetians  and  of  Alviano,  orLaMom. 
the  same  general  who  had  fought  so  gallantly  under 
Gonsalvo  at  the   Garigliano,  hurried   them  into  an      Oct.  7. 
engagement  with  the  allies  near  La  Motta,  at  two 
miles'   distance    from    Vicenza.      Cardona,   loaded 
with    booty   and    entangled    among   the    mountain 
passes,    was    assailed    under    every    disadvantage. 
The  German  allies  gave  way  before  the  impetuous 
charge  of  Alviano,  but  the  Spanish  infantry  stood  JJJ^^J; 
its   ground   unshaken,  and   by  extraordinary  disci-   n°1J"' 
pline  and  valor  succeeded  in  turning  the  fortunes 
of  the  day.     More  than  four  thousand  of  the  enemy 

VOL.   III.  44 


346 


WARS  AND   POLITICS  OF   ITALY. 


PART 
ii. 


were  left  on  the  field,  and  a  large  number  of  pris- 
oners, including  many  of  rank,  with  all  the  baggage 
and  artillery,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.31 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  1513;  the  French 
driven  again  beyond  the  mountains ;  Venice  cooped 
up  within  her  sea-girt  fastnesses,  and  compelled  to 
enrol  her  artisans  and  common  laborers  in  her  de- 
fence,—  but  still  strong  in  resources,  above  all 
in  the  patriotism  and  unconquerable  spirit  of  her 
people.32 


31  Guieciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  vi. 
lib.  11,  pp.  101-138.  — Peter  Mar- 
tyr, Opus  Epist.,  epist.  523.  — Ma- 
riana, Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii. 
lib.  30,  cap.  21.  —  Fleurange,  Me- 
moires,  chap.  36,  37.  —  Also  an 
original  letter  of  King  Ferdinand  to 
Archbishop  Deza,  apud  Bernaldez, 
Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  242. 

Alviano  died  a  little  more  than  a 
year  after  this  defeat,  at  sixty  years 
of  age.  He  was  so  much  beloved 


by  the  soldiery,  that  they  refused 
to  be  separated  from  his  remains, 
which  were  borne  at  the  head  of 
the  army  for  some  weeks  after  his 
death.  They  were  finally  laid  in 
the  church  of  St.  Stephen  in  Ven- 
ice ;  and  the  senate,  with  more 
gratitude  than  is  usually  conceded 
to  republics,  settled  an  honorable 
pension  on  his  family. 

32  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  torn, 
iii.  pp.  615,  616. 


Dair's  His- 
loire  de  Ve- 
nise. 


Count  Daru  has  supplied  the  de- 
sideratum, so  long  standing,  of  a 
full,  authentic  history  of  a  state, 
whose  institutions  were  the  admi- 
ration of  earlier  times,  and  whose 
long  stability  and  success  make 
them  deservedly  an  object  of  curi- 
osity and  interest  to  our  own.  The 
style  of  the  work,  at  once  lively 
and  condensed,  is  not  that  best 
suited  to  historic  writing,  being  of 
the  piquant,  epigrammatic  kind, 
much  affected  by  French  writers. 
The  subject,  too,  of  the  revolutions 
of  empire,  does  not  afford  room  for 
the  dramatic  interest,  attaching  to 
works  which  admit  of  more  ex- 
tended biographical  developement. 
Abundant  interest  will  be  found, 
however,  in  the  dexterity  with 
which  he  has  disentangled  the  tor- 


tuous politics  of  the  republic ;  in 
the  acute  and  always  sensible  re- 
flections with  which  he  clothes  the 
dry  skeleton  of  fact ;  and  in  the 
novel  stores  of  information  he  has 
opened.  The  foreign  policy  of 
Venice  excited  too  much  interest 
among  friends  and  enemies  in  the 
day  of  her  glory,  not  to  occupy  the 
pens  of  the  most  intelligent  writers. 
But  no  Italian  chronicler,  not  even 
one  intrusted  with  the  office  by  the 
government  itself,  has  been  able 
to  exhibit  the  interior  workings  of 
the  complicated  machinery  so  sat- 
isfactorily as  M.  Daru  has  done, 
with  the  aid  of  those  voluminous 
state  papers,  which  were  as  jeal 
ously  guarded  from  inspection,  until 
the  downfall  of  the  republic,  as  the 
records  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

CONQUEST   OF   NAVARRE. 

1512—1513. 

Sovereigns  of  Navarre.  —  Ferdinand  demands  a  Passage.  —  Invasion 
and  Conquest  of  Navarre.  —  Treaty  of  Orthes.  —  Ferdinand  settles 
his  Conquests.  —  His  Conduct  examined.  —  Gross  Abuse  of  the 
Victory. 

WHILE  the  Spaniards  were  thus  winning  barren   CHAPTER 

XXIIL 

laurels  on  the  fields  of  Italy,  King  Ferdinand  was  , 

J  '  Sovereigns 

making  a  most    important  acquisition  of   territory  ofNavarr«- 
nearer  home.     The  reader  has  already  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  manner  in  which   the  bloody 
sceptre  of  Navarre  passed  from  the  hands  of  Elean-     1479. 
or,  Ferdinand's  sister,  after  a  reign  of  a  few  brief 
days,  into  those  of  her  grandson  Phoebus.     A  fatal 
destiny    hung   over   the    house   of   Foix ;  and  the 
latter  prince   lived  to    enjoy  his  crown  only  four 
years,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his  sister  Cath-     1483. 
arine. 

It  was  not  to  be  supposed,  that  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  so  attentive  to  enlarge  their  empire  to  the 
full  extent  of  the  geographical  limits  which  nature 
seemed  to  have  assigned  it,  would  lose  the  oppor- 


34 S  CONQUEST  OF   NAVARRE. 

FART  tunity  now  presented  of  incorporating  into  it  the 
.._! —  hitherto  independent  kingdom  of  Navarre,  by  the 
marriage  of  their  own  heir  with  its  sovereign.  All 
their  efforts,  however,  were  frustrated  by  the  queen 
mother  Magdaleine,  sister  of  Louis  the  Eleventh, 
who,  sacrificing  the  interests  of  the  nation  to  her 
prejudices,  evaded  the  proposed  match,  under  vari- 
ous pretexts,  and  in  the  end  effected  a  union  be- 
tween her  daughter  and  a  French  noble,  Jean 
d'Albret,  heir  to  considerable  estates  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Navarre.  This  was  a  most  fatal  error. 
The  independence  of  Navarre  had  hitherto  been 
maintained  less  through  its  own  strength,  than  the 
weakness  of  its  neighbours.  But,  now  that  the 
petty  states  around  her  had  been  absorbed  into  two 
great  and  powerful  monarchies,  it  was  not  to  be 
expected,  that  so  feeble  a  barrier  would  be  longer 
respected,  or  that  it  would  not  be  swept  away  in 
the  first  collision  of  those  formidable  forces.  But, 
although  the  independence  of  the  kingdom  must  be 
lost,  the  princes  of  Navarre  might  yet  maintain 
their  station  by  a  union  with  the  reigning  family  of 
France  or  Spain.  By  the  present  connexion  with 
a  mere  private  individual  they  lost  both  the  one 
and  the  other.1 

^^  tne  raost  fnendly  relations  subsisted  be- 
tween the  Catholic  king  and  his  niece  during  the 
lifetime  of  Isabella.  The  sovereigns  assisted  her 
in  taking  possession  of  her  turbulent  dominions,  as 
well  as  in  allaying  the  deadly  feuds  of  the  Beau- 

1  See  Part  I.  Chapters  10,  12. 


CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE.  349 


monts  and  Agramonts,  with  which  they  were  rent   CHAPTER 

XXII L 

asunder.  They  supported  her  with  their  arms  in  . 
resisting  her  uncle  Jean,  viscount  of  Narbonne, 
who  claimed  the  crown  on  the  groundless  pretext 
of  its  being  limited  to  male  heirs.2  The  alliance 
with  Spain  was  drawn  still  closer  by  the  avowed 
purpose  of  Louis  the  Twelfth  to  support  his  neph- 
ew, Gaston  de  Foix,  in  the  claims  of  his  deceased 
father.3  The  death  of  the  young  hero,  however,  at 
Ravenna,  wholly  changed  the  relations  and  feelings 
of  the  two  countries.  Navarre  had  nothing  imme- 
diately to  fear  from  France.  She  felt  distrust  of 
Spain  on  more  than  one  account,  especially  for  the 
protection  afforded  the  Beaumontese  exiles,  at  the 
head  of  whom  was  the  young  count  of  Lerin,  Fer- 
dinand's nephew.4 

France,  too.  standing  alone,  and  at  bay  against  Ne^tum.™ 

J  with  Franca 

the  rest  of  Europe,  found  the  alliance  of  the  little 
state  of  Navarre  of  importance  to  her,  especially  at 
the  present  juncture,  when  the  project  of  an  expe- 
dition against  Guienne,  by  the  combined  armies 
of  Spain  and  England,  naturally  made  Louis  the 
Twelfth  desirous  to  secure  the  good-will  of  a 
prince,  who  might  be  said  to  wear  the  keys  of  the 
Pyrenees,  as  the  king  of  Sardinia  did  those  of  the 
Alps,  at  his  girdle.  With  these  amicable  disposi- 
tions, the  king  and  queen  of  Navarre  despatched 

a  Histoire  du  Royaume  de  Na-  3  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra, 

varre,  pp.  567,  570.—  Aleson,  An-  torn.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  13.  —  Zurita, 

nales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v.  lib.  34,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  9.  cap.  54. — 

cap.  1,  fol.  — Diccionario  Geogra-  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Francois,  torn. 

fico-Historico  de    Espafia,    por  la  xv.  p.  500. 

Real    Academia    de    la  Historia,  4  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra. 

(Madrid,  1802,)  torn.  ii.  p.  117.  ubi  supra. 


350  CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

PART      their  plenipotentiaries  to  Blois,  early  in  May,  soon 
' after  the  battle  of  Ravenna,  with  full  powers  to 


15 12'    conclude    a    treaty  of   alliance    and    confederation 

with  the  French  government.5 
Ferdinand          jn  the  me  an  time,  June  8th,  an  Liiglish  squadron 

demands 

arrived  at  Passage,  in  Guipuscoa,  having  ten  thou- 
sand men  on  board  under  Thomas  Grey,  marquis 
of  Dorset,6  in  order  to  cooperate  with  King  Ferdi- 
nand's army  in  the  descent  on  Guienne.  This  lat- 
ter force,  consisting  of  two  thousand  five  hundred 
horse,  light  and  heavy,  six  thousand  foot,  and 
twenty  pieces  of  artillery,  was  placed  under  Don 
Fadrique  de  Toledo,  the  old  duke  </  Alva,  grand- 
father of  the  general,  who  wrote  his  name  in  indeli- 
ble characters  of  blood  in  the  Netherlands,  undei 
Philip  the  Second. 7  Before  making  any  move- 
ment, however,  Ferdinand,  who  knew  the  equivo- 
cal dispositions  of  the  Navarrese  sovereigns,  deter- 
mined to  secure  himself  from  the  annoyance  which 
their  strong  position  enabled  them  to  give  him  on 
whatever  route  he  adopted.  He  accordingly  sent 
to  request  a  free  passage  through  their  dominions, 
with  the  demand,  moreover,  that  they  should  in- 

5  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  text,   by   substituting   marquis  of 

torn.  iv.  part.  1,  p.  147.  —  See  also  Dorchester! 

the  king's  letter  to  Deza,  dated  at  '  The  young  poet,  Garcilasso  de 

Burgos,    July    20th,    1512,    apud  la  Vega,  gives  a  brilliant  sketch  of 

Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  this  stern    old    nobleman    in    hie 

cap.  23f).  younger  days,  such  as  our  imagi- 

6   Alpson,  Annales    de   Navar-  nation  would  scarcely  have  formed 

ra,    torn     v.    p.   245.  —  Herbert,  of  him  at  any  period. 

Life  and   Raigne  of  Henry  VIII.,  «  otro  Marte  'n  guerrn,  en  corte  Febo. 

(.London,    1649,)    p.    20.  —  Holin-  Mjstravaoe  mancebo  en  las  seriates 

i«idn'  ,Chro"icles'  P-  5£8'  <Lr  tn'    t!jS3Sa££aSZ&  espemn'a 

1810.)  —  Mariana,    Hist,    de    li.S-         acuantos  le  miravan;  qu'  el  seria, 
pafia,  torn.  IX.  p.  315.  en  quien  s'  informaria  tin  ser  divino." 

His  Valencian  editors  correct  his  °Dra8< ed  de  Herrera' p"  ** 


CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE.  351 

trust  six  of  their  principal   fortresses  to  such  Na-    CHAPTER 

varrese  as  he  should  name,  as  a  guaranty  for  their 

neutrality  during  the  expedition.  He  accompanied 
this  modest  proposal  with  the  alternative,  that  the 
sovereigns  should  become  parties  to  the  Holy 
League,  engaging  in  that  case  to  restore  certain 
places  in  his  possession,  which  they  claimed,  and 
pledging  the  whole  strength  of  the  confederacy 
to  protect  them  against  any  hostile  attempts  of 
France.8 

The  situation  of  these  unfortunate  princes  was 
in  the  highest  degree  embarrassing.  The  neutral- 
ity they  had  so  long  and  sedulously  maintained  was 
now  to  be  abandoned ;  and  their  choice,  whichever 
party  they  espoused,  must  compromise  their  pos- 
sessions on  one  or  the  other  side  of  the  Pyrenees, 
in  exchange  for  an  ally,  whose  friendship  had 
proved  by  repeated  experience  quite  as  disastrous 
as  his  enmity.  In  this  dilemma  they  sent  ambassa- 
dors into  Castile,  to  obtain  some  modification  of 
the  terms,  or  at  least  to  protract  negotiations  till 
some  definitive  arrangement  should  be  made  with 
Louis  the  Twelfth.9 

On    the    17th    of   July,    their    plenipotentiaries  j)reRdT"£*al> 
signed  a  treaty  with    that    monarch   at   Blois,  by  France- 
which  France  and  Navarre  mutually  agreed  to  de- 


8  Lebrija,  De  Bello  Navariensi,  ii.  lib.   29,  cap.  25.  —  Sandoval, 

lib.    1,   cap   3.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i. 

torn.  vi.  lib.  10,  can.  4,  5.  —  Ale-  p.  25. 

son,  Annales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v.         9  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10, 

lib.   35,  cap.  15. — Peter  Martyr,  cap.  7,  8.  —  Peter  Martyr,   Opus 

Opus  Epist.,  epist.  488.  — Bernal-  Epist.,  epist.  487.  — Garibay,  Com- 

dez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  ubi  su-  pendio,  torn.  iii.  lib.  29,  cap.  25. 
pra.  —  Garibay,  Compendio,  torn. 


352  CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

PART  fend  each  other,  in  case  of  attack,  against  all  en- 
emies whatever.  By  another  provision,  obviously 
directed  against  Spain,  it  was  stipulated,  that  nei- 
ther nation  should  allow  a  passage  to  the  enemies 
of  the  other  through  its  dominions.  And,  by  a 
third,  Navarre  pledged  herself  to  declare  war  on 
the  English  now  assembled  in  Guipuscoa,  and  all 
those  cooperating  with  them. 10 

Through  a  singular  accident,  Ferdinand  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  principal  articles  of  this  treaty 
before  its  signature.11  His  army  had  remained  in- 
active in  its  quarters  around  Victoria,  ever  since  the 
landing  of  the  English.  He  now  saw  the  hopeless- 
ness of  further  negotiation,  and,  determining  to  an- 
ticipate the  stroke  prepared  for  him,  commanded 
his  general  to  invade  without  delay,  and  occupy 
Navarre. 
invaded  by  The  duke  of  Alva  crossed  the  borders  on  the  21st 

Mva. 

of  July,  proclaiming  that  no  harm  should  be  offered 
to  those  who  voluntarily  submitted.  On  the  23d, 
he  arrived  before  Pampelona.  King  John,  who  all 
the  while  he  had  been  thus  dallying  with  the  lion, 
had  made  no  provision  for  defence,  had  already 
abandoned  his  capital,  leaving  it  to  make  the  best 
terms  it  could  for  itself.  On  the  following  day,  the 

10  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  priest  of 
torn.  iv.  part.  1, no.  69.  —  Cartadel  Pampelona,  who  was  induced  by 
Rey  a  D.  Diego  Deza,  apud  Ber-  the  hopes  of  a  reward   to  betray 
naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS., cap.  them  to  Ferdinand.     The  story  is 
235.  told   by  Martyr,  in  a  letter  dated 

11  A   confidential   secretary   of  July    18th,   1512.     (Opus    Epist. 
King  Jean  of  Navarre  was  mur-  epist.  490.)     Its  truth   is  attested 
dered  in  his  sleep  by  his  mistress,  by  the  conformity  of  the  proposed 
His  papers,  containing  the  heads  terms   with    those   of   the    actual 
of  the  proposed  treaty  with  France,  treaty. 


CONQUEST   OF   NAVARRE. 

city,  having  first  obtained  assurance  of  respect  for   CHAPTER 
all  its  franchises  and  immunities,  surrendered  ;  "  a      XXIIL_ 
circumstance,"  devoutly  exclaims  King  Ferdinand, 
"  in  which  we  truly  discern  the  hand  of  our  blessed 
Lord,  whose  miraculous  interposition  has  been  visi- 
ble through  all  this  enterprise,  undertaken  for  the 
weal   of   the  church,   and    the    extirpation   of   the 
accursed  schism."  " 

The  royal  exile,  in  the  mean  while,  had  retreated 
to  Lumbier,  where  he  solicited  the  assistance  of 
the  duke  of  Longueville,  then  encamped  on  the 
northern  frontier  for  the  defence  of  Bayonne.  The 
French  commander,  however,  stood  too  much  in  awe 
of  the  English,  still  lying  in  Guipuscoa,  to  weaken 
himself  by  a  detachment  into  Navarre  ;  and  the  un- 
fortunate monarch,  unsupported,  either  by  his  own 
subjects  or  his  new  ally,  was  compelled  to  cross 
the  mountains,  and  take  refuge  with  his  family  in 
France. 13 


12  Carta  del  Rey  a  D.  Diego  of  a  parish  in  his  diocese,  was,  as 

Deza,  Burgos,  July  26th,  apud  Ber-  appears   from   other   parts   of  his 

naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  work,  on  terms  of  intimacy. 
236.  —  Histoire  du   Royaume  de        I3  \leson,  Annales  de  Navarre. 

Navarre,  pp.  620  -627.  —  Abarca,  torn.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  15.  — Histoire 

Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  du  Royaume  de  Navarre,  p.  622.  — 

cap".   21.  —  Peter    Martyr,    Opus  Lebrija,  De  Bello  Navariensi,  lib. 

Epist.,  epist.  495.  —  Aleson,  An-  1,  cap.   4.  —  "Jean  d'Albret  you 

nales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v.  lib.  35,  were  born,"  said  Catharine  to  her 

cap.  15.  unfortunate  husband,  as  they  were 

Bernaldez  has  incorporated  into  flying  from  their  kingdom,  "and 

his  chronicle  several  letters  of  King  Jean  d'Albret  you  will  die.     Had 

Ferdinand,  written  during  the  pro-  I   been   king,  and  you  queen,  we 

gress  of  the   war.     It  is  singular,  had  been  reigning    in   Navarre  at 

that,  coming  from  so  high  a  source,  this  moment."  (Garibay,  Compen- 

they  should  not  have  been  more  dio,  torn.  iii.  lib.  29,  cap.  26.)    Fa- 

freely  resorted  to  by  the  Spanish  ther  Abarca  treats  the  story  as  an 

writers.    They  are  addressed  to  his  old  wife's  tale,  and  Garibay  as  an 

confessor,  Deza,  archbishop  of  Se-  old  woman  for  repeating  it.    Reyes 

ville,  with  whom  Bernaldez,  curate  de  Aragon,  lorn.  11.  rey  30,  cap.  21 

VOL.  III.  45 


354  CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

PART          The  duke  of  Alva  lost  no  time  in  pressing  his 
. '. advantage  ;  opening  the  way  by  a  proclamation  of 


querT  the  Catholic  king,  that  it  was  intended  only  to  hold 
possession  of  the  country  as  security  for  the  pacific 
disposition  of  its  sovereigns,  until  the  end  of  his 
present  expedition  against  Guienne.  From  whatev- 
er cause,  the  Spanish  general  experienced  so  little 
resistance,  that  in  less  than  a  fortnight  he  overran 
and  subdued  nearly  the  whole  of  Upper  Navarre. 
So  short  a  time  sufficed  for  the  subversion  of  a 
monarchy,  which,  in  defiance  of  storm  and  strata- 
gem, had  maintained  its  independence  unimpaired, 
with  a  few  brief  exceptions,  for  seven  centuries. " 
character  On  reviewing  these  extraordinary  events,  we  are 
d'Aibret.  je(j  to  Distrust  the  capacity  and  courage  of  a  prince, 
who  could  so  readily  abandon  his  kingdom,  without 
so  much  as  firing  a  shot  in  its  defence.  John  had 
shown,  however,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  that 
he  was  destitute  of  neither.  He  was  not,  it  must 
be  confessed,  of  the  temper  best  suited  to  the  fierce 
and  stirring  times  on  which  he  was  cast.  He  was 
of  an  amiable  disposition,  social  and  fond  of  pleas- 
ure, and  so  little  jealous  of  his  royal  dignity,  that 
he  mixed  freely  in  the  dances  and  other  entertain- 
ments of  the  humblest  of  his  subjects.  His  greatest 
defect  was  the  facility  with  which  he  reposed  the 
cares  of  state  on  favorites,  not  always  the  most  de- 
serving. His  greatest  merit  was  his  love  of  let- 


14  Manifiesto  del  Rev  D.  Fer-  Lebrija,  De  Bello  Navariensi,  lib. 
nando,  July  30th,  apud  Bernaldez,  1,  cap.  5.  —  Garibay,  Compendio 
Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  236.  —  torn.  iii.  lib.  29,  jap.  26. 


CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE.  355 

ters.15  Unfortunately,  neither  his  merits  nor  defects  CHAPTER 
were  of  a  kind  best  adapted  to  extricate  him  from  —  — - 
his  present  perilous  situation,  or  enable  him  to  cope 
with  his  wily  and  resolute  adversary.  For  this, 
however,  more  commanding  talents  might  well  have 
failed.  The  period  had  arrived,  when,  in  the  reg- 
ular progress  of  events,  Navarre  must  yield  up  her 
independence  to  the  two  great  nations  on  her  bor- 
ders ;  who,  attracted  by  the  strength  of  her  natural 
position,  and  her  political  weakness,  would  be  sure, 
now  that  their  own  domestic  discords  were  healed, 
to  claim  each  the  moiety,  which  seemed  naturally 
to  fall  within  its  own  territorial  limits.  Particular 
events  might  accelerate  or  retard  this  result,  but  it 
was  not  in  the  power  of  human  genius  to  avert  its 
final  consummation. 

King   Ferdinand,  who   descried    the  storm   now  D!8«mtent 

of  the  Eng 

gathering  on  the  side  of  France,  resolved  to  meet  u"11" 
it  promptly,  and  commanded  his  general  to  cross 
the  mountains,  and  occupy  the  districts  of  Lower 
Navarre.  In  this  he  expected  the  cooperation 
of  the  English.  But  he  was  disappointed.  The 
marquis  of  Dorset  alleged,  that  the  time  consumed 
in  the  reduction  of  Navarre  made  it  too  late  for 
the  expedition  against  Guienne,  which  was  now 
placed  in  a  posture  of  defence.  He  loudly  com- 
plained that  his  master  had  been  duped  by  the 
Catholic  king,  who  had  used  his  ally  to  make  con- 
quests solely  for  himself;  and,  in  spite  of  every 
remonstrance,  he  reembarked  his  whole  force,  with- 

15  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,     du  Royaume  de  Navarre,  pp.  603, 
torn.  v.  lib.  35.  cap.  2.  —  Histoire    604. 


356  CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

PART      out  waiting  for  orders  ;  "  a  proceeding,"  says  Ferdi- 

nand  in  one  of  his  letters,  which  "  touches  me  most 

deeply,  from  the  stain  it  leaves  on  the  honor  of  the 
most  serene  king  rny  son-in-law,  and  the  glory  of 
the  English  nation,  so  distinguished  in  times  past 
for  high  and  chivalrous  emprize."  16 
Discomfi-          The  duke  of  Alva,  thus  unsupported,    was  no 

ure  of  the 

match  for  the  French  under  Longueville,  strength- 
ened, moreover,  by  the  veteran  corps  returned  from 
Italy,  with  the  brave  La  Palice.  Indeed,  he  nar- 
rowly escaped  being  hemmed  in  between  the  two 
armies,  and  only  succeeded  in  anticipating  by  a  few 
hours  tfie  movements  of  La  Palice,  so  as  to  make 
good  his  retreat  through  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles, 
and  throw  himself  into  Pampelona. n  Hither  he 
was  speedily  followed  by  the  French  general,  ac- 
companied by  Jean  d'Albret.  On  the  27th  of  No- 
vember, the  besiegers  made  a  desperate,  though 
ineffectual  assault  on  the  city,  which  was  repeated 
with  equal  ill  fortune  on  the  two  following  days. 
The  beleaguering  forces,  in  the  mean  time,  were 
straitened  for  provisions ;  and  at  length,  after  a 
siege  of  some  weeks,  on  learning  the  arrival  of  fresh 
reinforcements  under  the  duke  of  Najara,18  they 
broke  up  their  encampment,  and  withdrew  across 

16  See  the  king's  third  letter  to  to  these   military  exploits  of  the 

Deza,   Logrofio,  November    12th,  duke,  in  his  second  eclogue, 

apud   Bernaldez,   Reyes   Catolicos,  «  Con  mas  ilustre  nombre  los  nnieses 

MS.,  cap.  236. —  Mariana,  Hist,  de  <le  los  Rente  Franceses  nliollava." 

Espaua,  tom.  ii.  lib.  30,  cap.  12.  —  obra8'  edt  de  Herreru-  P-  60S- 

Lebrija,  De  Bello  Navariensi,  lib.  18  Such  was  the  power  of  the  old 

1,  cap.  7. —  Peter   Martyr,  Opus  duke  of  Najara,  that  he  brought 

Epist.,  epist.  499.  —  Herbert,  Life  into  the  field  on  this  occasion  1100 

of  Henry  V11L,  p.  24.  —  Holm-  horse   and    3000   foot,  raised   and 

shed,  Chronicles,  p.  571.  equipped  on  his  own  estates.  Peter 

"  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  alludes  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  507. 


CONQUEST   OF   NAVARRE. 


357 


the  mountains  ;  and  with  them  faded  the  last  ray  of    CHAPTER 

hope  for  the  restoration  of  the  unfortunate  monarch  — 

of  Navarre. 19 

On  the  1st  of  April,  in  the  following  year,  1513.  Treaty  of 

.  .  .  ^  Orthds. 

Ferdinand  effected  a  truce  with  Louis  the  Twelfth,  1513. 
embracing  their  respective  territories  west  of  the 
Alps.  It  continued  a  year,  and  at  its  expiration 
was  renewed  for  a  similar  time.20  This  arrange- 
ment, by  which  Louis  sacrificed  the  interests  of 
his  ally  the  king  of  Navarre,  gave  Ferdinand  ample 
time  for  settling  and  fortifying  his  new  conquests  ; 
while  it  left  the  war  open  in  a  quarter,  where,  he 
well  knew,  others  were  more  interested  than  him- 
self to  prosecute  it  with  vigor.  The  treaty  must  be 
allowed  to  be  more  defensible  on  the  score  of  policy, 


19  Memoires  de  Bayard,  chap. 
55,  56.  —  Fleurange,  Memoires, 
chap.  33. — Lebrija,  De  Bello  Nava- 
riensi,  lib.  1,  cap.  8,  9.  —  Abarca, 
Reyes  de  Aragon,  toin.  ii.  rev  30, 
cap.  21.  — Carbajal,  Anales,  MS., 
afio  1512. 

Jean  and  Catharine  d'Albret 
passed  the  remainder  of  their  days 
in  their  territories  on  the  French 
side  of  the  Pyrenees.  They  made 
one  more  faint  and  fruitless  attempt 
to  recover  their  dominions,  during 
the  regency  of  Cardinal  Ximenes. 
(Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  cap.  12.) 
Broken  in  spirits,  their  health  grad- 
ually declined,  and  neither  of  them 
long  survived  the  loss  of  their 
crown.  Jean  died  June  23d,  1517, 
and  Catharine  followed  on  the  12th 
of  February  of  the  next  year ; — 
happy,  at  least,  that,  as  misfortune 
had  no  power  to  divide  them  in 
life,  so  they  were  not  long  separ- 
ated by  death.  (Histoire  du  Roy- 
aume  de  Navarre,  p.  643.  —  Ale- 
son,  Annales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v. 
lib.  35,  cap.  20.  21.)  Their  bodies 


sleep  side  by  side  in  the  cathedral 
church  of  Lescar,  in  their  own  do- 
minions of  Bearne  ;  and  their  fate 
is  justly  noticed  by  the  Spanish 
historians  as  one  of  the  most  strik- 
ing examples  of  that  stern  decree, 
by  which  the  sins  of  the  fathers  are 
visited  on  the  children  to  the  third 
and  fourth  generation. 

20  Flassan,  Diplomatic  Fran- 
caise,  torn.  i.  p.  295.  —  Rymer, 
Fffidera,  torn.  xiii.  pp.  350  -  352. 
—  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  vi. 
lib.  11,  p.  82,  lib.  12,  p.  168.— 
Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  ii. 
lib.  30,  cap.  22.  —  "  Fu  cosa  ridi- 
cola,"  says  Guicciardini  in  relation 
to  this  truce,  "  che  nei  medesimi 
giorni,  che  la  si  bandiva  solenne- 
mente  per  tutta  la  Spagna,  venne 
un  araldo  a  significargli  in  nome 
del  Re  d' Inghilterra  gli  apparati 
potentissimi,  che  ei  faceva  per  assal- 
tare  la  Francia,  e  a  sollecitare 
che  egli  medesimamente  movesse, 
secondo  che  aveva  promesso,  la 

Suerra    dalla    parte   di    Spagna." 
storia,  torn.  vi.  lib.  12,  p.  84. 


358 


CONQUEST  OF   NAVARRE. 


PART 
II. 


than  of  good  faith.21  The  allies  loudly  inveighed 
against  the  treachery  of  their  confederate,  who  had 
so  unscrupulously  sacrificed  the  common  interest, 
by  relieving  France  from  the  powerful  diversion  he 
was  engaged  to  make  on  her  western  borders.  It 
is  no  justification  of  wrong,  that  similar  wrongs 
have  been  committed  by  others  ;  but  those  who 
commit  them  (and  there  was  not  one  of  the  allies, 
who  could  escape  the  imputation,  amid  the  political 
profligacy  of  the  times,)  certainly  forfeit  the  privi- 
lege to  complain. 22 


21  Francesco  Vettori,  the  Floren- 
tine ambassador  at  the  papal  court, 
writes  to  Machiavelli,  that  he  lay 
awake  two  hours  that  night  specu- 
lating- on  the  real  motives  of  the 
Catholic  king  in  making  this  truce, 
which,  regarded  simply  as  a  mat- 
ter of  policy,  he  condemns  in  toto. 
He  accompanies  this  with  various 
predictions   respecting   the   conse- 
quences likely   to   result   from  it. 
These   consequences  never  occur- 
red, however;    and  the  failure  of 
his  predictions  may  be  received  as 
the   best   refutation   of   his   argu- 
ments.    Machiavelli,  Opere,  Lett. 
•Famigl.  Aprile  21,  1513. 

22  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  torn.  vi. 
lib.  11,  pp.  81,  82.  —  Machiavelli, 
Opere,  ubi  supra.  —  Peter  Martyr, 
Opus  Epist.,  epist.  538. 

On  the  5th  of  April  a  treaty  was 
concluded  at  Mechlin,  in  the  names 
of  Ferdinand,  the  king  of  England, 
the  emperor,  and  the  pope.  (Ry- 
mer,  Foedera,  torn.  xiii.  pp.  354- 
358.)  The  Castilian  envoy,  Don 
Luis  Carroz,  was  not  present  at 
Mechlin,  but  it  was  ratified  and 
solemnly  sworn  to  by  him,  on  be- 
half of  his  sovereign,  in  London, 
April  18th.  (Ibid.,  torn.  xiii.  p. 
363.)  By  this  treaty,  Spain  agreed 
to  attack  France  in  Guienne,  while 
the  other  povveis  were  to  cooperate 


by  a  descent  on  other  quarters. 
(See  also  Dumont,  Corps  Diplo- 
matique, torn.  iv.  part.  1,  no.  79.) 
This  was  in  direct  contradiction  of 
the  treaty  signed  only  five  days  be- 
fore at  Orthes,  and,  if  made  with 
the  privity  of  King  Ferdinand, 
must  be  allowed  to  be  a  gratuitous 
display  of  perfidy,  not  easily  match- 
ed in  that  age.  As  such,  of  course, 
it  is  stigmatized  by  the  French  his- 
torians, that  is,  the  later  ones,  for 
I  find  no  comment  on  it  in  contem- 
porary writers.  (See  Rapin,  His- 
tory of  England,  translated  by  Tin- 
dal,  (London,  1785-9.)  vol.  ii. 
pp.  93,  94.  Sismondi,  Hist,  des 
Francois,  torn.  xv.  p.  626.)  Fer- 
dinand, when  applied  to  by  Henry 
VIII.  to  ratify  the  acts  of  his  min- 
ister, in  the  following  summer,  re- 
fused, on  the  ground  that  the  lat- 
ter had  transcended  his  powers. 
(Herbert,  Life  of  Henry  VIII., 
p.  29.)  The  Spanish  writers  are 
silent.  His  assertion  derives  some 
probability  from  the  tenor  of  one  of 
the  articles,  which  provides,  that, 
in  case  he  refuses  to  confirm  the 
treaty,  it  shall  still  be  binding  be- 
tween England  and  the  emperor; 
language  which,  as  it  anticipates, 
may  seem  to  authorize,  such  a  con- 
tingency. 

Public  treaties  have,  for  obvious 


CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE.  359 

Ferdinand  availed  himself  of  the  interval  of  re-   CHAPTER 

pose,   now   secured,   to  settle   his  new  conquests.  L- 

He  had  transferred  his  residence  first  to  Burgos,  MttiMhi, 

conquests. 

and  afterwards  to  Logrono,  that  he  might  be  near 
the  theatre  of  operations.  He  was  indefatigable  in 
raising  reinforcements  and  supplies,  and  expressed 
his  intention  at  one  time,  notwithstanding  the  de- 
clining state  of  his  health,  to  take  the  command  in 
person.  He  showed  his  usual  sagacity  in  various 
regulations  for  improving  the  police,  healing  the 
domestic  feuds,  —  as  fatal  to  Navarre  as  the  arms 
of  its  enemies,  —  and  confirming  and  extending  its 
municipal  privileges  and  immunities,  so  as  to  con 
ciliate  the  affections  of  his  new  subjects.23 

On  the  23d  of  March,  1513,  the  estates  of  Na-  united  with 

Casti.'e. 

varre  took  the  usual  oaths  of  allegiance  to  King 
Ferdinand.24  On  the  15th  of  June,  1515,  the  15 15. 
Catholic  monarch  bj  a  solemn  act  in  cortes,  held 
at  Burgos,  incorporated  his  new  conquests  into  the 
kingdom  of  Castile.25  The  event  excited  some 
surprise,  considering  his  more  intimate  relations 
with  Aragon.  But  it  was  to  the  arms  of  Castile, 

reasons,   been    generally   received  ra,  torn.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  16. — Zu- 

as   the   surest    basis   for    history,  rita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10,  cap. 

One  might  well  doubt  this,   who  13,   36,   43.  —  Carbajal,    Anales, 

attempts  to  reconcile  the  multifa-  MS.,  afio  1512. 

rious   discrepances   and  coutradic-  24  Hist,  du  Royaume  de  Navarre, 

lions  in  those  of  the  period  under  pp.  629,  630.  —  Aleson,  Annales 

review.    The  science  of  diplomacy,  de  Navarra,   torn.  v.   lib.  35,  cap. 

as  then  practised,  was  a  mere  game  16.  —  Garibay,    Compendio,   torn, 

of  finesse  and  falsehood,  in  which  hi.  lib.  30,  cap.  1. 

the  more  solemn  the  protestations  25  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.   lib 

of  the  parties,  the  more  ground  for  10,  cap.  92. —  Carbajal,   Anales, 

distrusting  their  sincerity.  MS.,  afio  1515. — Garibay,  Com- 

23  Carta  del  Rey  a  Don  Diego  pendio,  torn.  iii.  lib.  30,  cap.  1.— 

Deza,  Nov.  12th,  1512,  apud  Ber-  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,  torn. 

naldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  7.  —  Sandoval,Hist 

236.  —  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navar-  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  26. 


,160  CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

r.uiT  that  he  was  chiefly  indebted  for  the  conquest ;  and 
-  it  was  on  her  superior  wealth  and  resources,  that  he 
relied  for  maintaining  it.  With  this  was  combined 
the  politic  consideration,  that  the  Navarrese,  natural- 
ly turbulent  and  factious,  would  be  held  more  easi- 
ly in  subordination  when  associated  with  Castile, 
than  with  Aragon,  where  the  spirit  of  independence 
was  higher,  and  often  manifested  itself  in  such  bold 
assertion  of  popular  rights,  as  falls  most  unwelcome 
on  a  royal  ear.  To  all  this  must  be  added  the 
despair  of  issue  by  his  present  marriage,  which  had 
much  abated  his  personal  interest  in  enlarging  the 
extent  of  his  patrimonial  domains. 

cohifdu«gex-  Foreign  writers  characterize  the  conquest  of  Na- 
varre as  a  bold,  unblushing  usurpation,  rendered 
more  odious  by  the  mask  of  religious  hypocrisy. 
The  national  writers,  on  the  other  hand,  have  em- 
ployed their  pens  industriously  to  vindicate  it ; 
some  endeavouring  to  rake  a  good  claim  for  Castile 
out  of  its  ancient  union  with  Navarre,  almost  as 
ancient,  indeed,  as  the  Moorish  conquest.  Others 
resort  to  considerations  of  expediency,  relying  on 
the  mutual  benefits  of  the  connexion  to  both  king- 
doms ;  arguments,  which  prove  little  else  than  the 
weakness  of  the  cause.26  All  lay  more  or  less 
stress  on  the  celebrated  bull  of  Julius  the  Second, 

26  The  honest  canon  Salazar  de  seem  strange,  that  a  Christian 
Mencloza,  (taking  the  hint  from  should  look  for  authority  in  the 
Lehrija,  indeed,)  finds  abundant  practices  of  the  race  he  so  much 
warrant  for  Ferdinand's  treatment  abominates,  instead  of  the  inspired 
of  Navarre  in  the  hard  measure  precepts  of  the  Founder  of  his  reli- 
dealt  by  the  Israelites  of  old  to  the  gion  !  But  in  truth  your  thorough- 
people  of  Ephron,  and  to  Sihon,  bred  casuist  is  apt  to  be  very  little 
king  of  the  Amorites.  (Monarquia,  of  a  Christian, 
torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  6.)  It  might 


•      CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE.  36 I 

of  February  18th,  1512,  by  which  he  excommuni-   CHAPTER 

cated  the  sovereigns  of  Navaire,  as  heretics,  schis-  

matics,  and  enemies  of  the  church,  releasing  their 
subjects  from  their  allegiance,  laying  their  domin- 
ions under  an  interdict,  and  delivering  them  over  to 
any  who  should  take,  or  had  already  taken,  pos- 
session of  them.27  Most,  indeed,  are  content  to 
rest  on  this,  as  the  true  basis  and  original  ground 
of  the  conquest.  The  total  silence  of  the  Catholic 
king  respecting  this  document,  before  the  invasion, 
and  the  omission  of  the  national  historians  since  to 
produce  it,  have  caused  much  skepticism  as  to  its 
existence.  And,  although  its  recent  publication 
puts  this  beyond  doubt,  the  instrument  contains,  in 
my  judgment,  strong  internal  evidence  for  distrust- 
ing the  accuracy  of  the  date  affixed  to  it,  which 
should  have  been  posterior  to  the  invasion  ;  a  cir- 
cumstance materially  affecting  the  argument ;  and 
which  makes  the  papal  sentence,  not  the  original 
basis  of  the  war,  but  only  a  sanction  subsequently 
obtained  to  cover  its  injustice,  and  authorize  retain- 
ing the  fruits  of  it.28 


27  See  the  original  bull  of  Julius  did  Valencian  edition  of  Mariana, 
II.  apud  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  contains  in  the  Appendix  the  fa- 
torn,  ix.  Apend.  no.  2,  ed.  Valen-  mous  bull  of  Julius  II.  of  Feb.  18th, 
cia,  1796.  —  "Joannem  et  Cathari-  1512,  the  original  of  which  is  to  be 
nam,"  says  the  bull,  in  the  usual  found  in  the  royal  archives  of  Bar- 
conciliatory  style  of  the  Vatican,  celona.     The  editor,  Don  Francis- 
"  perditionis  filios, —  excommuni-  co  Ortiz  y  Sanz,  has  accompanied 
catos,    anathemizatos,   maledictos,  it  with  an  elaborate  disquisition,  in 
aeterni    supplicii   reos,"    &c.   &c.  which  he  makes  the  apostolic  sen- 
"  Our    armies    swore    terribly    in  tence  the  great  authority  for  the 
Flanders,  cried  my  uncle  Toby,  —  conquest.    It  was  a  great  triumph, 
but  nothing  to  this.      For  my  own  undoubtedly,  to  be  able  to  produce 
part  I  could  not  have  a  heart  to  the  document,  to  which  the  Span- 
curse  my  dog  so."  ish   historians   had    been   so   long 

28  The  ninth  volume  of  the  splen-  challenged  in  vain  by  foreign  wri- 

VOL.   III.  46 


362 


CONQUEST  OF   NAVARRE. 


PART 
II. 


Right  cf  pas- 
eage. 


But,  whatever  authority  such  a  sanction  may  have 
had  in  the  sixteenth  century,  it  will  find  little  re- 
spect in  the  present,  at  least  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  Pyrenees.  The  only  way,  in  which  the  ques- 
tion can  be  fairly  tried,  must  be  by  those  maxims 
of  public  law  universally  recognised  as  settling  the 
intercourse  of  civilized  nations  ;  a  science,  indeed, 
imperfectly  developed  at  that  time,  but  in  its  gene- 
ral principles  the  same  as  now,  founded,  as  these 
are,  on  the  immutable  basis  of  morality  and  justice. 

We  must  go  back  a  step  beyond  the  war,  to  the 
proximate  cause  of  it.  This  was  Ferdinand's  de- 
mand of  a  free  passage  for  his  troops  through  Na- 
varre. The  demand  was  perfectly  fair,  and  in 


ters,  and  the  existence  of  which 
might  well  be  doubted,  since  no 
record  of  it  appears  on  the  papal, 
register.  (Abarca,  Reyes  de  Ara- 
gon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  21.) 
Paris  de  Grassis,  maitre  des  ckrtmo- 
nies  of  the  chapel  of  Julius  II.  and 
Leo  X.,  makes  no  mention  of 
bull  or  excommunication,  although 
very  exact  and  particular  in  report- 
ing such  facts.  (Brequigny,  Man- 
uscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Roy, 
torn.  ii.  p.  570. )  There  is  no  reason 
that  I  know  for  doubting  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  present  instrument. 
There  are  conclusive  reasons  to 
my  mind,  however,  for  rejecting 
its  date,  and  assigning  it  to  some 
time  posterior  to  the  conquest. 

1st.  The  bull  denounces  John 
and  Catharine  as  having  openly 
joined  themselves  to  Louis  XII., 
and  borne  arms  with  him  against 
England,  Spain,  and  the  church ; 
a  charge  for  which  there  was.  no 
pretence  till  five  months  later.  — 
2d.  With  this  bull  the  editor  has 
given  another,  dated  Rome,  July 
21st,  1512,  noticed  by  Peter  Mar- 
tyr. (Opus  Epist.,  epist.  497.) 
This  latter  is  general  in  its  import, 


being  directed  against  all  nations 
whatever,  engaged  in  alliance  with 
France  against  the  church.  The 
sovereigns  of  Navarre  are  not  even 
mentioned,  nor  the  nation  itself, 
any  further  than  to  warn  it  of  the 
imminent  clanger  in  which  it  stood 
of  falling  into  the  schism.  Now  it 
is  obvious,  that  this  second  bull,  so 
general  in  its  import,  would  have 
been  entirely  superfluous  in  refer- 
ence to  Navarre,  after  the  publi- 
cation of  the  first ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  nothing  could  be  more 
natural  than  that  these  genera] 
menaces  and  warnings,  having 
proved  ineffectual,  should  be  fol- 
lowed by  the  particular  sentence 
of  excommunication  contained  in 
the  bull  of  February.  —  3d.  In  fact, 
the  bull  of  February  makes  repeat- 
ed allusion  to  a  former  one,  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that 
the  bull  of  July  21st  is  intended  ; 
since  not  only  the  sentiments,  but 
the  very  form  of  expression  are  per- 
fectly coincident  in  both  for  whole 
sentences  together. — 4th.  Ferdi- 
nand makes  no  mention  of  the  pa- 
pal excommunication,  either  in  his 
private  correspondence,  where  he 


CONQUEST  OF    NAVARRE  363 

ordinary  cases  would  doubtless  have  been  granted  CHAPTER 
by  a  neutral  nation.  But  that  nation  must,  after  XX111' 
all,  be  the  only  judge  of  its  propriety,  and  Navarre 
may  find  a  justification  for  her  refusal  on  these 
grounds.  First,  that,  in  her  weak  and  defence- 
less state,  it  was  attended  with  danger  to  herself. 
Secondly,  that,  as  by  a  previous  and  existing  treaty 
with  Spain,  the  validity  of  which  was  recognised 
in  her  new  one  of  July  17th  with  France,  she  had 
agreed  to  refuse  the  right  of  passage  to  the  latter 
nation,  she  consequently  could  not  grant  it  to  Spain 
without  a  violation  of  her  neutrality.29  Thirdly, 
that  the  demand  of  a  passage,  however  just  in  it- 
self, was  coupled  with  another,  the  surrender  of 
the  fortresses,  which  must  compromise  the  hide 
pendence  of  the  kingdom.30 

discusses  the  grounds  of  the  war,  der  which  he  lay  himself,  and  at 
or  in  his  manifesto  to  the  Navar-  the  same  time  secure  what  might 
rese,  where  it  would  have  served  be  deemed  a  sufficient  warrant  for 
his  purpose  quite  as  effectually  as  retaining  his  acquisitions, 
his  arms.  I  say  nothing  of  the  Rea-  jrs  in  general  may  think 
negative  evidence  afforded  by  the  more  time  has  been  spent  on  the 
silence  of  contemporary  writers,  as  discussion  than  it  is  worth.  But 
Lebrija,  Carbajal,  Bernaldez,  and  the  important  light,  in  which  it  is 
Martyr,  who,  while  they  allude  viewed  by  those  who  entertain 
to  a  sentence  of  excommunication  more  deference  for  a  papal  decree, 
passed  in  the  consistory,  or  to  the  is  sufficiently  attested  by  the  length 
publication  of  the  bull  of  July,  and  number  of  disquisitions  on  it, 
give  no  intimation  of  the  existence  down  to  the  present  century. 
of  that  of  February  ;  a  silence  &  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique, 
altogether  inexplicable.  The  in-  torn.  iv.  part.  1,  no.  69. 
ference  from  all  this  is,  that  the  3°  According  to  Galindez  de  Car- 
date  of  the  bull  of  February  18th,  bajal,  only  three  fortresses  were 
1512,  is  erroneous  ;  that  it  should  originally  demanded  by  Ferdinand, 
be  placed  at  some  period  posterior  (Anales,  MS.,  aiio  1512.)  He 
to  the  conquest,  and  consequently  may  have  confounded  the  num- 
could  not  have  served  as  the  ground  ber  with  that  said  to  have  been 
of  it ;  but  was  probably  obtained  at  finally  conceded  by  the  king  of  Na- 
the  instance  of  the  Catholic  king,  in  varre;  a  concession,  however,  which 
order,  by  the  odium  which  it  threw  amounted  to  little,  since  it  excluded 
on  the  sovereigns  of  Navarre,  as  by  name  two  of  the  most  impor- 
excommunicate,  to  remove  that  un-  tant  places  required,  and  the  s'n- 


CONQUEST   OF    NAVARRE. 

PART          But   although,  for  these   reasons,  the  sovereigns 
. —  of  Navarre  were  warranted  in  refusing  Ferdinand's 

Imprudence  i  /-  i         •         i  n 

of  Navarre,  request,  they  were  not  therefore  authorized  to  de- 
clare war  against  him,  which  they  virtually  did  by 
entering  into  a  defensive  alliance  with  his  enemy 
Louis  the  Twelfth,  and  by  pledging  themselves  to 
make  war  on  the  English  and  their  confederates; 
an  article  pointedly  directed  at  the  Catholic  king. 

^authorizes  True,  indeed,  the  treaty  of  Blois  had  not  re- 
ceived the  ratification  of  the  Navarrese  sovereigns  ; 
but  it  was  executed  by  their  plenipotentiaries  duly 
authorized ;  and,  considering  the  intimate  inter- 
course between  the  two  nations,  was  undoubtedly 
made  with  their  full  knowledge  and  concurrence. 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  scarcely  to  be 
expected,  that  King  Ferdinand,  when  an  accident 
had  put  him  in  possession  of  the  result  of  these 
negotiations,  should  wait  for  a  formal  declaration 
of  hostilities,  and  thus  deprive  himself  of  the  ad- 
vantage of  anticipating  the  blow  of  his  enemy. 

The  right  of  making  war  would  seem  to  include 
that  of  disposing  of  its  fruits  ;  subject,  however,  to 
those  principles  of  natural  equity,  which  should 
regulate  every  action,  whether  of  a  public  or  pri- 
vate nature.  No  principle  can  be  clearer,  for  ex- 
ample, than  that  the  penalty  should  be  proportioned 
to  the  offence.  Now  that  inflicted  on  the  sove- 
reigns of  Navarre,  which  went  so  far  as  to  dispos- 
sess them  of  their  crown,  and  annihilate  the  politi- 

cerity  of  which  may  well  be  doubt-  with  France  had  been  adjusted 
ed,  if,  as  it  would  seem,  it  was  not  See  Zurita,  Anales,  lib.  10,  cap.  7 
made  till  after  the  negotiations 


CONQUEST   OF   NAVARRE.  3(55 

za\  existence  of  their  kingdom,  was  such  as  nothing   CHAPTEB 

,.  .  c    t         xxui. 

but   extraordinary  aggressions   on   the  part  or  the  - 

conquered  nation,  or  the  self-preservation  of  the 
victors,  could  justify.  As  neither  of  these  contin- 
gencies existed  in  the  present  case,  Ferdinand's 
conduct  must  be  regarded  as  a  flagrant  example  of 
the  abuse  of  the  rights  of  conquest.  We  have 
been  but  too  familiar,  indeed,  with  similar  acts  of 
political  injustice,  and  on  a  much  larger  scale,  in 
the  present  civilized  age.  But,  although  the  num- 
ber and  splendor  of  the  precedents  may  blunt  our 
sensibility  to  the  atrocity  of  the  act,  they  can 
never  constitute  a  legitimate  warrant  for  its  per- 
petration. 

While  thus  freely  condemning  Ferdinand's  con 
duct  in  this  transaction,  I  cannot  go  along  with 
those,  who,  having  inspected  the  subject  less  minute- 
ly, are  disposed  to  regard  it  as  the  result  of  a  cool, 
premeditated  policy,  from  the  outset.  The  propo- 
sitions originally  made  by  him  to  Navarre  appear 
to  have  been  conceived  in  perfect  good  faith.  The 
requisition  of  the  fortresses,  impudent  as  it  may 
seem,  was  nothing  more  than  had  been  before 
made  in  Isabella's  time,  when  it  had  been  granted, 
and  the  security  subsequently  restored,  as  soon  as 
the  emergency  had  passed  away.81  The  alterna- 
tive proposed,  of  entering  into  the  Holy  League, 
presented  many  points  of  view  so  favorable  to 
Navarre,  that  Ferdinand,  ignorant,  as  he  then  was, 
of  the  precise  footing  on  which  she  stood  with 

31  Aleson,  Annales  de  Navarra,  torn.  v.  lib.  35,  cap.  1,3.  — Garibay, 
Compendio,  torn.  iii.  lib.  29,  cap.  13. 


366 


PART 
II. 


CONQUEST  OF  NAVARRE. 

France,  might  have  seen  no  improbability  in  he, 
closing  with  it.  Had  either  alternative  been  em- 
braced, there  would  have  been  no  pretext  for  the 
invasion.  Even  when  hostilities  had  been  precip- 
itated bj  the  impolitic  conduct  of  Navarre,  Ferdi- 
nand (to  judge,  not  from  his  public  manifestoes 
only,  but  from  his  private  correspondence)  would 
seem  to  have  at  first  contemplated  holding  the 
country,  only  till  the  close  of  his  French  expedi- 
tion. 32  But  the  facility  of  retaining  these  con- 
quests, when  once  acquired,  was  too  strong  a  temp- 
tation. It  was  easy  to  find  some  plausible  pretext 
to  justify  it,  and  obtain  such  a  sanction  from  the 
highest  authority,  as  should  veil  the  injustice  of  the 
transaction  from  the  world,  —  and  from  his  own 
eyes.  And  that  these  were  blinded  is  but  too  true, 
if,  as  an  Ara°;onese  historian  declares,  he  could  re- 
mark on  his  death-bed,  "  that,  independently  of 
the  conquest  having  been  undertaken  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  for  the  extirpation 
of  the  schism,  he  felt  his  conscience  as  easy  in 
keeping  it,  as  in  keeping  his  crown  of  Aragon."83 

32  See  King  Ferdinand's  letter,  ja,  De    Bello    Navariensi.  lib.  1, 

July  2(Hh,  and  his  manifesto,  July  cap.  7. 

30th,  1512,  apud  Bernaldez,  Reyes  &  Abarca,    Reyes  de   Aragon, 

Cat61icos,  MS.,  cap.  235.  —  Lebri-  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  21. 


Authorities         I  have  made  use  of  three  author-  1596.  8vo.   This  anonymous  work, 

lory'-TfNa.     'l*es    ex.cllislvely   devoted    to  Na-  from  the  pen  of  one  of  Henry  IV. 'g 

vaiie.             varre,    in    the    present     History,  secretaries,   is   little   else   than    a 

1.    "  L'Histoire    du   Iloyaume  de  meagre  compilation  of  facts,  and 

Navarre,    par   un   des  Secretaires  these  deeply  colored  by  the  nation- 

Interprettes  de  sa  Maiest<§."  Paris,  al  prejudices  of  the  writer.     It  de- 


<X>N QUEST    OF    NAVARRE. 


367 


mes  some  value  from  this  circum- 
stance, however,  in  the  contrast  it 
affords  to  the  Spanish  version  of  the 
same  transactions.  2.  A  tract  en- 
titled "  ^Elii  Antonii  Nebrissensis 
de  Bello  Navariensi  Libri  Duo." 
It  covers  less  than  thirty  pages  fo- 
lio, and  is  chiefly  occupied,  as  the 
title  imports,  with  the  military 
events  of  the  conquest  by  the  duke 
of  Alva.  It  was  originally  incor- 
porated in  the  volume  containing 
Us  learned  author's  version,  or 
rather  paraphrase  of  Pulgar's 
Cnronicle,  with  some  other  mat- 
ters ;  and  first  appeared  from  the 
press  of  the  younger  Lebrija, 
"  apud  inclytam  Granatam,  1545." 
3.  But  the  great  work  illustrating 
the  history  of  Navarre  is  the 
"  Annales  del  Reyno  "  ;  of  which 
the  best  edition  is  that  in  seven  vol- 
umes, folio,  from  the  press  of  Iba- 
fiez,  Pamplona,  1766.  Its  typo- 
graphical execution  would  be  cred- 
itable to  any  country.  The  thiee 
first  volumes  were  written  by  Mo- 
ret,  whose  profound  acquaintance 
with  the  antiquities  of  his  nation 


has  made  his  book  indispensable  to    CHAPTER 
the   student  of  this   portion  of  its       xxill. 

history.     The  fourth  and  fifth  are    1_ 

the  continuation  of  his  work  by 
Francisco  de  Aleson,  a  Jesuit  who 
succeeded  Morel  as  historiographer 
of  Navarre.  The  two  last  volumes 
are  devoted  to  investigations  illus- 
trating the  antiquities  of  Navarre, 
from  the  pen  of  Moret,  and  are 
usually  published  separately  from 
his  great  historic  work.  Aleson's 
continuation,  extending  from  1350 
to  1527,  is  a  production  of  consid- 
erable merit.  It  shows  extensive 
research  on  the  part  of  its  author, 
who,  however,  has  not  always  con- 
fined himself  to  the  most  authentic 
and  accredited  sources  of  informa- 
tion. His  references  exhibit  a  sin- 
gular medley  of  original  contem- 
porary documents,  and  apocryphal 
authorities  of  a  very  recent  date. 
Though  a  Navarrese,  he  has  writ- 
ten with  the  impartiality  of  one,  iu 
whom  local  prejudices  were  extin- 
guished in  the  more  comprehensive 
national  feelings  of  a  Spaniard. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

DEATH  OF  GONSALVO  DE  CORDOVA.  —  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH  Ol 
FERDINAND.—  HIS  CHARACTER. 

1513—1516. 

Gonsalvo  ordered  to  Italy.  —  General  Enthusiasm.  —  The  King's  Dia 
trust.  —  Gonsalvo  in  Retirement.  —  Decline  of  his  Health.  —  His 
Death,  and  noble  Character.  —  Ferdinand's  Illness.  —  It  increases. 
—  He  dies.  —  His  Character.  —  A  Contrast  to  Isabella.  —  The  Judg- 
ment of  his  Contemporaries. 

PART          NOTWITHSTANDING  the  good  order  which  King 
—  Ferdinand  maintained  in  Castile  bj  his  energetic 
conduct,  as  well  as  by  his  policy  of  diverting  the 

*  J 


tensions 


effervescing  spirits  of  the  nation  to  foreign  enter- 
prise, he  still  experienced  annoyance  from  various 
causes.  Among  these  were  Maximilian's  preten- 
sions to  the  regency,  as  paternal  grandfather  of  the 
heir  apparent.  The  emperor,  indeed,  had  more 
than  once  threatened  to  assert  his  preposterous 
claims  to  Castile  in  person;  and,  although  this  Quix- 
otic monarch,  who  had  been  tilting  against  wind- 
mills all  his  life,  failed  to  excite  any  powerful  sen- 
sation, either  by  his  threats  or  his  promises,  it  fur- 
nished a  plausible  pretext  for  keeping  alive  a  fac- 
tion hostile  to  the  interests  of  the  Catholic  King. 


DEATH  AND   CHARACTER   OF  FERDINAND.  369 

In  the  winter  of  1509  an  arrangement  was  made   CHAPTER 

"JfYTV 

with  the  emperor,  through  the  mediation  of  Louis L_ 

the  Twelfth,  by  which  he  finally  relinquished  his 
pretensions  to  the  regency  of  Castile,  in  consider- 
ation of  the  aid  of  three  hundred  lances,  and  the 
transfer  to  him  of  the  fifty  thousand  ducats,  which 
Ferdinand  was  to  receive  from  Pisa.1  No  bribe 
was  too  paltry  for  a  prince,  whose  means  were  as 
narrow,  as  his  projects  were  vast  and  chimerical. 
Even  after  this  pacification,  the  Austrian  party  con- 
trived to  disquiet  the  king,  by  maintaining  the 
archduke  Charles's  pretensions  to  the  government 
in  the  name  of  his  unfortunate  mother;  until  at 
length,  the  Spanish  monarch  came  to  entertain  not 
merely  distrust,  but  positive  aversion  for  his  grand- 
son ;  while  the  latter,  as  he  advanced  in  years,  was 
taught  to  regard  Ferdinand  as  one,  who  excluded 
him  from  his  rightful  inheritance  by  a  most  flagrant 
act  of  usurpation.2 

Ferdinand's  suspicious  temper  found  other  grounds  f^*}™  ^ 
for  uneasiness,  where  there  was  less  warrant  for  it,  Italy' 
in  his  jealousy  of  his   illustrious  subject  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova.     This  was  particularly  the  case,  when 
circumstances  had  disclosed  the  full  extent  of  that 
general's  popularity.     After  the  defeat  of  Ravenna, 
the  pope  and  the  other  allies  of  Ferdinand  urged 
him  in  the  most  earnest  manner  to  send  the  Great 
Captain    into    Italy,  as  the  only  man   capable  of 
checking  the  French  arms,  and  restoring  the  for- 

1    Mariana,    Hist,    de    Espafia,  2  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10, 

torn.  ii.  lib.  29,  cap.  21.  —  Zurita,  cap.  55,  69.  —  Peter  Martyr,  Opus 

Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  8,  cap.  45,  47.  Epist.,  epist.  531. 
VOL.    III.                       47 


310  DEATH    OF   GONSALVO. 


PART      tunes  of  the  league.     The  king,  trembling  for  the 

! immediate  safety  of  his  own  dominions,  gave  a  re- 

lM«yf      luctant  assent,  and  ordered  Gonsalvo  to  hold  him- 
self in  readiness  to  take  command  of  an  army  to 
be  instantly  raised  for  Italy. s 
General  These  tidings  were  received  with  enthusiasm  by 

enthusiasm  • 

the  Castilians.  Men  of  every  rank  pressed  forward 
to  serve  under  a  chief,  whose  service  was  itself 
sufficient  passport  to  fame.  "  It  actually  seemed," 
says  Martyr,  "  as  if  Spain  were  to  be  drained  of  all 
her  noble  and  generous  blood.  Nothing  appeared 
.  impossible,  or  even  difficult  under  such  a  leader. 
Hardly  a  cavalier  in  the  land,  but  would  have 
thought  it  a  reproach  to  remain  behind.  Truly 
marvellous,"  he  adds,  "  is  the  authority  which  he 
has  acquired  over  all  orders  of  men  !  "* 

Such  was  the  zeal  with  which  men  enlisted  un- 
der his  banner,  that  great  difficulty  was  found  in 
completing  the  necessary  levies  for  Navarre,  then 
menaced  by  the  French.  The  king,  alarmed  at 
this,  and  relieved  from  apprehensions  of  immediate 
danger  to  Naples,  by  subsequent  advices  from  that 
country,  sent  orders  greatly  reducing  the  number 
of  forces  to  be  raised.  But  this  had  little  effect, 
since  every  man,  who  had  the  means,  preferred  act- 
ing as  a  volunteer  under  the  Great  Captain  to  any 
other  service,  however  gainful ;  and  many  a  pool 
cavalier  was  there,  who  expended  his  little  all,  01 


3  Peter    Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  lib 

epist.   486.  —  Chronioa   del   Gran  3,  p.  288. 

Capitan,  lib.  3,  cap.  7.  —  Zurita,         4  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  487.— Pul- 

Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10,  cap.  2.  —  gar,  Sumario,  p.  201. 


DEATH  AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  37 1 

incurred   a   heavy  debt,  in   order   to  appear  in  the   CHAPTER 
field  in  a  style  becoming  the  chivalry  of  Spain.  XX1V' 

Ferdinand's  former  distrust  of  his    general  was  Thewnri 

dUtruat, 

now  augmented  tenfold  by  this  evidence  of  his  un- 
bounded popularity.  He  saw  in  imagination  much 
more  danger  to  Naples  from  such  a  subject,  than 
from  any  enemy,  however  formidable.  He  had  re- 
ceived intelligence,  moreover,  that  the  French  were 
in  full  retreat  towards  the  north.  He  hesitated  no 
longer,  but  sent  instructions  to  the  Great  Captain  is  12. 
at  Cordova,  to  disband  his  levies,  as  the  expedition 
would  be  postponed  till  after  the  present  winter; 
at  the  same  time  inviting  such  as  chose  to  enlist  in 
the  service  of  Navarre. 6 

These  tidings  were  received  with  indignant  feel- 
ings by  the  whole  army.  The  officers  refused, 
nearly  to  a  man,  to  engage  in  the  proposed  ser- 
vice. Gonsalvo,  who  understood  the  motives  of 
this  change  in  the  royal  purpose,  was  deeply  sensi- 
ble to  what  he  regarded  as  a  personal  affront.  He, 
however,  enjoined  on  his  troops  implicit  obedience 
to  the  king's  commands.  Before  dismissing  them, 
as  he  knew  that  many  had  been  drawn  into  expen- 
sive preparations  far  beyond  their  means,  he  dis- 
tributed largesses  among  them,  amounting  to  the 
immense  sum,  if  we  may  credit  his  biographers,  of 
one  hundred  thousand  ducats.  "  Never  stint  your 
hand,"  said  he  to  his  steward,  who  remonstrated  on 
the  magnitude  of  the  donative ;  "  there  is  no  mode 

5  Giovio,  Vita  Magrni  Gonsalvi,  Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  38.  — Peter 
lib.  3,  p.  289.  —  Chronica  del  Gran  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  498.— 
Capitan,  lib.  3,  cap.  7,  8.  —  Ulloa,  Pul^r,  Sumario,  p.  201. 


372  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO.   "  '*?• 

PART      of  enjoying  one's   property,  like  giving  it  away." 
"'        He  then  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king,  in  which  he 


gave  free  vent  to  his  indignation,  bitterly  complain- 
ing of  the  ungenerous  requital  of  his  services,  and 
asking  leave  to  retire  to  his  duchy  of  Terranova  in 
Naples,  since  he  could  be  no  longer  useful  in  Spain. 
This  request  was  not  calculated  to  lull  Ferdinand's 
suspicions.  He  answered,  however,  "  in  the  soft 
and  pleasant  style,  which  he  knew  so  well  how  to 
assume,"  says  Zurita  ;  and,  after  specifying  his  mo- 
tives for  relinquishing,  however  reluctantly,  the 
expedition,  he  recommended  Gonsalvo's  return  to 
Loja,  at  least  until  some  more  definite  arrangement 
could  be  made  respecting  the  affairs  of  Italy. 
go?s7nto  Thus  condemned  to  his  former  seclusion,  the 
retirement.  Qreat  Captam  resumed  his  late  habits  of  life,  freely- 
opening  his  mansion  to  persons  of  merit,  interesting 
himself  in  plans  for  ameliorating  the  condition  of 
his  tenantry  and  neighbours,  and  in  this  quiet  way 
winning  a  more  unquestionable'  title  to  human  grati- 
tude than  when  piling  up  the  blood-stained  trophies 
of  victory.  Alas  for  humanity,  that  it  should  have 
deemed  otherwise  !  6 

de^reftfr8         Another  circumstance,  which  disquieted  the  Cath- 

ren<       olic  king,  was  the  failure  of  issue   by  his  present 

wife.     The  natural  desire  of  offspring  was  further 

stimulated  by  hatred  of  the  house  of  Austria,  which 

made  him  eager  to  abridge  the  ample  inheritance 

•  '••!!  ?j  i 

6  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn.  vi.   lib.  10,  cap.  28.  —  Quintana, 

ii.  lib.  30,  cap.  14.  —  Giovio,  Vitae  Espafioles  C6Iebres,  Vom.   i.   pp. 

Illust.  Virorum,  pp.  290,  291.—  328  -  332.  —  Abarca,     Reyes    de 

Chr6nica  del  Gran  Capitan,  lib.  3,  Aragon,  torn.  h.  rey  30,  cap.  20.— 

cap.  7,  8,  9.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  Pulgar,  Sumario,  pp.  201-208. 


DEATH  AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  375 

about  to  descend  on  his  grandson  Charles.     It  must   CHAPTER 

XXIV      / 

be  confessed,  that  it  reflects  little  credit  on  his  heart  - 
or  his  understanding,  that  he  should  have  been  so 
ready  to  sacrifice  to  personal  resentment  those  noble 
plans  for  the  consolidation  of  the  monarchy,  which 
had  so  worthily  occupied  the  attention  both  of  him- 
self and  of  Isabella,  in  his  early  life.  His  wishes 
had  nearly  been  realized.  Queen  Germaine  was 
delivered  of  a  son,  March  3d,  1509.  Providence, 
however,  as  if  unwilling  to  defeat  the  glorious  con- 
summation of  the  union  of  the  Spanish  kingdoms, 
so  long  desired  and  nearly  achieved,  permitted  the  * 
infant  to  live  only  a  few  hours.7 

Ferdinand  repined  at  the  blessing  denied  him,  Decline  of 

'    his  health. 

now  more  than  ever.  In  order  to  invigorate  his 
constitution,  he  resorted  to  artificial  means.8  The 
medicines  which  he  took  had  the  opposite  effect. 
At  least  from  this  time,  the  spring  of  1513,  he  was  is  is. 

March. 

afflicted  with  infirmities  before  unknown  to  him. 
Instead  of  his  habitual  equanimity  and  cheerfulness, 
he  became  impatient,  irritable,  and  frequently  a 
prey  to  morbid  melancholy.  He  lost  all  relish  for 
business,  and  even  for  amusements,  except  field 
sports,  to  which  he  devoted  the  greater  part  of  his 
time.  The  fever  which  consumed  him  made  him 
impatient  of  long  residence  in  any  one  place,  and 
during  these  last  years  of  his  life  the  court  was  in 


'  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  aiio  curious  precision  by  Martyr,  —  who 

1509.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  is  much  too  precise,  indeed,  for  our 

lib.  10,  cap.  55.  pages,  —  as  to  leave  little  doubt  of 

8  They  are  detailed  with  such  the  fact.     Opus  Epist.,  epist.  531. 


uue. 


374  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PART      perpetual  migration.     The  unhappy  monarch,  alas ! 
—  could  not  fly  from  disease,  or  from  himself  9 

1515.  In  the  summer  of  1515,  he  was  found  one  night 
by  his  attendants  in  a  state  of  insensibility,  from 
which  it  was  difficult  to  rouse  him.  He  exhibited 
flashes  of  his  former  energy  after  this,  however. 
On  one  occasion  he  made  a  journey  to  Aragon,  in 
order  to  preside  at  the  deliberations  of  the  cortes, 
and  enforce  the  grant  of  supplies,  to  which  the 
nobles,  from  selfish  considerations,  made  resistance. 
The  king  failed,  indeed,  to  bend  their  intractable 
tempers,  but  he  displayed  on  the  occasion  all  his 
wonted  address  and  resolution.10 

On  his  return  to  Castile,  which,  perhaps  from  the 
greater  refinement  and  deference  of  the  people, 
seems  to  have  been  always  a  more  agreeable  resi- 
dence to  him  than  his  own  kingdom  of  Aragon,  he 
received  intelligence  very  vexatious,  in  the  irritable 
state  of  his  mind.  He  learned,  that  the  Great  Cap- 
tain was  preparing  to  embark  for  Flanders,  with  his 
friend  the  count  of  Urena,  the  marquis  of  Priego  his 
nephew,  and  his  future  son-in-law,  the  count  of  Ca- 
bra.  Some  surmised,  that  Gonsalvo  designed  to 


9  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,   afio  senilis    setas ;    secundum    namque 

1513,  et  seq.  —  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  agit  et  sexagesimum  annum  :  uxor, 

Memorables,    fol.    188.  —  Gomez,  quam  a  latere  nunquam  abigit :   et 

De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  146.  —  San-  venatus  cosloque  vivendi  cupiditas, 

doval.  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  quae  ilium   in  sylvis  detinet,   ultra 

torn.  i.  p.  27.  quam  in  juvenili  aetate,  citra  salu- 

"  Non  idem  est  vultus,"   says  tern,    fas    esset."      Opus    Epist., 

Peter  Martyr  of  the  king,  in  a  let-  epist.  529. 

ter  dated  in  October,  1513,  "  non  10  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.   lib. 

eadem   facultas   in   audiendo,   non  10,  cap.  93,94.  —  Carbajal,  Anales, 

eadem  lenitas.     Tria  sunt  illi,  ne  MS.,   afio   1515.  —  Peter  Martyr, 

priores    resumat    vires,   opposita  :  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  550. 


DEATH   AND  CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  375 

take  command  of  the  papal  army  in  Italy  ;  others,    CHAPTER 

XXIV 

to  join  himself  with  the  archduke  Charles,  and  in-  - 
troduce  him,  if  possible,  into  Castile.     Ferdinand, 
clinging  to  power  more  tenaciously  as  it  was  ready 
to  slip  of  itself  from  his  grasp,  had  little  doubt  that 
the  latter  was  his  purpose.     He  sent  orders  there- 
fore to  the  south,  to  prevent  the  meditated  embar 
kation,  and,  if  necessary,  to  seize  Gonsalvo's  person. 
But  the  latter  was  soon   to  embark  on  a  voyage, 
where  no  earthly  arm  could  arrest  him.11 

In  the  autumn  of  1515  he  was  attacked   by  a  consaiyo's 

J  illness  ana 

quartan  fever.  Its  approaches  at  first  were  mild.  dealh- 
His  constitution,  naturally  good,  had  been  invigor- 
ated by  the  severe  training  of  a  military  life  ;  and 
he  had  been  so  fortunate,  that,  notwithstanding  the 
free  exposure  of  his  person  to  danger,  he  had  never 
received  a  wound.  But,  although  little  alarm  was 
occasioned  at  first  by  his  illness,  he  found  it  impos- 
sible to  throw  it  off;  and  he  removed  to  his  resi- 
dence in  Granada,  in  hopes  of  deriving  benefit  from 
its  salubrious  climate.  Every  effort  to  rally  the  de- 
clining powers  of  nature  proved  unavailing ;  and 
on  the  2d  of  December,  1515,  he  expired  in  his  1515 
own  palace  at  Granada,  in  the  arms  of  his  wife,  and 
his  beloved  daughter  Elvira.12 

The  death  of  this  illustrious  man  diffused  univer- 
sal   sorrow  throughout    the   nation.     All  envy  and 


11  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  pp.  271,  292.  —  Chronica  del  Gran 

10,  cap.  96.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Capitan,  lib-  3,  cap.  9.  —  Peter 

Arasjon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  23.  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  560. — 

—  Giovio,  Vitss  Illust.  Virorum,  p.  Carhajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1515. 

292.  — Garibay,  Compondio,  torn.  ii.  lib. 

J9  Giovio  Vitse  Illust.  Virorum,  20,  cap.  23.— Pulgar,  Sum.,  p.  209, 


376  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PAKT      unworthy  suspicion  died  with  him.     The  king  and 

! the    whole    court    went   into   mourning.      Funeral 

services  were  performed  in  his  honor,  in  the  royal 
chapel  and  all  the  principal  churches  of  the  king- 
dom. Ferdinand  addressed  a  letter  of  consolation 
to  his  duchess,  in  which  he  lamented  the  death  of 
one,  "  who  had  rendered  him  inestimable  services, 
and  to  whom  he  had  ever  borne  such  sincere  affec- 
tion " ! 1S  His  obsequies  were  celebrated  with  great 
magnificence  in  the  ancient  Moorish  capital,  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  count  of  Tendilla,  the 
son  and  successor  of  Gonsalvo's  old  friend,  the  late 
governor  of  Granada.14  His  remains,  first  deposit- 
ed in  the  Franciscan  monastery,  were  afterwards 
removed,  and  laid  beneath  a  sumptuous  mausoleum 
in  the  church  of  San  Geronimo ; 15  and  more  than 
a  hundred  banners  and  royal  pennons,  waving  in 
melancholy  pomp  around  the  walls  of  the  chapel, 
proclaimed  the  glorious  achievements  of  the  warrior 
who  slept  beneath.16  His  noble  wife,  Dona  Maria 

13  See  a  copy  of  the  original  to  his  eldest  son,  Don  Luis,  Mar- 
letter  in   the   Chronica   del    Gran  tyr's  early  pupil  ;  his  genius  was 
Capitan,    (fol.   164.)      It  is    dated  inherited    in    full    measure    by   a 
Jan.   3d,    1516,  only  three  weeks  younger,  the  famous  Diego  Hurta- 
before  Ferdinand's  death.  do  de  Mendoza. 

14  Peter    Martyr    notices    the        15  The  following    inscription   is 
death  of  this  estimable  nobleman,     placed  over  them. 

full  of  years   and  of  honors,  in   a       «GONZALI  FERNANDEZ  DE  CORDOVA. 
letter  dated  July  18th,  1515.     It  is  QU>  propria  virmte 

nflflrp<5«pH     tn    TpnHiUn's    <snn      nnH  Mngni  Ducis  nomen 

addressed    to    lenamas   son,  ana  Proprium  sibi  fecit, 

breathes   the    consolation    flowing  Ossa, 

from    the    mild    and    philosophical  Perpetuae  tandem 

spirit  of  its  amiable  author      The  JftSSSZtSi* 

count  was  made  marquis  of  Mon-  Credita  sum ; 

dejar  by  Ferdinand,  a  short  time  Gloria  minime  consepulta." 

before  his  death.     His  various  ti-  ]6  Navagiero,  Viaggio,  fol.  24. 

ties    and   dignities,   including   the  On  the  top  of  the  monument  was 

government  of  Granada,  descended  seen  the  marble  effigy  of  the  Great 


DEATH   AND  CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  377 

Manrique,    survived    him    but   a  few    days.      His   CHAPTER 

xxiv 
daughter  Elvira  inherited  the  princely  titles  and  es-  

tales  of  her  father,  which,  by  her  marriage  with 
her  kinsman,  the  count  of  Cabra,  were  perpetu- 
ated in  the  house  of  Cordova. 17 

Gonsalvo,  or  as  he  is  called  in  Castilian,  Gonza- 
lo  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  was  sixty-two  years 
old  at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  countenance  and 
person  are  represented  to  have  been  extremely 
handsome;  his  manners,  elegant  and  attractive,  were 
stamped  with  that  lofty  dignity,  which  so  often  dis- 
tinguishes his  countrymen.  "  He  still  bears,"  says 
Martyr,  speaking  of  him  in  the  last  years  of  his  life, 
u  the  same  majestic  port  as  when  in  the  height  of 
his  former  authority  ;  so  that  every  one  who  visits 
him  acknowledges  the  influence  of  his  noble  pres- 
ence, as  fully  as  when,  at  the  head  of  armies,  he 
gave  laws  to  Italy."18 

His  splendid  military  successes,  so  gratifying  to 
Castilian  pride,  have  made  the  name  of  Gonsalvo 

Captain,  armed  and  kneeling.  The  estates  of  the  value  of  40,000  du- 

banners  and  other  military  trophies,  cats  rent.  He  was  also  grand  con- 

which  continued  to  garnish  the  stable  of  Naples,  and  a  nobleman 

walls  of  the  chapel,  according  to  of  Venice.  His  princely  honors 

Pedraza,  as  late  as  1600,  had  dis-  were  transmitted  by  Dofia  Elvira 

appeared  before  the  eighteenth  cen-  to  her  son,  Gonzalo  Hernandez  de 

tury  ;  at  least  we  may  infer  so  Cordova,  who  filled  the  posts,  un- 

from  Colmenar's  silence  respecting  der  Charles  V.,of  governor  of  Mi- 

them  in  his  account  of  the  sep-  Ian,  and  captain  general  of  Italy, 

ulahre.  Pedraza,  Antiguedad  de  Under  Philip  TI.,  his  descendants 

Granada,  fol.  114.  —  Colmenar,  were  raised  to  a  Spanish  dukedom, 

Delices  de  1'Espagne,  torn.  iii.  p.  with  the  title  of  Dukes  of  Baena. 

505.  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memorables, 

17  Chronica  del  Gran  Capitan,  fol.  24.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Carlo  V., 

lib.  3,  cap.  9. — Giovio,  Vitae  111 ust.  fol.  41.  —  Salazar  de  Mendoza, 

Virorum,  fol.  292.  Dignidades,  p.  307. 

Gonsalvo  was  created  duke  of  18  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  498. — 

Terra  Nuova  and  Sessa,  and  mar-  Giovio,  Vita  Magni  Gonsalvi,  p. 

quis  of  Bitonto,  all  in  Italy  with  292.  —  Pulgar,  Sumario,  p.  212. 

VOL.  III.  48 


378  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 


H. 


PART  as  familiar  to  his  countrymen  as  that  of  the  Cid; 
which,  floating  down  the  stream  of  popular  melo- 
dy, has  been  treasured  up  as  a  part  of  the  national 
history.  His  shining  qualities,  even  more  than  his 
exploits,  have  been  often  made  the  theme  of  fic- 
tion ;  and  fiction,  as  usual,  has  dealt  with  them  in 
a  fashion  to  leave  only  confused  and  erroneous  con- 
ceptions of  both.  More  is  known  of  the  Spanish 
hero,  for  instance,  to  foreign  readers  from  Florian's 
agreeable  novel,  than  from  any  authentic  record  of 
his  actions.  Yet  Florian,  by  dwelling  only  on  the 
dazzling  and  popular  traits  of  his  hero,  has  depict- 
ed him  as  the  very  personification  of  romantic  chiv- 
alry. This  certainly  was  not  his  character,  which 
might  be  said  to  have  been  formed  after  a  riper  peri- 
od of  civilization  than  the  age  of  chivalry.  At  least, 
it  had  none  of  the  nonsense  of  that  age,  —  its  fan- 
ciful vagaries,  reckless  adventure,  and  wild  roman- 
tic gallantry. 19  His  characteristics  were  prudence, 
coolness,  steadiness  of  purpose,  and  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  man.  He  understood,  above  all,  the  tem- 
per of  his  own  countrymen.  He  may  be  said  in 
some  degree  to  have  formed  their  military  charac- 
ter ;  their  patience  of  severe  training  and  hardship, 
their  unflinching  obedience,  their  inflexible  spirit 
under  reverses,  and  their  decisive  energy  in  the 
hour  of  action.  It  is  certain,  that  the  Spanish 
soldier  under  his  hands  assumed  an  entirely  new 


19  Gonsalvo  assumed  for  his  de-  mind  trusting  more  to  policy  than 

vice  a  cross-bow  moved  by  a  pulley,  force   and   daring   exploit.     Bran- 

with  the  motto,  "  Ingenium  superat  tome,  OEuvres,  torn.  i.  p.  75. 
vires."     It  was  characteristic  of  a 


DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  379 

aspect  from  that  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  CHAPTER 

XXIV 

romantic  wars  of  the  Peninsula. 

Gonsalvo  was  untainted  with  the  coarser  vices 
characteristic  of  the  time.  He  discovered  none  of 
that  griping  avarice,  too  often  the  reproach  of  his 
countrymen  in  these  wars.  His  hand  and  heart 
were  liberal  as  the  day.  He  betrayed  none  of  the 
cruelty  and  licentiousness,  which  disgrace  the  age 
of  chivalry.  On  all  occasions  he  was  prompt  to 
protect  women  from  injury  or  insult.  Although 
his  distinguished  manners  and  rank  gave  him  ob- 
vious advantages  with  the  sex,  he  never  abused 
them;20  and  he  has  left  a  character,  unimpeached 
by  any  historian,  of  unblemished  morality  in  his 
domestic  relations.  This  was  a  rare  virtue  in  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Gonsalvo's  fame  rests  on  his  military  prowess;  H*  private 
yet  his  character  would  seem  in  many  respects  bet- 
ter suited  to  the  calm  and  cultivated  walks  of  civil 
life.  His  government  of  Naples  exhibited  much 
discretion  and  sound  policy ; 21  and  there,  as  after- 
wards in  his  retirement,  his  polite  and  liberal  man- 
ners secured  not  merely  the  good-will,  but  the 
strong  attachment,  of  those  around  him.  His  early 
education,  like  that  of  most  of  the  noble  cavaliers 
who  came  forward  before  the  improvements  intro- 
duced under  Isabella,  was  taken  up  with  knightly 
exercises,  more  than  intellectual  accomplishments. 
He  was  never  taught  Latin,  and  had  no  pretensions 


»  Giovio,  Vilae  Illust.  Virorum,        21  Ibid.,  p.  281.  — Giannone,  Is- 
p.  271.  toria  di  Napoli,  lib.  30,  cap.  1,  5- 


380  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

FART      to  scholarship;  but  he   honored  and  nobly  recom- 

—  pensed   it    in  others.     His   solid  sense  and  liberal 

taste  supplied  all  deficiencies  in  himself,  and  led  him 

to  select  friends  and  companions  from  among  the 

most  enlightened  and  virtuous  of  the  community.22 

ma  want  ot        On  this  fair  character  there  remains  one  foul  rer 

faith. 

proach..  This  is  his  breach  of  faith  in  two  memora- 
ble instances;  first,  to  the  young  duke  of  Calabria, 
and  afterwards  to  Caesar  Borgia,  both  of  whom  he 
betrayed  into  the  hands  of  King  Ferdinand,  their 
personal  enemy  ;  and  in  violation  of  his  most  solemn 
pledges.23  True,  it  was  in  obedience  to  his  master's 
commands,  and  not  to  serve  his  own  purposes ;  and 
true  also,  this  want  of  faith  was  the  besetting  sin  of 
the  age.  But  history  has  no  warrant  to  tamper 
with  right  and  wrong,  or  to  brighten  the  character 
of  its  favorites  by  diminishing  one  shade  of  the 
abhorrence  which  attaches  to  their  vices.  Th,ey 
should  rather  be  held  up  in  their  true  deformity,  as 
the  more  conspicuous  from  the  very  greatness  with 

22  Giovio,  Vitze  Illust.  Virorum,     subverting   the    authority    of   the 
p.  271.  Spaniards  there;    in   consequence 

"Amigodesusamigos,  of  which  the  Great  Captaiii  seized 

YQparS£  ?'ara  Criad°S  his  person,  and  sent  him  prisoner 

iUue  enemigo  de  enemigos'j  to  Castile.     Such,  at  least,  is  the 

;  Que  nmestroto  esforzados  Spanish  version  of  the  story,  and 

iVufs^opara  discretes  •  °f  coufe  the  one  most  favorable  to 

i  Q.HC  gracia  para  donosos !  Lrorisalvo.      Mariana   dismisses   it 

iQuerazon!  wjth  coolly  remarking,   that  "the 

&i!3&*&B*  Great  Captain  seems  to  have  con- 

Un  icon."  suited  the  public  good,  in  the  affair, 
Coplas  de  Don  Jorge  Manrique.      more  than  hJs  own  fame  .  a  conduct 

23  Borgia,  after  his  father  Alex-  well  worthy  to  be  pondered  and  em- 
ander  VI. 's  death,  escaped  to  Na-  ulated  by  all  princes  and  rulers"! 
pies  under  favor  of  a  safe  conduct  Hist,  de  Espafia,  lib.  28,  cap.  8.— 
signed  by  Gonsalvo.     Here,  how-  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  v.  lib.  5,  cap. 
ever,  his  intriguing  spirit  soon  en-  72.  —  Quintana,   Espailoles   Cele- 
gaged  him  in  schemes  for  troubling  bres,  pp.  302,  303. 

the  peace  of  Italy,  and,  indeed,  for 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  381 

which  they  are  associated.     It  may  be   remarked,   CHAPTER 

XXIV 

however,  that  the  reiterated  and  unsparing  oppro-  — ' — '•— 
brium  with  which  foreign  writers,  who  have  been 
little  sensible  to  Gonsalvo's  merits  have  visited 
these  offences,  affords  tolerable  evidence  that  they 
are  the  only  ones  of  any  magnitude  that  can  be 
charged  on  him.24 

As  to  the  imputation  of  disloyalty,  we  have  else-  Hi«ioyaitv. 
where  had  occasion  to  notice  its  apparent  ground- 
lessness. It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  the 
ungenerous  treatment  which  he  had  experienced 
ever  since  his  return  from  Naples  had  not  provoked 
feelings  of  indignation  in  his  bosom.  Nor  would  it 

D  O 

be  surprising,  under  these  circumstances,  if  he  had 
been  led  to  regard  the  archduke  Charles's  preten- 
sions to  the  regency,  as  he  came  of  age,  with  a 
favorable  eye.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  of 
this,  or  of  any  act  unfriendly  to  Ferdinand's  inter- 
ests. His  whole  public  life,  on  the  contrary,  ex- 
hibited the  truest  loyalty ;  and  the  only  stains  that 
darken  his  fame  were  incurred  by  too  unhesitating 
devotion  to  the  wishes  of  his  master.  He  is  not 
the  first  nor  the  last  statesman,  who  has  reaped 
the  royal  recompense  of  ingratitude,  for  serving 
his  king  with  greater  zeal  than  he  -had  served  his 
Maker. 


24  That  but  one  other  troubled  the  third.     "  Some  historians  sup- 

him,  appears  from  the  fact  (if  it  be  a  pose, "says  Quintana,  "  that  by  this 

fact)  of  Gonsalvo's  declaring,  on  his  last  he  meant  his  omission  to  pos- 

deathbed,  that  "  there  were  three  sess  himself  of  the  crown  of  Naples 

nets  of  his  life  which  he  deeply  re-  when  it  was  in  his  power  "  !   These 

pented."     Two  of  these  were  his  historians,  no  doubt,  like  Fouch4, 

treatmcntof  Borgia  and  the  duke  of  considered  a  blunder  in  politics  aa 

Calabria    He  was  silent  respecting  worse  than  a  crime. 


PART 
n. 


iifnw i 

creases. 


DEATH    OF   GONSALVO. 

Ferdinand's  health,  in  the  mean  time,  had  de- 
clined so  sensibly,  that  it  was  evident  he  could  not 
to""  long  survive  the  object  of  his  jealousy.25  His  dis- 
ease had  now  settled  into  a  dropsy,  accompanied 
with  a  distressing  affection  of  the  heart.  He  found 
difficulty  in  breathing,  complained  that  he  was 
stifled  in  the  crowded  cities,  and  passed  most  of  his 
time,  even  after  the  weather  became  cold,  in  the 
fields  and  forests,  occupied,  as  far  as  his  strength 
permitted,  with  the  fatiguing  pleasures  of  the  chase. 
As  the  winter  advanced,  he  bent  his  steps  towards 
the  south.  He  passed  some  time,  in  December,  at 
a  country-seat  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  near  Placentia, 
where  he  hunted  the  stag.  He  then  resumed  his 
1516.  journey  to  Andalusia,  but  fell  so  ill  on  the  way,  at 
the  little  village  of  Madrigalejo,  near  Truxillo,  that 
it  was  found  impossible  to  advance  further.26 


25  The  miraculous  bell  of  Yeli-  bell,  as  duly  authenticated  by  a 

lla,  a  little  village  in  Aragon,  nine  host  of  witnesses.     Discursos  Va- 

leagues  from  Saragossa,  about  this  rios,  pp.  198-244. 

time   gave  one  of  those   prophet-  26  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afios 

ic  tintinnabulations,  which  always  1513-1516.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus 

boded  some  great  calamity  to  the  Gestis,   fol.  146.  —  Peter  Martyr, 

country.     The  side  on  which  the  Opus  Epist.,  epist  542,  558,  561, 

blows    fell,   denoted    the    quarter  564.  —  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib- 

where    the   disaster   was   to   hap-  10,  cap.  99. 

pen.  Its  sound,  says  Dr.  Dormer,  Carbajal  states,  that  the  king 
caused  dismay  and  ftntrition,  with  had  been  warned,  by  some  sooth- 
dismal  "  fear  of  change,"  in  the  sayer,  to  beware  of  Madrigal,  and 
hearts  of  all  who  heard  it.  No  that  he  had  ever  since  avoided  en- 
arm  was  strong  enough  to  stop  it  tering  into  the  town  of  that  name 
on  these  occasions,  as  those  found  in  Old  Castile.  The  name  of  the 
to  their  cost  who  profanely  attempt-  place  he  was  now  in  was  not  pre- 
ed  it.  Its  ill-omened  voice  was  cisely  that  indicated,  but  corre- 
heard  for  the  twentieth  and  last  sponded  near  enough  for  a  predic- 
time,in  March,  1679.  As  no  event  tion.  The  event  proved,  that  the 
of  importance  followed,  it  probably  witches  of  Spain,  like  those  of 
tolled  for  its  own  funeral.  —  See  Scotland, 

the  edifying  history,  in  Dr.  Diego  "Could  keep  the  word  of  promise  to  the  car 

Dormer,  of  the  miraculous  powers  Alld  break  it  to  the  hope." 

and  performances  of  this  celebrated  The  story  derives  little  confirma- 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  383 

The  king  seemed  desirous  of  closing  his  eyes  to  CHAPTER 
the  danger  of  his  situation  as  long  as  possible.  He  XX1V' 
would  not  confess,  nor  even  admit  his  confessor  into 
his  chamber.27  He  showed  similar  jealousy  of  his 
grandson's  envoy,  Adrian  of  Utrecht.  This  per- 
son, the  preceptor  of  Charles,  and  afterwards  raised 
through  his  means  to  the  papacy,  had  come  into  Cas- 
tile some  weeks  before,  with  the  ostensible  view  of 
making  some  permanent  arrangement  with  Ferdi- 
nand in  regard  to  the  regency.  The  real  motive, 
as  the  powers  which  he  brought  with  him  subse- 
quently proved,  was,  that  he  might  be  on  the  spot 
when  the  king  died,  and  assume  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment. Ferdinand  received  the  minister  with 
cold  civility,  and  an  agreement  was  entered  into, 
by  which  the  regency  was  guarantied  to  the  mon- 
arch, not  only  during  Joanna's  life,  but  his  own. 
Concessions  to  a  dying  man  cost  nothing.  Adrian, 
who  was  at  Guadalupe  at  this  time,  no  sooner  heard 
of  Ferdinand's  illness,  than  he  hastened  to  Madri- 
galejo.  The  king,  however,  suspected  the  motives 
of  his  visit.  "  He  has  come  to  see  me  die,"  said 
he  ;  and,  refusing  to  admit  him  into  his  presence, 
ordered  the  mortified  envoy  back  again  to  Guada- 
lupe.28 

tion  from  the  character  of  Ferdi-  up  by  the  prediction  of  an  old  sybil, 

nand.     He  was  not  superstitious,  "la  beata  del   Barco,"   that   "he 

at  least  while  his  faculties  were  in  should  not  die  till  he  had  conquered 

vigor.  Jerusalem."     (Anales,  MS.,  cap. 

27  "A  la  verdad,"  says  Carbajal,  2.)      We  are  again   reminded  of 

"  le  tento   mucho  el   enemigo   en  Sliakspeare, 

aquel  paso  con  incredulidad  que  le  « it  hath  been  prophesied  to  me  mnny  years 

ponia  de  no  morir  tan  presto,  para  I  should  not  die  but  in  Jerusalem." 
que  ni  confesase   ni   recibiese   los 

Sacramentos."     According  to  the  *  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio 

same  writer,  Ferdinand  was  buoyed  1516,  cap.  1.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus 


384  DEATH   OF  GONSALVO. 

PART          At  length  the  medical  attendants  ventured  to  in- 
ii. 

form  the  king  of  his  real  situation,  conjuring  him  if 

His  last  &  J  t 

hoars.  ne  had  any  affairs  of  moment  to  settle,  to  do  it  with- 
out delay.  He  listened  to  them  with  composure, 
and  from  that  moment  seemed  to  recover  all  his 
customary  fortitude  and  equanimity.  After  receiv- 
ing the  sacrament,  and  attending  to  his  spiritual 
concerns,  he  called  his  attendants  around  his  bed, 
to  advise  with  them  respecting  the  disposition  of 
the  government.  Among  those  present,  at  this 
time,  were  his  faithful  followers,  the  duke  of  Alva, 
and  the  marquis  of  Denia,  his  majordomo,  with  sev- 
eral bishops  and  members  of  his  council.29 

The  king,  it  seems,  had  made  several  wills.  By 
one,  executed  at  Burgos,  in  1512,  he  had  committed 
the  government  of  Castile  and  Aragon  to  the  infante 
Ferdinand  during  his  brother  Charles's  absence. 
This  young  prince  had  been  educated  in  Spain  un- 
der the  eye  of  his  grandfather,  who  entertained  a 
strong  affection  for  him.  The  counsellors  remon- 
strated in  the  plainest  terms  against  this  disposition 
of  the  reg&ncy.  Ferdinand,  they  said,  was  too 
young  to  take  the  helm  into  his  own  hands.  His 
appointment  would  be  sure  to  create  new  factions 
in  Castile ;  it  would  raise  him  up  to  be  in  a  man- 
ner a  rival  of  his  brother,  and  kindle  ambitious  de- 


Gestis,  ubi  supra.— Peter  Martyr,  her  of  the  royal  council,  was  pres- 

Opus  Epist.,  epist.  565.  —  Sando-  ent  with  him  during  the  whole  of 

val,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn,  his  last  illness;  and  his  circum- 

i.  p.  35.  stantial  and  spirited  narrative  of  it 

*  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  forms  an  exception  to  the  general 

1516,  cap.  2.  character  of  his  itinerary. 

Dr   Carbajal.  who  was  a  mem- 


DEATH  AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  385 

sires  in  his  bosom,  which  could  not  fail  to  end  in 


his  disappointment,  and  perhaps  destruction.80  -- 

The  king,  who  would  never  have  made  such  a 
devise  in  his  better  days,  was  more  easily  turned 
from  his  purpose  now,  than  he  would  once  have 
been.  "  To  whom  then,"  he  asked,  "  shall  I  leave 
the  regency  ?  "  "  To  Ximenes,  archbishop  of  To- 
ledo," they  replied.  Ferdinand  turned  away  his 
face,  apparently  in  displeasure  ;  but  after  a  few  mo- 
ments' silence  rejoined,  "  It  is  well  ;  he  is  certainly 
a  good  man,  with  honest  intentions.  He  has  no 
importunate  friends  or  family  to  provide  for.  He 
owes  every  thing  to  Queen  Isabella  and  myself; 
and,  as  he  has  always  been  true  to  the  interests  of 
our  family,  I  believe  he  will  always  remain  so."*1 

He,  however,  could  not  so  readily  abandon  the 
idea  of  some  splendid  establishment  for  his  favorite 
grandson  :  and  he  proposed  to  settle  on  him  the 
grand-masterships  of  the  military  orders.  But  to 
this  his  attendants  again  objected,  on  the  same 
grounds  as  before  ;  adding,  that  this  powerful  pa- 
tronage was  too  great  for  any  subject,  and  imploring 
him  not  to  defeat  the  object  which  the  late  queen 
had  so  much  at  heart,  of  incorporating  it  with  the 
crown.  "  Ferdinand  will  be  left  very  poor  then," 
exclaimed  the  king,  with  tears  in  his  eyes.  "  He 
will  have  the  good-will  of  his  brother,"  replied  one 
of  his  honest  counsellors,  "  the  best  legacy  your 
Highness  can  leave  him."" 

* 

jal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio        31  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
32  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

49 


386  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PART          The   testament,  as  finally  arranged,  settled   the 

-  succession  of  Aragon  and  Naples  on  his  daughter 

and  testa      Joanna  and  her  heirs.     The  administration  of  Cas- 

ment. 

tile  during  Charles's  absence  was  intrusted  to  Xime- 
nes,  and  that  of  Aragon  to  the  king's  natural  son, 
the  archbishop  of  Saragossa,  whose  good  sense  and 
popular  manners  made  him  acceptable  to  the  peo- 
ple. He  granted  several  places  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  to  the  infante  Ferdinand,  with  an  annual 
stipend  of  fifty  thousand  ducats,  chargeable  on  the 
public  revenues.  To  his  queen  Germaine  he  left 
the  yearly  income  of  thirty  thousand  gold  florins, 
stipulated  by  the  marriage  settlement,  with  five 
thousand  a  year  more  during  widowhood. 33  The 
will  contained,  besides,  several  appropriations  for 
pious  and  charitable  purposes,  but  nothing  worthy 
of  particular  note.34  Notwithstanding  the  simplici- 
ty of  the  various  provisions  of  the  testament,,  it  was 
so  long,  from  the  formalities  and  periphrases  with 
which  it  was  encumbered,  that  there  was  scarce 
time  to  transcribe  it  in  season  for  the  royal  signa- 
ture. On  the  evening  of  the  22d  of  January,  1516, 
he  executed  the  instrument ;  and  a  few  hours  later, 
between  one  and  two  of  the  morning  of  the  23d, 

33  Ferdinand's  gay  widow  did  match,    says    Gnicciardini,   which 

not  long  enjoy  this  latter  pension.  Charles  V.,  for  obvious  politic  rea- 

Soon  after  his  death,  she  gave  her  sons,  provided  for  the  rightful  heir 

hand  to  the  marquis  of  Branden-  of  Naples.     Istoria,  torn.  viii.  lib. 

burg,  and,  he  dying,  she  again  mar-  15,  p.  10. 

ried  the  prince  of  Calabria,   who  ^  Ferdinand's   testament   is  to 

had  been  detained  in  a  sort  of  hon-  be  found  in  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS. 

orable  captivily  in  Spain,  ever  since  — Dormer,   Discursos   Varies,   p. 

the   dethronement    of   his    father,  393   et  seq.  —  Mariana,   Hist,  de 

King  Frederic.     (Oviedo,  Quincua-  Espafia,    ed.    Valencia,    torn,    ix 

genas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  4,  dial.  Apend.  no.  2. 
44.)      It  was  the  second    sterile 


DEATH    AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  387 

Ferdinand  breathed  his  last. 85     The  scene  of  this    CHAPTEF 

event  was  a  small  house  belonging  to  the  friars  of  L_ 

Guadalupe.     "  In  so  wretched   a   tenement,'1  ex-     jf^' 
claims  Martyr,  in  his  usual  moralizing  vein,  "  did 
this  lord  of  so  many  lands  close  his  eyes  upon  the 
world."86 

Ferdinand  was  nearly  sixty-four  years  old,  of 
which  forty-one  had  elapsed  since  he  first  swayed 
the  sceptre  of  Castile,  and  thirty-seven  since  he 
held  that  of  Aragon.  A  long  reign  ;  long  enough, 
indeed,  to  see  most  of  those  whom  he  had  honored 
and  trusted  of  his  subjects  gathered  to  the  dust, 
and  a  succession  of  contemporary  monarchs  come 
and  disappear  like  shadows.37  He  died  deeply  la- 
mented by  his  native  subjects,  who  entertained  a 
partiality  natural  towards  their  own  hereditary  sove- 
reign. The  event  was  regarded  with  very  differ- 
ent feelings  by  the  Castilian  nobles,  who  calculated 
their  gains  on  the  transfer  of  the  reins  from  such 
old  and  steady  hands  into  those  of  a  young  and  in- 

&  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  et  prostrator  hostium,  Rex  in  rusti- 

bat.    1,   quinc.   3,   dial.   9. — The  cana   obiit  casa,  et  pauper  contra 

queen  was  at  Alcala  de  Henarts,  hominum  opinionem obiit."     Peter 

when  she  received  tidings  of  her  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  566. — 

husband's  illness.    She  posted  with  Brantome,  (Vies  des  Hommes  II- 

all   possible  despatch  to  Madriga-  lustres,  p.  72,)  who  speaks  of  Mad- 

lejo,  but,  although  she  reached  it  rigalejo  as  a  "  meschant  village," 

on  the  'JOth,  she  was  not  admitted,  which  he  had  seen, 
says  Gomez,  notwithstanding    her        3?  Since  Ferdinand  ascended  the 

tears,  to  a  private  interview  with  throne,  he   had  seen  no  less  than 

the  king,  till  the  testament  was  ex-  four  kings  of  England,  as  many  of 

ecuted,  a  few  hours  only  before  his  France,  and  also  of  Naples,  three 

death.     De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  147.  of  Portugal,   two  German   empe- 

3C  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,  afio  rors,  and  half  a  dozen  popes.     As 

1516.  —  L.  Mar,ineo,  Cosas  Mem-  to  his  own  subjects,  scarcely  one  of 

orables,    fol.    188.  —  Gomez,    De  all  those  familiar  to  the  reader  in 

Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  148.  the  course  of  our  history  now  sur- 

"  Tot    regnorum    dominus,  tot-  vived,  except,  indeed,  the  Nestor 

que    palmarum    cumulis    ornatus,  of  his  time,  the  octogenarian  Xi- 

Christianae  religionis  amplificator  menes 


388  DEATH  OF    GONSALVO. 

PART      experienced  master.     The  commons,  however,  who 

had  felt  the  good  effect  of  this  curb  on  the  nobility, 

in  their  own  personal  security,  held  his  memory  in 

reverence  as  that  of  a  national  benefactor.88 

ms  body  Ferdinand's  remains  were  interred,  agreeably  to 

transported  » 

G^ada.  his  or(jerSj  m  Granada.  A  few  of  his  most  faithful 
adherents  accompanied  them ;  the  greater  part  be- 
ing deterred  by  a  prudent  caution  of  giving  um- 
brage to  Charles.39  The  funeral  train,  however, 
was  swelled  by  contributions  from  the  various 
towns  through  which  it  passed.  At  Cordova,  es- 
pecially, it  is  worthy  of  note,  that  the  marquis  of 
Priego,  who  had  slender  obligations  to  Ferdinand, 
came  out  with  all  his  household  to  pay  the  last 
melancholy  honors  to  his  remains.  They  were  re- 
ceived with  similar  respect  in  Granada,  where  the 
people,  while  they  gazed  on  the  sad  spectacle,  says 
Zurita,  were  naturally  affected  as  they  called  to 
mind  the  pomp  and  splendor  of  his  triumphal  entry 
on  the  first  occupation  of  the  Moorish  capital.40 

By  his  dying  injunctions,  all  unnecessary  osten- 
tation was  interdicted  at  his  funeral.  His  body 
was  laid  by  the  side  of  Isabella's  in  the  monastery 
of  the  Alhambra ;  and  the  year  following,41  when 

38  Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.   lib.     demdestinatam,comitabor."  Opus 
10,  cap.  100.  —  Blancas,  Commen-    Epist.,  epist.  566. 

tarii,  p.  275.  —  Lanuza,  Historias,  -  40  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10,  cap. 

torn.  i.  lib.  1,  cap.  25.  100.  — Peter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist., 

39  Zurita,  Anales.  ubi  supra.  epist.  572.  —  Abarca,   Reyes    de 
The  honest  Martyr  was  one  of  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rev  30,  cap.  24. — 

the  few  who  paid  this  last  tribute  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1516, 

of  respect  to  their  ancient  master,  cap.  5. 

"  Ego    ut    mortuo    debitum   pise-        4l  Mem  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist., 

stem,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Prince  torn.  vi.  Ilust.  21. 

Charles's  physician,  "  corpus  ejus        According  to  Pedraza,this  event 

exanime,  Granatam,  sepulchre  se-  did  not  take  place  till  1525.     An- 


DUATH   AND  CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  389 

the  royal   chapel  of  the  metropolitan    church  was   CHAPTER 

completed,  they  were  hoth  transported  thither.     A  L_ 

magnificent  mausoleum  of  white  marble  was  erected 
over  them,  by  their  grandson  Charles  the  Fifth. 
It  was  executed  in  a  style  worthy  of  the  age.  The 
sides  were  adorned  with  figures  of  angels  and 
saints,  richly  sculptured  in  bas-relief.  On  the  top 
reposed  the  effigies  of  the  illustrious  pair,  whose 
titles  and  merits  were  commemorated  in  the  follow- 
ing brief,  and  not  very  felicitous  inscription. 

"  MAHOMETIC2E  SECTJE  PROSTRATORES,  ET  H.ERETICJE  PERVICACI.fi 
EXTINCTORES,  FERNANDUS  AfiAGONUM,  ET  HELISABETA  CAS- 
TELLJE,  VIR  ET  UXOR  UNANIMES,  CATHOLICI  APPELLATI, 


MARMOREO    CLAUDUNTUR    HOC    TUMULO. 


42 


King  Ferdinand's  personal  appearance  has  been 
elsewhere  noticed.  "  He  was  of  the  middle  size,"  *«. c 
says  a  contemporary,  who  knew  him  well.  "  His 
complexion  was  fresh ;  his  eyes  bright  and  animat- 
ed ;  his  nose  and  mouth  small  and  finely  formed, 
and  his  teeth  white  ;  his  forehead  lofty  and  serene ; 
with  flowing  hair  of  a  bright  chestnut  color.  His 
manners  were  courteous,  and  his  countenance  sel- 
dom clouded  by  any  thing  like  spleen  or  melan- 


tiguedad  de  Granada,  lib.  3,  cap.  cimens  of  his  excellence  in  Toledo 
7.  and  other  parts  of  Spain.  (Mem. 
42  Pedraza,  Antiguedad  de  Gra-  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi. 
nada,  lib.  3,  cap.  7.  —  "  Assai  bel-  p.  577.  )  Laborde's  magnificent 
lo  per  Spagna  ;"  says  Navagiero,  work  contains  an  engraving  of  the 
who,  as  an  Italian,  had  a  right  to  monuments  of  the  Catholic  sove- 
be  fastidious.  (Viaggio,  fol.  23.)  reigns  and  Philip  and  Joanna;  "  qui 
The  artist,  however,  was  not  a  rappelent  la  renaissance  des  arts  en 
Spaniard  ;  at  least  common  tradi-  Italic,  et  sont.  a  la  fois  d'une  belle 
tion  assigns  the  work  to  Philip  of  execution  et  d'une  conception  no- 
Burgundy,  an  eminent  sculptor  of  ble. "  Laborde,  Voyage  Pitto- 
the  period,  who  has  left  many  spe-  resque,  torn.  ii.  p.  25. 


390  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PART      choly.     He  was   grave   in  speech  and  action,  and 

—  had  a  marvellous  dignity  of  presence.     His  whole 

demeanor,  in   fine,  was  truly  that  of  a  great  king." 

For  this  flattering  portrait  Ferdinand  must  have  sat 

at  an  earlier  and  happier  period  of  his  life.48 

His  education,  owing  to  the  troubled  state  of  the 
times,  had  been  neglected  in  his  boyhood,  though 
he  was  early  instructed  in  all  the  generous  pastimes 
and  exercises  of  chivalry.44  He  was  esteemed  one 
of  the  most  perfect  horsemen  of  his  court.  He  led 
an  active  life,  and  the  only  kind  of  reading  he  ap- 
peared to  relish  was  history.  It  was  natural  that 
so  busy  an  actor  on  the  great  political  theatre 
should  have  found  peculiar  interest  and  instruction 
in  this  study.45 

fncewT*"  ^e  was  naturally  of  an  equable  temper,  and 
economy,  inclined  to  moderation  in  all  things.  The  only 
amusement  for  which  he  cared  much  was  hunting, 
especially  falconry,  and  that  he  never  carried  to  ex- 
cess till  his  last  years.46  He  was  indefatigable  in 
application  to  business.  He  had  no  relish  for  the 
pleasures  of  the  table,  and,  like  Isabella,  was  tem- 
perate even  to  abstemiousness  in  his  diet.47  He 

43  L.  Marineo,  Cosas   Memora-    dom."  Reyes  Catolicos,  ubi  supra, 
bles,  fol.  182.  45  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memora- 

Pulgar's   portrait   of  the   king,  bles,  fol.  153.  —  Abarca,  Reyes  de 
taken   also  in  the  morning  of  his  Aragon,  torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  24. 
life,  the  close  of  which  the  writer  — Sandoval,   Hist,  del  Emp.  Car- 
did  not  live  to  see,  is  equally  bright  los  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  37. 
and  pleasing.     "  Habia."  says  he,  ^    Pulgar,   indeed,   notices   his 
"  una   gracia   singular,  que  qual-  fondness  for  chess,  tennis,  and  oth- 
quiercon  el  fablese,  luego  le  amaba  er  games   of  skill,  in   early   life. 
i  le  deseaba  servir,  porque  tenia  la  Reyes  Catolicos,  part.  2,  cap.  3. 
communicacion  amigable."    Reyes  47  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Memora- 
Catolicos,  p.  36.  bles,    fol.    182.  —  Pulgar,   Reyes 

44  "He tilted  lightly, "says  Pul-  Catolicos,  part.  2,  cap.  3. 

gar,  "  and   with    a   dexterity   not         "  Stop  and  dine  with  us  ;  "  he 
surpassed  by  any  man  in  the  king-     was  known  to  say  to  his  uncle,  the 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  39. 

was  frugal  in  his   domestic  and  personal   expendi-   CHAPTER 
ture  ;   partly,  no  doubt,  from  a  willingness  to  rebuke      XXIV' 
the  opposite  spirit  of  wastefulness  and  ostentation 
in  his  nobles.     He  lost  no  good  opportunity  of  do- 
ing this.     On  one  occasion,  it  is  said,  he  turned  to 
a  gallant  of  the  court  noted  for  his  extravagance  in 

o  o 

dress,  and  laying  his  hand  on  his  own  doublet  ex- 
claimed, "Excellent  stuff  this;  it  has  lasted  me 
three  pair  of  sleeves  !  " 48  This  spirit  of  economy 
was  carried  so  far  as  to  bring  on  him  the  reproach 
of  parsimony.49  And  parsimony,  though  not  so 
pernicious  on  the  whole  as  the  opposite  vice  of 
prodigality,  has  always  found  far  less  favor  with 
the  multitude,  from  the  appearance  of  disinterest- 
edness, which  the  latter  carries  with  it.  Prodigal- 
ity in  a  king,  however,  who  draws  not  on  his  own 
resources,  but  on  the  public,  forfeits  even  this  equiv- 
ocal claim  to  applause.  But,  in  truth,  Ferdinand 
was  rather  frugal,  than  parsimonious.  His  income 
was  moderate  ;  his  enterprises  numerous  and  vast. 
It  was  impossible  that  he  could  meet  them  without 
husbanding  his  resources  with  the  most  careful 
economy.50  No  one  has  accused  him  of  attempting 


grand  admiral  Henriquez,  "  we  are  roso  ;    un   re  d'  Inghilterra  riccn, 

to  have   a   chicken   for   dinner  to  feroce,  e  cupido  di  gloria;  unredi 

day."     (Sempere,  Hist,  del  Luxo,  Spngna  taccagno  e  avaro;  per  gli 

torn.  ii.   p.   2,  nota.)     The  royal  altri  re,  io  no  li  conosco." 

cuisine  would  have  afforded   srnull  50    The    revenues    of    his    own 

scope  for  the  talents  of  a  Vatel  or  kingdom  of  Aragon  were  very  lim- 

an  Ude.  ited.     His  principal  foreign  expe- 

48  Sempere,  Hist,  del  Luxo,  ubi  ditions  were  undertaken  solely  on 
Bupra.  account  of  that  crown  ;  and    this, 

49  Machiavelli,  by  a  single  coup  notwithstanding  the  aid  from  Cas- 
de  pinceau,  thus  characterizes,  or  tile,  may  explain,  and  in  some  de- 
Caricatures,  the  princes  of  his  time,  gree  excuse,  his  very  scanty  remit- 
'' Un  imperatore  instabile  e  vario  ;  tances  to  his  iroops 

un  re  di  Francia  sdegnoso  e  pau- 


392  DEATH    OF  GONSALVO. 

PART      to  enrich   his  exchequer  by  the  venal  sale  of  office, 

_ — l— like   Louis  the   Twelfth,  or  by  griping   extortion, 

like  another  royal  contemporary,  Henry  the  Sev- 
enth. He  amassed  no  treasure,51  and  indeed  died 
so  poor,  that  he  left  scarcely  enough  in  his  coffers 
to  defray  the  charges  of  his  funeral.52 

uis  bigotry.  Ferdinand  was  devout ;  at  least  he  was  scrupulous 
in  regard  to  the  exterior  of  religion.  He  was  punc- 
tual in  attendance  on  mass ;  careful  to  observe  all 
the  ordinances  and  ceremonies  of  his  church ;  and 
left  many  tokens  of  his  piety,  after  the  fashion  of 
the  time,  in  sumptuous  edifices  and  endowments  for 
religious  purposes.  Although  not  a  superstitious 
man  for  the  age,  he  is  certainly  obnoxious  to  the 
reproach  of  bigotry  ;  for  he  cooperated  with  Isabella 
in  all  her  exceptionable  measures  in  Castile,  and 

51  On  one  occasion,  having  oh-  same  fact,  as  evidence  of  the  injus- 
tained   a   liberal   supply   from   the  lice  of  the  imputations   on  Ferdi- 
states  of  Ara<ron,   (a   rare  occur-  nand  ;    "  Ma   accade,"   adds   the 
rence,)  his  counsellors  advised  him  historian,  truly    enough,     "  quasi 
to  lock  it  up  against  a  day  of  need,  sempre  per  il  giudizio  corrolto  degli 
"  Mas  el  Rey,"  says  Zurita,  "  que  uomini,  che  nei  Re  e  piu  lodata  la 
siempre  supo  gastar  su  dinero  pro-  prodigalita,  benche  aquella  sia  an- 
vechosamente,  y  nunca  fue  escasso  nessa  la  rapacita,  che  la  parsimo- 
en  despcndello  en  las  cosas  del  csta-  nia  congiunta  con  1'astinenza  dalla 
do,  tuvo   rnas  aparejo  para  emple-  roba  di   altri."     (Istoria,  torn.  vi. 
arlo,  que  para  encerrarlo."     (An-  lib.  12,  p.  273.) 

ales,  torn.  vi.  fol.  225.)     The  his-  The  state  of  Ferdinand's  coffers 

torian,   it  must   be   allowed,  lays  formed,  indeed,  a  strong   contrast 

quite  as  much  emphasis  on  his  lib-  to  that  of  his  brother  monarch's, 

erality  as  it  will  bear.  Henry  VII. ,  "whose  treasure  of 

52  Abarca,    Reyes   de   Aragon,  store,"   to   borrow   the   words  of 
torn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  24.  —  Zurita,  Bacon,  "left  at   his  death,  under 
Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10,  cap.  100.  his  own  key  and  keeping,  amount- 
—  Peter    Martyr,    Opus     Epist.,  ed  unto  the  sum  of  eighteen  hun- 
epist.  566.  dred  thousand  pounds  sterling  ;  a 

"  Vix   ad    funeris    pompam    et  huge    mass   of   money,    even    for 

paucis  familiaribus  praebendas  ves-  these  times."  (Hist,  of  Henry  VII., 

tes   pullatas,  pecunias   apud  eum,  Works,  vol.  v.  p.   183.)     Sir  Ed- 

neque  alibi  congests,  repertassunt ;  ward  Coke  swells  this  huge  mass 

quod  nemo  unquam  de  vivente  ju-  to  "  fifty  and  three  hundred  thou- 

dicavit."     (Peter  Martyr,  ubi  su-  sand  pounds"!     Institutes,  part  4, 

pra.)     Guicciardini  alludes  to  the  chap.  35. 


DEATH   AND  CHARACTER  OF   FERDINAND.  393 

spared  no  effort  to  fasten  the  odious  joke  of  the  In-  CHAPTER 

quisition  on  Aragon,  and  subsequently,  though  hap-  — XIV' 
pily  with  less  success,  on  Naples.53 

Ferdinand  has  incurred  the  more  serious  charge  Accused  of 

0        hypocrisy. 

of  hypocrisy.  His  Catholic  zeal  was  observed  to 
be  marvellously  efficacious  in  furthering  his  temporal 
interests.54  His  most  objectionable  enterprises,  even, 
were  covered  with  a  veil  of  religion.  In  this,  how- 
ever, he  did  not  materially  differ  from  the  practice 
of  the  age.  Some  of  the  most  scandalous  wars  of 
that  period  were  ostensibly  at  the  bidding  of  the 
church,  or  in  defence  of  Christendom  against  the 
infidel.  This  ostentation  of  a  religious  motive  was 
indeed  very  usual  with  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese. 
The  crusading  spirit,  nourished  by  their  struggle 
with  the  Moors,  and  subsequently  by  their  African 
and  American  expeditions,  gave  such  a  religious 
tone  habitually  to  their  feelings,  as  shed  an  illusion 

53  Abarca,  Reyes  de  Aragon,  torn.  i.  pp.  371etseq.)  One  may 
lorn.  ii.  rey  30,  cap.  24.  —  L.  Ma-  well  doubt  whether  bigotry  entered 
rineo,  Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  182.  as  largely,  as  less  pardonable  mo- 
—  Zurita,  Anales,  lib.  9,  cap.  26.  lives  of  state  policy,  into  this  mis- 
Ferdinand's  conduct  in  regard  to  erable  juggling, 
the  Inquisition  in  Aragon  display-  &*  '•  Disoit-on,"  says  Brantome, 
ed  singular  duplicity.  In  conse-  "quelareyne  Isabella  de  Castillo 
quence  of  the  remonstrance  of  estoit  une  fort  devote  et  religieuse 
cortes,  in  1512,  in  which  that  high-  princesse,  et  que  luy,  quel  grand 
spirited  body  set  forth  the  various  zele  qu'il  y  eust,  n'estoit  devo- 
usurpations  of  the  Holy  Office,  Fer-  tieux  que  par  ypocrisie,  couvrant 
dinand  signed  a  compact,  abridging  ses  actes  et  ambitions  par  ce  sainct 
its  jurisdiction.  He  repented  of  zele  de  religion."  (CEuvres,  torn, 
these  concessions,  however,  and  in  i.  p.  70.)  "  Copri,"  says  Guic- 
the  following  year  obtained  a  dis-  ciardini,  "  quasi  tutte  le  sue  cupi- 
pensation  from  Rome  from  his  en-  dita  sotto  colore  di  onesto  zelo 
gagements.  This  proceeding  pro-  della  religione  e  di  santa  inten- 
duced  such  an  alarming  excitement  zione  al  bene  comune."  (Istoria, 
in  the  kingdom,  that  the  monarch  torn.  vi.  lib.  12,  p.  274.)  The  pen- 
found  it  expedient  to  renounce  the  etrating  eye  of  Machiavelli  glances 
papal  brief,  and  apply  for  another,  at  the  same  trait.  II  Principe, 
confirming  his  former  compact,  cap.  21. 
(Llorente,  Hist,  de  1'Inquisition, 

VOL.  III.  50 


394  DEATH   OF  GONSALVO. 


PART      over  their  actions  and  enterprises,  frequently  dis- 
guising their  true  character,  even  from  themselves. 


ii. 


perfidy.  It  will  not  be  so  easy  to  acquit  Ferdinand  of  the 
reproach  of  perfidy  which  foreign  writers  have  so 
deeply  branded  on  his  name,55  and  which  those  of 
his  own  nation  have  sought  rather  to  palliate  than 
to  deny. 56  It  is  but  fair  to  him,  however,  even 
here,  to  take  a  glance  at  the  age.  He  came  for- 
ward when  government  was  in  a  state  of  transition 
from  the  feudal  forms  to  those  which  it  has  assumed 
in  modern  times  ;  when  the  superior  strength  of 
the  great  vassals  was  circumvented  by  the  superior 
policy  of  the  reigning  princes.  It  was  the  dawn 
of  the  triumph  of  intellect  over  the  brute  force, 
which  had  hitherto  controlled  the  movements  of 
nations,  as  of  individuals.  The  same  policy  which 
these  monarchs  had  pursued  in  their  own  domestic 
relations,  they  introduced  into  those  with  foreign 
states,  when,  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
the  barriers  that  had  so  long  kept  them  asunder 
were  broken  down.  Italy  was  the  first  field,  on 

55  Guicciardini,  Istoria,  lib.  12,        56  "  Home  era  de  verdad,"  says 

p.   273.  —  Du   Bellay,   Memoires,  Pulgar,  "como  quiera  que  las  ne- 

apud  Petitot,   Collection  des  Me-  cesidades  grandes  en  que  le  pusieron 

moires,  torn.  xvii.  p.  272.  — Giovio,  las  guerras,  le  facian  algunas  veces 

Hist,  sui  Temporis,  lib.  11,  p.  160;  variar."      (Reyes  Catolicos,  part, 

lib.  16,  p.  336.  —  Machiavelli,  Op-  2,  cap.    3.)     Zurita  exposes   and 

ere,  torn.  ix.  Lett.  Diverse,  no.  6,  condemns  this  blemish  in  his  hero's 

ed.  Milano,  1805.  —  Herbert,  Life  character,   with   a   candor    which 

of  Henry  VIII.,  p.  63.  —  Sismondi,  does  him  credit.     "  Fue  muy  no- 

Republiques  Italiennes,  torn.  xvi.  tado,  no  solo   de   los  estrangeros, 

cap.  112.  —  Voltaire  sums  up  Fer-  pero  de  sus  naturales,  que  no  guar- 

dinand's  character  in  the  following  dava  la  verdad,  y  fe  que  prometia; 

pithy  sentence.     "  On    1'appellait  y  que  se  anteponia  siempre,  y  so- 

en  Espagne  le  sage,  le  prudent ;  en  brepujava  el  respeto  de  su  propria 

Italic  le  pieux ;  en  France  et  a  Lon-  utilidad,  a  lo  que  era  justo  y  hones- 

dres  le  perfide."      Essai  sur  les  to."     Anales,  torn.  vi.  fol.  406. 
Moeurs,  chap.  114. 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  395 

which  the  great  powers  were  brought  into  any  CHAPTER 
thing  like  a  general  collision.  It  was  the  country,  XX1V' 
too,  in  which  this  crafty  policy  had  been  first 
studied,  and  reduced  to  a  regular  system.  A  single 
extract  from  the  political  manual  of  that  age57  may 
serve  as  a  key  to  the  whole  science,  as  then  under- 
stood. "  A  prudent  prince,"  says  Machiavelli,  "  will 
not,  and  ought  not  to  observe  his  engagements, 
when  it  would  operate  to  his  disadvantage,  and  the 
causes  no  longer  exist  which  induced  him  to  make 
them."  Sufficient  evidence  of  the  practical  appli- 
cation of  the  maxim  may  be  found  in  the  manifold 
treaties  of  the  period,  so  contradictory,  or,  what  is 
to  the  same  purpose  for  our  present  argument,  so 
confirmatory  of  one  another  in  their  tenor,  as  clearly 
to  show  the  impotence  of  all  engagements.  There 
were  no  less  than  four  several  treaties  in  the  course 
of  three  years,  solemnly  stipulating  the  marriage  of 
the  archduke  Charles  and  Claude  of  France.  Louis 
the  Twelfth  violated  his  engagements,  and  the  mar- 
riage after  all  never  took  place.59 

Such  was  the  school  in  which  Ferdinand  was  to  nisshrewj 

policy. 

make  trial  of  his  skill  with  his  brother  monarchs. 
He  had  an  able  instructor  in  his  father,  John  the 
Second,  of  Aragon,  and  the  result  showed  that  the 
lessons  were  not  lost  on  him.  "  He  was  vigilant, 
wary,  and  subtile,"  writes  a  French  contemporary, 

57  Charles  V.,  in  particular,  tes-  '    59  Dumont,  Corps  Diplomatique, 

tified  his  respect  for  Machiavelli,  by  torn.  iv.  part.  l,nos.  7,  11,  28,  29. 

having  the  "Principe"  translated  —  Seyssel,   Hist,  de  Louys  XII., 

for  his  own  use.  pp.  228-230.  — St.  Gelais,  Hist. 

M  Machiavelli,  Opera,  torn.  vi.  de  Louys  XH.,  p.  184. 
II  Principe,  cap.   18,  ed.  Genova, 
1798 


396  DEATH   OF    GONSALVO. 

PART      "  arid    few  histories    make    mention  of   his  being 

—  outwitted  in  the  whole  course  of  his  life."60     He 

played  the  game  with  more  adroitness  than  his  op- 
ponents, and  he  won  it.  Success,  as  usual,  brought 
on  him  the  reproaches  of  the  losers.  This  is  par- 
ticularly true  of  the  French,  whose  master,  Louis 
the  Twelfth,  was  more  directly  pitted  against 
him.61  Yet  Ferdinand  does  not  appear  to  be  a 
whit  more  obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  unfairness 
than  his  opponent.62  If  he  deserted  his  allies  when 
it  suited  his  convenience,  he,  at  least,  did  not  de- 
liberately plot  their  destruction,  and  betray  them 
into  the  hands  of  their  deadly  enemy,  as  his  rival 
did  with  Venice,  in  the  league  of  Cambray.63  The 
partition  of  Naples,  the  most  scandalous  transaction 
of  the  period,  he  shared  equally  with  Louis  ;  arid 

60  Memoires   de   Bayard,  chap,     politician,  to  hazard  his  game  by 
61.  —  "This   prince,"   says   lord    playing  the  braggart. 

Herbert,  who  was  not  disposed  to  6a  Paolo  Giovio  strikes  the  bal- 
overrate  the  talents,  any  more  than  ance  of  their  respective  merits  in 
the  virtues,  of  Ferdinand,  "  was  this  particular,  in  the  following 
thought  the  most  active  and  polit-  terms.  "  Ex  horum  enim  long? 
ique  of  his  time.  No  man  knew  maximorum  nostrae  tempestatis  re- 
better  how  to  serve  his  turn  on  gum  ingeniis,  et  turn  liquido  et 
everybody,  or  to  make  their  ends  multum  antea  praeclare  compertum 
conduce  to  his."  Life  of  Henry  est,  nihil  omnino  sanctum  et  invio- 
VIII.  p.  63.  labile,  vel  in  rite  conceptis  sancitis- 

61  According  to  them,  the  Cath-  que   foederibus    reperiri,  quod,    in 
olic   king   took  no   great  pains  to  proferendis    imperiis    augendisque 
conceal  his  treachery.  "  Quelqu'un  opibus,  apud  eos  nihil  ad  illustris 
disant   un  jour  a  Ferdinand,  que  famae   decus   interesset,  dolone   et 
Louis   XII.   1'accusoit    de    1'avoir  nusquam  sine  fallaciis,  an  fide  in- 
trompfe  trois  fois,  Ferdinand  parut  tegra  veraque  virtute  niterentur." 
mecontent  qu'il  luiravit  une  partie  Hist,  sui  Temporis,  lib.  11,  p.  160. 
de   sa   gloire  ;  II  en  a  bien  menti,  63  An  equally  pertinent  example 
rivrogne,  dit-il,  avec  toute  la  gros-  occurs  in  the  efficient  support  he 
sierete  du  temps,  je  Vai  tromptplus  gave  Caesar  Borgia  in  his  flagitious 
de  dix."     (Gaillard,  Rivalite,  torn,  enterprises    against    some   of   the 
iv.    p.   240.)      The   anecdote   has  most  faithful  allies  of  France.  See 
been    repeated    by   other   modern  Sismondi,  Republiques  Italiennes 
writers,  I  know  not  on  what  author-  torn.  xiii.  cap.  101. 

ity.     Ferdinand  was  too  shrewd  a 


DEATH    AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  397 

if  the  latter  has  escaped  the  reproach  of  the  usur-   CHAPTER 

XXIV. 

pation  of  Navarre,  it  was  because   the  premature  - 
death  of  his  general  deprived  him  of  the  pretext  and 
means  for  achieving  it.     Yet  Louis  the   Twelfth, 
the  "  father  of  his  people,"  has  gone  down  to  pos- 
terity with  a  high  and  honorable  reputation.64 

Ferdinand,  unfortunately  for  his  popularity,  had 
nothing  of  the  frank  and  cordial  temper,  the  genial 
expansion  of  the  soul,  which  begets  love.  He  car- 
ried the  same  cautious  and  impenetrable  frigidity  in- 
to private  life,  that  he  showed  in  public.  "  No  one," 
says  a  writer  of  the  time,  "  could  read  his  thoughts 
by  any  change  of  his  countenance."  65  Calm  and 
calculating,  even  in  trifles,  it  was  too  obvious  that 
every  thing  had  exclusive  reference  to  self.  He 
seemed  to  estimate  his  friends  only  by  the  amount 
of  services  they  could  render  him.  He  was  not 
always  mindful  of  these  services.  Witness  his  un- 
generous treatment  of  Columbus,  the  Great  Cap- 
tain, Navarro,  Ximenes,  —  the  men  who  shed  the 
brightest  lustre,  and  the  most  substantial  benefits, 
on  his  reign.  Witness  also  his  insensibility  to  the 
virtues  and  long  attachment  of  Isabella,  whose 
memory  he  could  so  soon  dishonor  by  a  union  with 
one  every  way  unworthy  to  be  her  successor. 

64  Read  the  honeyed  panegyrics  mondi  is  the  only  writer  in  the 

of   Seyssel,   St.   Gelais,    Voltaire  French  language,  that  has  come 

even,  to  say  nothing  of  Gaillard,  under  my  notice,  who  has  weighed 

Varillas,  e  tutti  quanti,   undiluted  the   deserts  of  Louis   XII.  in  the 

by  scarce  a  drop  of  censure.    Rare  historic  balance   with  impartiality 

indeed  is  it  to  find  one  so  imbued  and  candor.     And  Sismondi  is  not 

with  the  spirit  of  philosophy,  as  to  a  Frenchman, 

raise  himself  above  the  local  or  na-  65  Giovio,   Hist,  sui  Temporis, 

tional    prejudices   which    pass   for  lib.  16,  p.  335. 
patriotism  with    the  vulgar.     Sis- 


398  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PART          Ferdinand's  connexion  with  Isabella,  while  it  re- 

"'        fleeted  infinite  glory  on  his  reign,  suggests  a  con- 

wuhTa-  trast  most  unfavorable  to  his  character.  Hers  was 
all  magnanimity,  disinterestedness,  and  deep  devo- 
tion to  the  interests  of  her  people.  His  was  the 
spirit  of  egotism.  The  circle  of  his  views  might  be 
more  or  less  expanded,  but  self  was  the  steady, 
unchangeable  centre.  Her  heart  beat  with  the 
generous  sympathies  of  friendship,  and  the  purest 
constancy  to  the  first,  the  only  object  of  her  love. 
We  have  seen  the  measure  of  his  sensibilities  in 
other  relations.  They  were  not  more  refined  in 
this  ;  and  he  proved  himself  unworthy  of  the  admi- 
rable woman  with  whom  his  destinies  were  united, 
by  indulging  in  those  vicious  gallantries,  too  gene- 
rally sanctioned  by  the  age. 6G  Ferdinand,  in  fine, 
a  shrewd  and  politic  prince,  "  surpassing,"  as  a 
French  writer,  not  his  friend,  has  remarked,  "  all 
the  statesmen  of  his  time  in  the  science  of  the  cabi- 
net," 67  may  be  taken  as  the  representative  of  the 


66   Ferdinand   left   four  natural  of  Aragon,  as  we  have  seen,  at  his 

children,  one  son  and  three  daugh-  death. 

ters.     The  former,  Don  Alonso  de  Ferdinand  had  three  daughters, 

Aragori,  was  born  of  the  viscountess  also,  by  three  different  ladies,  one 

of  Eboli,  a  Catalan  lady.     He  was  of  them  a  noble  Portuguese.     The 

made  archbishop  of  Saragossa  when  eldest  child  was  named  Dofia  Juana, 

only  six  years  old.     There  was  lit-  and  married  the  grand  constable  of 

lie  of  the  religious  profession,  how-  Castile.     The  others,  each  named 

ever,  in  his  life.    He  took  an  active  Maria,  embraced  the  religious  pro 

part  in   the  political  and  military  fession  in  a  convent  in  Madrigal, 

movements  of  the  period,  and  seems  L.    Marineo,    Cosas    Memorables, 

to  have  been  even  less  scrupulous  fol.    188.  —  Salazar   de   Mendoza, 

in  his  gallantries  than   his  father.  Monarquia,  torn.  i.  p.  410. 

His  manners  in  private  life  were  67   "  Enfin  il  surpassa  tous  les 

attractive,  and   his  public  conduct  Princes  de  son  siecle  en  la  science 

discreet.      His   father   always   re-  du   Cabinet,  et   c'est   a  lui  qu'on 

garded  him  with  peculiar  affection,  doit  attribuer  le  premier  et  le  sou- 

and  intrusted  him  with  the  regency  verain  usage  de  la   politique  mf>- 


DEATH  AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  399 

peculiar  genius  of  the   age.     While   Isabella,  dis-   CHAPTER 

carding  all  the  petty  artifices  of  state  policy,  and • 

pursuing  the  noblest  ends  by  the  noblest  means, 
stands  far  above  her  age. 

In  his  illustrious  consort  Ferdinand  may  be  said 
to  have  lost  his  good  genius.68     From  that  time  his  ltfe* 
fortunes  were  under  a  cloud.     Not  that  victory  sat 
less  constantly  on  his  banner ;  but  at  home  he  had 
lost 

"  All  that  should  accompany  old  age, 
As  honor,  love,  obedience,  troops  of  friends." 

His  ill-advised  marriage  disgusted  his  Castilian  sub- 
jects. He  ruled  over  them,  indeed,  but  more  in 
severity  than  in  love.  The  beauty  of  his  young 
queen  opened  new  sources  of  jealousy  ; 69  while  the 
disparity  of  their  ages,  and  her  fondness  for  frivolous 
pleasure  as  little  qualified  her  to  be  his  partner  in 


derne."      Varillas,    Politique    de  under  the  armour.    Thus  Chaucer 

Ferdinand,  liv.  3,  disc.  10.  in  the  Prologue  to  his  "  Canterburj 

68  Brantome  notices   a  sobriquet  Tales,"  says  of  his  knight's  dress, 
which   his  countrymen   had  given        "  Of  fustian  he  wered  a  gipon 
to  Ferdinand.     "  Nos  Francois  ap-  Alle  besmotred  with  his  habergeon." 

Billoient  ce  roy  Ferdinand  Jehan  Again,  in  his  "  Knighte's  Tale," 
ipon,  je   lie  S<jay  pour  quelle  de-         "  Som  wol  ben  armed  in  an  habergeon, 
rision  ;  mais  il  nous  cousta  bon,  et          Ami  in  a  brest-plate,  and  in  a  gipon." 
nous  fist  bien  du  mal,  et  fust  un        69  When  Ferdinand  visited  Ara 

grand  roy  et  sage."     Which   his  gon,  in   1515,  during  his  troubles 

ancient  editor  thus  explains:  "  Gi-  with  the  cortes,  he  imprisoned  the 

pan  de  i'italien  giubone,  c'est  que  vice-chancellor,  Antonio  Agustin  ; 

nous  appellonsjM/wrc  et  jvpe ;  vou-  being  moved  to  this,  according  to 

lant  par  la  taxur  ce  prince  de  s'^tre  Carbajal,   by  his  jealousy  of  that 

laisse  gouverner  par  Isabelle,  reine  minister's  attentions  to  his  young 

de  Castille,  sa  femme,  dont  il  en-  queen.     (Anales,  MS.,  aiTo  1515.) 

dossoit  la  jupe,  pour  ainsi  dire,  pen-  It  is  possible.      Zurita,  however, 

dant  qu'ellp  portoit  les  chaussfis."  treats  it  as  mere  scandal,  referring 

(Vies  des  Homines  Illustres,  disc,  the   imprisonment   to  political   of- 

5.)      There   is  more  humor  than  fences  exclusively.     Anales,  torn, 

truth  in  the  etymology.     The  gi-  vi.   fol.  393.  —  See  also  Dormer, 

pan  w«s  part  of  a  man's  attire,  Anales  de   la  Corona  de  Aragon, 

being,  as  Mr.  Tyrwhitt  defines  it,  (Zaragoza,  1697,)  lib.  1,  cap.  9. 
"  a  short  cassock,"  and  was  worn 


400  DEATH   OF   GONSALVO. 

PART  prosperity,  as  his  solace  in  declining  years.70  His 
tenacity  of  power  drew  him  into  vulgar  squabbles 
with  those  most  nearly  allied  to  him  by  blood,  which 
settled  into  a  mortal  aversion.  Finally,  bodily  in- 
firmity broke  the  energies  of  his  mind,  sour  suspi- 
cions corroded  his  heart,  and  he  had  the  misfortune 
to  live,  long  after  he  had  lost  all  that  could  make 
life  desirable. 
ass  kingiy  Let  us  turn  from  this  gloomy  picture  to  the 

futilities. 

brighter  season  of  the  morning  and  meridian  of  his 
life  ;  when  he  sat  with  Isabella  on  the  united  thrones 
of  Castile  and  Aragon,  strong  in  the  love  of  his  own 
subjects,  and  in  the  fear  and  respect  of  his  enemies. 
We  shall  then  find  much  in  his  character  to  admire  ; 
his  impartial  justice  in  the  administration  of  the 
laws  ;  his  watchful  solicitude  to  shield  the  weak 
from  the  oppression  of  the  strong ;  his  wise  econo- 
my, which  achieved  great  results  without  burdening 
his  people  with  oppressive  taxes;  his  sobriety  and 
moderation ;  the  decorum,  and  respect  for  religion, 
which  he  maintained  among  his  subjects  ;  the  in- 
dustry he  promoted  by  wholesome  laws  and  his  own 
example  ;  his  consummate  sagacity,  which  crowned 
all  his  enterprises  with  brilliant  success,  and  made 
him  the  oracle  of  the  princes  of  the  age. 

Machiavelli,  indeed,  the  most  deeply  read  of  his 


7°  "  Era  poco  hermosa,"  says  los  Castellanos,  y  aun  sus  Reyes 

Sandoval,  who  grudges  her  even  muy  moderados  en  esto.      Pasa- 

this  quality,   "  algo    coja,   amiga  bansele  pocos  dias  que  no  convi- 

mucho   de    holgarse,   y   andar   en  dase,  6  fuese  convidada.     La  que 

banquetes,  huertos  y  jardines,  y  en  mas  gastaba  en  fiestas  y  banquetes 

fiestas.     Introduxo  esta  Sefiora  en  con  ella,  era  mas  su  amiga."  Hist. 

Castilla  comidas  soberbias,  siendo  del  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  tom.  i   p.  12. 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF  FERDINAND.  40 1 

time  in  human  character,  imputes  Ferdinand's  sue-   CHAPTER 

XXIV 

cesses,  in  one  of  his  letters,  to  "  cunning  and  good 


luck,  rather  than  superior  wisdom."71     He  was  in- 

porarie*. 

deed  fortunate  ;  and  the  "  star  of  Austria,"  which 
rose  as  his  declined,  shone  not  with  a  brighter  or 
steadier  lustre.  But  success  through  a  long  series 
of  years  sufficiently,  of  itself,  attests  good  conduct. 
"The  winds  and  waves,"  says  Gibbon,  truly  enough, 
"  are  always  on  the  side  of  the  most  skilful  mari- 
ner." The  Florentine  statesman  has  recorded  a 
riper  and  more  deliberate  judgment  in  the  treatise, 
which  he  intended  as  a  mirror  for  the  rulers  of  the 
time.  "  Nothing,"  says  he,  "  gains  estimation  for 
a  prince  like  great  enterprises.  Our  own  age  has 
furnished  a  splendid  example  of  this  in  Ferdinand 
of  Aragon.  We  may  call  him  a  new  king,  since 
from  a  feeble  one  he  has  made  himself  the  most  re- 
nowned and  glorious  monarch  of  Christendom  ;  and, 
if  we  ponder  well  his  manifold  achievements,  we 
must  acknowledge  all  of  them  very  great,  and  some 
truly  extraordinary." 72 

Other  eminent  foreigners  of  the  time  join  in  this 
lofty  strain  of  panegyric.78     The  Castilians,  mindful 


71  Opere,  torn.  ix.  Letters  Di-  likely  to  be  altogether  unbiassed  in 

verse,  no.  6,  ed.  Milano,  1805.  their  judgments  of  his  policy.  — 

His    correspondent,    Vettori,    is  These  views,  however,  find  favor 

still  more  severe  in  his  analysis  of  with  Lord  Herbert,  who  had  evi- 

Ferdmand's  public  conduct.   (Let.  dently  read,   though  he  does  not 

di  16  Maggio,  1514.)   These  states-  refer  to  this  correspondence.     Life 

men  were  the  friends  of  France,  of  Henry  VIII.  p.  63. 

with  whom  Ferdinand  was  at  war ;  ^  Opere,   torn.  vi.   H  Principe, 

and  personal  enemies  of  the  Medi-  cap.  21,  ed.  Genova,  1798. 

ci,  whom  that  prince  reestablished  73  Martyr,  who  had  better  op- 

in  the  government.      As  political  portunities  than  any  other  foreigner 

antagonists  therefore,  every  way,  for  estimating  the  character  of  Fer- 

of  the  Catholic  king,  they  were  not  dinand,  affords  the  most  honorable 

VOL.    III.  51 


402 


DEATH    OF    GONSALVO. 


PAIlT 
II. 


of  the  general  security  and  prosperity  they  had  en- 
—  joyed  under  his  reign,  seem  willing  to  bury  his 
frailties  in  his  grave. 74  While  his  own  hereditary 
subjects,  exulting  with  patriotic  pride  in  the  glory 
to  which  he  had  raised  their  petty  state,  and 
touched  with  grateful  recollections  of  his  mild,  pa- 
ternal government,  deplore  his  loss  in  strains  of 
national  sorrow,  as  the  last  of  the  revered  line,  who 
was  to  preside  over  the  destinies  of  Aragon,  as  a 
separate  and  independent  kingdom. 75 


testimony  to  his  kingly  qualities,  in 
a  letter  written  when  the  writer  had 
no  motive  for  flattery,  after  that 
monarch's  death,  to  Charles  V.'s 
physician.  (Opus  Epist,  epist.  567.) 
Guicciardini,  whose  national  preju- 
dices did  not  lie  in  this  scale,  com- 
prehends nearly  as  much  in  one 
brief  sentence.  "Re  di  eccellen- 
tissimo  consiglio,  e  virtu,  e  nel 
quale,  se  fosse  stato  constante  nelle 
promesse,  no  potresti  facilmente 
riprendere  cosa  alcuna."  (Istoria, 
torn.  vi.  lib.  12,  p.  273.)  See  also 
Brantome,  (CEnvres,  torn.  iv.  disc. 
5.) — Giovio,  with  scarcely  more 
qualification,  Hist,  sui  Temporis, 
lib.  16,  p.  336.—  Navagiero,  Viag- 
gio,  fol.  27,  —  et  alios. 

74  "  Principe  el  mas  sefialado," 
says  the  prince  of  the  Castilian 
historians,  in  his  pithy  manner, 
"  en  valor  y  justicia  y  prudencia 
que  en  muchos  siglos  Espafia  tuvo. 
Tachas  a  nadie  pueden  faltar  sea 
por  la  fragilidad  propia,  6  por 
la  malicia  y  envidia  agena  que 
combate  principalmente  los  altos 
lugares.  Espejo  sin  duda  por  sus 
grandes  virtudes  en  que  todos  los 
Principes  de  Espafia  se  deben  mi- 
rar."  (Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia, 
torn.  ix.  p.  375,  cap.  ult.)  See 
also  a  similar  tribute  to  his  deserts, 
with  greater  amplification,  in  Gari- 
bay,  Compendio,  torn.  ii..lib.  20, 
cap.  24.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Ges- 


tis,  fol.  148.  —  Ulloa,  Vita  di  Car- 
lo V.,  fol.  42.  —  Ferreras,  Hist. 
d'  Espagne,  torn.  ix.  p.  426  et  seq. 
—  et  plurimis  auct.  antiq.  et  recen- 
tibus. 

75  See  the  closing  chapter  of  the 
great  Aragonese  annalist,  who  ter- 
minates his  historic  labors  with  the 
death  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic. 
(Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi.  lib.  10, 
cap.  100.)  I  will  cite  only  one  ex- 
tract from  the  profuse  panegyrics 
of  the  national  writers  ;  which  at- 
tests the  veneration  in  which  Fer- 
dinand's memory  was  held  in  Ara- 
gon. It  is  from  one,  whose  pen  is 
never  prostituted  to  parasitical  or 
party  purposes,  and  whose  judg- 
ment is  usually  as  correct,  as  the 
expression  of  it  is  candid.  "  Quo 
plangore  ac  lamentatione  universa 
civitas  complebatur.  Neque  solum 
homines,  sed  ipsa  tecta,  et  parietes 
urbis  videbantur  acerbum  illius,  qui 
omnibus  charissimus  erat,  interitum 
lugere.  Et  merito.  Erat  enim, 
ut  scitis,  exemplum  prudentiae  ac 
fortitudinis :  sumrnse  in  re  domes- 
tica  continentias  :  eximiae  in  public^ 
dignitatis  :  humanitatis  praeterea, 
ac  leporis  admirabilis.*****  Neque 
eos  solum,  sed  omnes  certe  tanta 
amplectebatur  benevolentia,  ut  in- 
terdum  non  nobis  Rex,  sed  unius- 
cujusque  nostrum  genitor  ac  parens 
videretur.  Post  ejus  iriteritum  om- 
nis  nostra  juventus  languet,  deliciis 


DEATH   AND   CHARACTER  OF   FERDINAND.  403 

plus  dedita  quam  deceret :  nee  per-  giem :  quibus  denique  factum  vide-    CHAPTER 

inde,  ac  debuerat,  in  laudis  et  glo-  mus,  ut  ab  eo  usque  ad  hoc  tempus,       xxiv. 

riae  cupiditate  versatur.***  **Quid  non    soliim    nobis,  sed    Hispanise    

plura .'    nulla  res  fuit  in  usu  bene  cunctae,  diuturnitas  pacis  otium  con- 

regnandi  posita,  quae  illius  Regis  firmarit.      Haec  aliaque    ejusmodi 

scientiam  efFugeret.  *  *  *  *  *  Fuit  quotidie  a  nostris  senibus  de  Ca- 

enim    eximia    corporis    venustate  tholici  Regis  memoria  enarrantur : 

praeditus.     Sed  pluris  facere  debe-  quae  a  rei  veritate  nequaquam  ab- 

rent  consiliorum  ac  virtutura  sua-  horrent."    Blancas,  Cominentarii 

ruia,  quam  posteris  reliquit,  effi-  p.  270. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

ADMINISTRATION,    DEATH,    AND    CHARACTER,    OF    CARDINAL 
XIMENES. 

1516,  1517. 

Ximenes  Governor  of  Castile.  — Charles  proclaimed  King. — Ximenes's 
Domestic  Policy.  — He  intimidates  the  Nobles.  —  Public  Discontents. 
—  Charles  lands  in  Spain.  —  His  Ingratitude  to  Xiuienes.  —  The 
Cardinal's  Illness  and  Death.  —  His  extraordinary  Character. 

PART          THE  personal  history  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic, 

terminates,  of  course,  with  the  preceding  chapter. 

In  order  to  bring  the  history  of  his  reign,  however, 
to  a  suitable  close,  it  is  necessary  to  continue  the 
narrative  through  the  brief  regency  of  Ximenes,  to 
the  period  when  the  government  was  delivered  into 
the  hands  of  Ferdinand's  grandson  and  successor, 
Charles  the  Fifth. 
fpectlng8  re"  By  the  testament  of  the  deceased  monarch,  as 

1  regency-  vve  have  seen,  Cardinal  Ximenez  de  Cisneros  was 
appointed  sole  regent  of  Castile.  He  met  with 
opposition,  however,  from  Adrian,  the  dean  of  Lou- 
vain,  who  produced  powers  of  similar  purport  from 
Prince  Charles.  Neither  party  could  boast  a  suffi- 
cient warrant  for  exercising  this  important  trust  ; 
the  one  claiming  it  by  the  appointment  of  an  indi- 
vidual, who,  acting  merely  as  regent  himself,  had 


DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  XIMENES.  406 

certainly  no  right  to  name  his  successor ;  while  the   CHAPTER 

YYV 

other  had  only  the  sanction  of  a  prince,  who,  at  . — 
the  time  of  giving  it,  had  no  jurisdiction  whatever 
in  Castile.  The  misunderstanding  which  ensued, 
was  finally  settled  by  an  agreement  of  the  parties 
to  share  the  authority  in  common,  till  further  in- 
structions should  be  received  from  Charles.1 

It  was  not  long  before  they  arrived.  They  con-  15 16. 
firmed  the  cardinal's  authority  in  the  fullest  man- 
ner ;  while  they  spoke  of  Adrian  only  as  an  ambas- 
sador. They  intimated,  however,  the  most  entire 
confidence  in  the  latter  ;  and  the  two  prelates  con- 
tinued as  before  to  administer  the  government  joint- 
ly. Ximenes  sacrificed  nothing  by  this  arrange- 
ment ;  for  the  tame  and  quiet  temper  of  Adrian  was 
too  much  overawed  by  the  bold  genius  of  his  part- 
ner, to  raise  any  opposition  to  his  measures.2 

The  first  requisition  of  prince  Charles,  was  one 
that  taxed  severely  the  power  and  popularity  of  the 
new  regent.  This  was  to  have  himself  proclaimed 
king  ;  a  measure  extremely  distasteful  to  the  Cas- 
tilians,  who  regarded  it  not  only  as  contrary  to  estab- 
lished usage,  during  the  lifetime  of  his  mother,  but 
as  an  indignity  to  her.  It  was  in  vain  that  Ximenes 
and  the  council  remonstrated  on  the  impropriety 
and  impolicy  of  the  measure. 8  Charles,  fortified 

1  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,   ano  Principe."     He  did  not  venture  on 
1516,  cap.  8.  —  Robles,  Vida  de  the  title  of  king  in  his  correspon- 
Ximenez,  cap.   18.  —  Gomez,  De  deuce  with  the  Castilians,  though 
Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  150.  —  Quinta-  he   affected    it    abroad.      Anales, 
nilla,  Archetype,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. —  MS.,  afio  1516,  cap.  10. 
Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  dial.  3  The  letter  of   the  council  is 
de  Ximeni.  dated  March  14th,  1516.     It  is  re- 

2  Carbaja!  has  given  us  Charles's    corded   by  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS., 
epistle,   which  is  subscribed  "  El    afio  1516,  cap.  10. 


406  REGENCY  OF   XIMENES  /.^j 

PART  by  his  Flemish  advisers,  sturdily  persisted  in  his 
; —  purpose.  The  cardinal,  consequently,  called  a  meet- 
ing of  the  prelates  and  principal  nobles  in  Madrid, 
to  which  he  had  transferred  the  seat  of  government, 
and  whose  central  position  and  other  local  advan- 
tages made  it,  from  this  time  forward,  with  little 
variation,  the  regular  capital  of  the  kingdom.4  The 
doctor  Carbajal  prepared  a  studied  and  plausible 
argument  in  support  of  the  measure.5  As  it  failed, 
however,  to  produce  conviction  in  his  audience, 
Ximenes,  chafed  by  the  opposition,  and  probably 
distrusting  its  real  motives,  peremptorily  declared, 
that  those  who  refused  to  acknowledge  Charles  as 
king,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  would  refuse 
to  obey  him  when  he  was  so.  "  I  will  have  him 
proclaimed  in  Madrid  to-morrow,"  said  he,  "  and  I 
doubt  not  every  other  city  in  the  kingdom  will  fol- 
low the  example."  He  was  as  good  as  his  word  ; 
and  the  conduct  of  the  capital  was  imitated,  with 
little  opposition,  by  all  the  other  cities  in  Castile. 
Not  so  in  Aragon,  whose  people  were  too  much  at- 
tached to  their  institutions  to  consent  to  it,  till 
Charles  first  made  oath  in  person  to  respect  the 
laws  and  liberties  of  the  realm.6 

4  It  became  permanently  so  in  rests  much  stronger  on  expediency 
the   following   reign  of  Philip  II.  than  precedent.     Anales,  MS.,afio 
Semanario  Erudito,  torn.  iii.  p.  79.  1516,  cap.  11. 

5  Carbajal    penetrates   into  the        6  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 
remotest  depths  of  Spanish  histo-  151   et  seq.  —  Carbajal,    Anales, 
ry  for  an  authority  for  Charles's  MS.,  afio  1516,  cap.  9- 11. —  La- 
claim.     He  can   find  none  better,  nuza,  Historias,  torn.  i.  lib.  2,  cap. 
however,  than  the  examples  of  Al-  2. —  Dormer,  Anales  de  Aragon, 
fonso   VIII.  and   Ferdinand  III.;  lib.  1,  cap.  1,  13.  —  Peter  Martyr, 
the   former  of  whom    used   force,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  572,  590,  603. 
and  the  latter  obtained  the  crown  —  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carloi 
by   the   voluntary  cession   of   his  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  53. 

mother.     His  argument,  it  is  clear, 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  407 

The   Castilian   aristocracy,  it   may  be   believed,   CHAPTER 

did  not  much  relish  the  new  yoke  imposed  on  them  :  xv'  _ 

by  their  priestly  regent.  On  one  occasion,  it  is  x"^n°w.of 
said,  they  went  in  a  body  and  demanded  of  Xime- 
nes  by  what  powers  he  held  the  government  so  ab- 
solutely. He  referred  them  for  answer  to  Ferdi- 
nand's testament  and  Charles's  letter.  As  they 
objected  to  these,  he  led  them  to  a  window  of  the 
apartment,  and  showed  them  a  park  of  artillery  be- 
low, exclaiming,  at  the  same  time,  "  There  are  my 
credentials,  then  !  "  The  story  is  characteristic  ; 
but,  though  often  repeated,  must  be  admitted  to 
stand  on  slender  authority.7 

One  of  the  regent's  first  acts   was  the  famous  HU  military 

m  f  ordinance. 

ordinance,  encouraging  the  burgesses,  by  liberal 
rewards,  to  enroll  themselves  into  companies,  and 
submit  to  regular  military  training,  at  stated  sea- 
sons. The  nobles  saw  the  operation  of  this  meas- 
ure too  well,  not  to  use  all  their  efforts  to  counter- 
act it.  In  this  they  succeeded  for  a  time,  as  the 
cardinal,  with  his  usual  boldness,  had  ventured  on 
it  without  waiting  for  Charles's  sanction,  and  in 
opposition  to  most  of  the  council.  The  resolute 
spirit  of  the*minister,  however,  eventually  triumphed 

7  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  with !  "  But  Ximenes  was  neither  a 

18.  — Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fool,  nor  a  madman  ;  although  his 

tbl.  158.  —  Lanuza,  Historias,  torn,  overzealous  biographers  make  him 

i.  lib.  2,  cap.  4.  sometimes  one,  and  sometimes  the 

Alvaro  Gomez  finds  no  better  other.  Voltaire,  who  never  lets 

authority  than  vulgar  rumor  for  the  opportunity  slip  of  seizing  a 

this  story.  According  to  Robles,  paradox  in  character  or  conduct, 

the  cardinal,  after  this  bravado,  speaks  of  Ximenes  as  one  "  qui, 

twirled  his  cordelier's  belt  about  toujours  vetu  en  cordelier,  met  son 

his  fingers,  saying,  "  he  wanted  faste  a  fouler  s'ous  ses  sandales  le 

nothing  better  than  that  to  tame  faste  Espagnol."  Essai  sur  lea 

the  pride  of  the  Castilian  nobles  Mceurs,  chap.  121. 


408  REGENCY  OF  X1MENES. 

PART      over  all  resistance,  and  a  national  corps  was  organ 

—  ized,  competent,  under  proper  guidance,  to  protect 

the  liberties  of  the  people,  but  which  unfortunately 
was  ultimately  destined  to  be  turned  against  them.8 
Hfc  domes-  Armed  with  this  strong  physical  force,  the  cardi- 
nal now  projected  the  boldest  schemes  of  reform, 
especially  in  the  finances,  which  had  fallen  into 
some  disorder  in  the  latter  days  of  Ferdinand.  He 
made  a  strict  inquisition  into  the  funds  of  the  mili- 
tary orders,  in  which  there  had  been  much  waste 
and  misappropriation  ;  he  suppressed  all  superfluous 
offices  in  the  state,  retrenched  excessive  salaries, 
and  cut  short  the  pensions  granted  by  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  which  he  contended  should  determine 
with  their  lives.  Unfortunately,  the  state  was  not 
materially  benefited  by  these  economical  arrange- 
ments, since  the  greater  part  of  what  was  thus 
saved  was  drawn  off  to  supply  the  waste  and  cu- 
pidity of  the  Flemish  court,  who  dealt  with  Spain 
with  all  the  merciless  rapacity  that  could  be  shown 
to  a  conquered  province.9 

The  foreign  administration  of  the  regent  dis- 
played the  same  courage  and  vigor.  Arsenals  were 
established  in  the  southern  maritime  towns,  and  a 
numerous  fleet  was  equipped  in  the  Mediterranean, 
against  the  Barbary  corsairs.  A  large  force  was 
March  25.  sent  into  Navarre,  which  defeated  an  invading  army 

.8-  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,   afio        9  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol. 

1516,  cap.  13.— Quintanilla,  Arche-  174  et  seq.  —  Robles,  Vida  cle  Xi- 

typo,  lib.   4,  cap.  5.—  Sempere,  menez,  cap.  18.  —  Carbajal,  Anales 

Hist,  des  Cortes,  chap.  25.  — Go-  MS.,  afio  1516,  cap.  13. 
mez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  159.  — 
Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  409 

of  French  ;  and  the  cardinal  followed  up  the  blow 


by  demolishing  the  principal  fortresses  of  the  king-  —  — 
dom  ;  a  precautionary  measure,   to   which,  in    all 
probability,  Spain  owes  the  permanent  preservation 
of  her  conquest.10 

The  regent's  eye  penetrated  to  the  farthest  lim- 
its of  the  monarchy.  He  sent  a  commission  to 
Hispaniola,  to  inquire  into,  and  ameliorate,  the 
condition  of  the  natives.  At  the  same  time  he 
earnestly  opposed  (though  without  success,  be- 
ing overruled  in  this  by  the  Flemish  counsellors,) 
the  introduction  of  negro  slaves  into  the  colonies, 
which,  he  predicted,  from  the  character  of  the  race, 
must  ultimately  result  in  a  servile  war.  It  is  need- 
less to  remark,  how  well  the  event  has  verified  the 
prediction.11 

It  is  with  less  satisfaction  that  we  must  con- 
template his  policy  in  regard  to  the  Inquisition. 
As  head  of  that  tribunal,  he  enforced  its  authority 
and  pretensions  to  the  utmost.  He  extended  a 
branch  of  it  to  Oran,  and  also  to  the  Canaries, 
and  the  New  World.  I2  In  1512,  the  new  Chris- 
tians had  offered  Ferdinand  a  large  sum  of  money 
to  carry  on  the  Navarrese  war,  if  he  would  cause 

10  Carbajal,   Anales,  MS.,  ailo  Ximenes's  objection  to  have  been, 
1510,  cap.  11.  —  Aleson,  Annales  the  iniquity  of  reducing  one  set  of 
de  Navarra,  torn.  v.  p.  327.  —  Pe-  men  to  slavery,  in  order  to  liberate 
ter  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,epist.  570.  another.      (History    of   America, 
—  Quintanilla,   Archetype,   lib  4,  vol.  i.  p.  285.)    A  very  enlightened 
cap.  5.  reason,  for  which,  however,  I  find 

11  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  not  the  least  warrant  in  Herrera, 
104,  165.  —  Herrera,  Indias  Occi-  (the   authority  cited  by  the  histo- 
dentales,   torn.   i.    p.   278.  —  Las  rian,)    nor  in   Gomez,  nor  in  any 
Casas,  CEuvres,  ed.   de   Llorente,  other  writer. 

torn.  i.  p.  239.  12  Llorente,   Hist,   de  1'Inquisi- 

Robertson  states  the  ground  of     tion,  torn.  i.  chap.  10,  art.  5. 

VOL.  III.          52 


410  REGENCY   OF   XIMENES. 

PART      the   trials   before   that   tribunal  to  be  conducted  in 
—  the   same   manner   as  in   other  courts,   where  the 


accuser  and  the  evidence  were  confronted  openly 
with  the  defendant.  To  this  reasonable  petition 
Ximenes  objected,  on  the  wretched  plea,  that,  in 
that  event,  none  would  be  found  willing  to  under- 
take the  odious  business  of  informer.  He  backed 
his  remonstrance  with  such  a  liberal  donative  from 
his  own  funds,  as  supplied  the  king's  immediate 
exigency,  and  effectually  closed  his  heart  against 
the  petitioners.  The  application  was  renewed  in 
1516,  by  the  unfortunate  Israelites,  who  offered  a 
liberal  supply  in  like  manner  to  Charles,  on  similar 
terms.  But  the  proposal,  to  which  his  Flemish 
counsellors,  who  may  be  excused,  at  least,  from  the 
reproach  of  bigotry,  would  have  inclined  the  young 
monarch,  was  finally  rejected  through  the  interposi- 
•  tion  of  Ximenes. 13 
Assumes  the  The  high-handed  measures  of  the  minister,  while 

sole  power. 

1517.  they  disgusted  the  aristocracy,  gave  great  umbrage 
to  the  dean  of  Louvain,  who  saw  himself  reduced 
to  a  mere  cipher  in  the  administration.  In  conse- 
quence of  his  representations  a  second,  and  after- 
wards a  third  minister  was  sent  to  Castile,  with 
authority  to  divide  the  government  with  the  car- 
dinal. But  all  this  was  of  little  avail.  On  one 
occasion,  the  co-regents  ventured  to  rebuke  their 
haughty  partner,  and  assert  their  own  dignity,  by 
subscribing  their  names  first  to  the  despatches,  and 

13  Paramo,  De  Origine  Inquisi-    chap.  11,  art.  1.  —  Cfomez,  De  R«> 
tionis,  lib.  2,  tit.  2,  cap.  5.—  Llo-    bus  Gestis,  fol.  184,  185 
rente,  Hist,  de  1'Inquisition,  torn.  i. 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  41] 

then  sending  them  to  him  for  his  signature.     But   CHAPTER 

Ximenes   coolly  ordered  his   secretary  to  tear  the  xxv' 

paper  in  pieces,  and  make  out  a  new  one,  which  he 
signed,  and  sent  out  without  the  participation  of 
his  brethren.  And  this  course  he  continued  during 
the  remainder  of  his  administration.14 

The  cardinal  not  only  assumed  the  sole  responsi-  intimidates 

J  the  nobles. 

bility  of  the  most  important  public  acts,  but,  in  the 
execution  of  them,  seldom  condescended  to  calcu- 
late the  obstacles  or  the  odds  arrayed  against  him. 
He  was  thus  brought  into  collision,  at  the  same 
time,  with  three  of  the  most  powerful  grandees  of 
Castile ;  the  dukes  of  Alva  and  Infantado,  and  the 

count  of  Urena.     Don  Pedro  Giron,  the  son  of  the 

• 

latter,  with  several  other  young  noblemen,  had 
maltreated  and  resisted  the  royal  officers,  while  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duty.  They  then  took  refuge 
in  the  little  town  of  Villafrata,  which  they  fortified 
and  prepared  for  a  defence.  The  cardinal  without 
hesitation  mustered  several  thousand  of  the  national 
militia,  and,  investing  the  place,  set  it  on  fire,  and 
deliberately  razed  it  to  the  ground.  The  refrac- 
tory nobles,  struck  with  consternation,  submitted. 
Their  friends  interceded  for  them  in  the  most  hum- 
ble manner ;  and  the  cardinal,  whose  lofty  spirit 

14  Carhajal,  Annies,  MS.,  ano  bus,  aut  non  legitime  regnaturis. 

1517,  cap.  2.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Nauseam  inducit  magnanimis  viris 

Gestis,  fol.  189,  190.  —  Robles,  hujux  fralris,  licet  potentis  et  rei- 

Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  18. —  Peter  publicae  amatoris,  gubernatio.  Est 

Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  581. —  quippe  grandis  animo,  et  ipse,  ad 

Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS.  aedificandum  literatosque  viros  fo- 

"  Ni  properaveritis,"  says  Mar-  vendum  natus  magis  quam  ad  im- 

tyr  in  a  letter  to  Marliano,  Prince  perandum,  bellicis  colloquiis  et  ap- 

Charles's  physician,  "  ruentomnia.  paratibus  gaudet."  Opua  Epist., 

Nescit  Hispania  parere  non  regi-  epist.  573. 


412  REGENCY   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      disdained   to  trample  on  a  fallen  foe.  showed  his 
iii 
- —  usual  clemency  by  soliciting  their  pardon  from  the 

king. 15 

oontlmtt8"  ^Ut  neitner  tne  talents  nor  authority  of  Ximenes, 
it  was  evident,  could  much  longer  maintain  sub- 
ordination among  the  people,  exasperated  by  the 
shameless  extortions  of  the  Flemings,  and  the  little 
interest  shown  for  them  by  their  new  sovereign. 
The  most  considerable  offices  in  church  and  state 
were  put  up  to  sale  ;  and  the  kingdom  was  drained 
of  its  funds  by  the  large  remittances  continually 
made,  on  one  pretext  or  another,  to  Flanders.  All 
this  brought  odium,  undeserved  indeed,  on  the  car- 
dinal's government ; 1G  for  there  is  abundant  evi- 
dence, that  both  he  and  the  council  remonstrated 
in  the  boldest  manner  on  these  enormities ;  while 
they  endeavoured  to  inspire  nobler  sentiments  in 
Charles's  bosom,  by  recalling  the  wise  and  patriotic 
administration  of  his  grandparents. 17  The  people, 

*5  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  it  is  evident  the  cardinal's  govern- 

198-  201. —  Peter   Martyr,  Opus  ment  was  not  at  all  to  honest  Mar- 

Epist.,  epist.  567,  584,  590. — Car-  tyr'staste.  Gomez  suggests,  as  the 

bajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1517,  cap.  reason,  that  his  salary  was  clipped 

3,6.  —  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  Mb.  off  in   the  general   retrenchment, 

—  Sandoval,  Hist,  del  Emp.  Carlos  which  he  admits  was  a  very  hard 

V.,  torn.  i.  p.  73.  case.     (De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  177.) 

16  In  a  letter  to  Marliano,  Mar-  Martyr,  however,  was  never  an  ex 
tyr  speaks  of  the  large  sums,  "  ab  travagant  encomiast  of  the  cardinal, 
hoc  gubernatore  ad  vos  missae,  sub  and  one  may  imagine  much  more 
parandae  classis  prsetextu."  (Opus  creditable  reasons,  than  that  assign- 
Epist.,  epist.  576.)  In  a  subse-  ed,  for  his  disgust  with  him  now. 
quent  epistle  to  his  Castilian  cor-  17  See  a  letter  in  Carbajal,  con- 
respondents,  he  speaks  in  a  more  taining  this  honest  tribute  to  the 
sarcastic  tone.  "Bonus  ille  fra-  illustrious  dead.  (Anales,  MS., 
ter  Ximenez  Cardinalis  gubernator  afio  1517,  cap.  4.)  Charles  might 
thesauros  ad  Belgas  transmitten-  have  found  an  antidote  to  the  poison 
dos  coacervavit.  *****  Glaci-  of  his  Flemish  sycophants  in  the 
alis  Oceani  accolae  ditabuntur,  ves-  faithful  counsels  of  his  Castilian 
tra  expilabitur  Castilla."  (Epist.  ministers. 
606.)  From  some  cause  or  other, 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  413 

in  the  mean  while,  outraged  by  these  excesses,  and   CHAPTER 

despairing  of  redress  from  a  higher  quarter,  loudly  1. 

clarnored  for  a  convocation  of  cortes,  that  they 
might  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands.  The 
cardinal  evaded  this  as  long  as  possible.  He  was 
never  a  friend  to  popular  assemblies,  much  less  in 
the  present  inflamed  state  of  public  feeling,  and  in 
the  absence  of  the  sovereign.  He  was  more  anx- 
ious for  his  return  than  any  other  individual,  proba- 
bly, in  the  kingdom.  Braved  by  the  aristocracy  at 
home,  thwarted  in  every  favorite  measure  by  the 
Flemings  abroad,  with  an  injured,  indignant  people 
to  control,  and  oppressed,  moreover,  by  infirmities 
and  years,  even  his  stern,  inflexible  spirit  could 
scarcely  sustain  him  under  a  burden  too  grievous, 
in  these  circumstances,  for  any  subject.18 

At  length  the  young  monarch,  having  made  all 
preliminary  arrangements,  prepared,  though  still  in 
opposition  to  the  wishes  of  his  courtiers,  to  embark 
for  his  Spanish  dominions.  Previously  to  this;  on 
the  13th  of  August,  1516,  the  French  and  Spanish 
plenipotentiaries  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  at  Noyon. 
The  principal  article,  stipulated  the  marriage  of 
Charles  to  the  daughter  of  Francis  the  First,  who 
was  to  cede,  as  her  dowry,  the  French  claims  on 
Naples.  The  marriage,  indeed,  never  took  place. 

18  Peter  Martyr,   Opus  Epist.,  valuerat;  nunc  recidivavit.  *  ***  * 

epist.  602.  —  Gomez,   De   Rebus  Breves  fore  dies  illius,  medici  au- 

Gestis,   fol.    194. — Robles,   Vida  tumant.     Est  octogenario  major; 

de  Ximenez,  cap.  18.  ipse  regis  adventum  affectu  avidis- 

Martyr,  in  a  letter  written  just  simo    desiderare   videtur.      Sentit 

before  the  king's  landing,  notices  sine  rege  non  rite  posse  corda  His- 

the  cardinal's  low  state  of  health  panorum  moderari  ac  regi. "   Epist 

and  spirits.  "  Cardinalis  gubernator  598. 
Matriti  febribus  a;grotaverat ;  con- 


414  REGENCY   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      But  the   treaty  itself  may  be  considered  as  finally 

—  adjusting  the  hostile  relations  which  had  subsisted, 

during  so  many  years  of  Ferdinand's  reign,  with 

the  rival  monarchy  of  France,  and  as  closing  the 

long  series  of  wars  which  had  grown  out  of  the 

league  of  Cambray.19 

charie.  On  the  17th  of  September,  1517,  Charles  landed 

mids  in 

gpain.  at  Villaviciosa,  in  the  Asturias.  Ximenes  at  this 
time  lay  ill  at  the  Franciscan  monastery  of  Agui- 
lera,  near  Aranda  on  the  Douro.  The  good  tidings 
of  the  royal  landing  operated  like  a  cordial  on  his 
spirits,  and  he  instantly  despatched  letters  to  the 
young  monarch,  filled  with  wholesome  counsel  as 
to  the  conduct  he  should  pursue,  in  order  to  concili- 
ate the  affections  of  the  people.  He  received  at 
the  same  time  messages  from  the  king,  couched  in 
the  most  gracious  terms,  and  expressing  the  live- 
liest interest  in  his  restoration  to  health. 

The  Flemings  in  Charles's  suite,  however,  looked 
with  great  apprehension  to  his  meeting  with  the 
cardinal.  They  had  been  content  that  the  latter 
should  rule  the  state,  when  his  arm  was  needed  to 
curb  the  Castilian  aristocracy  ;  but  they  dreaded 
the  ascendency  of  his  powerful  mind  over  their 
young  sovereign,  when  brought  into  personal  con- 
tact with  him.  They  retarded  this  event,  by  keep- 
ing Charles  in  the  north  as  long  as  possible.  In 
the  mean  time,  they  endeavoured  to  alienate  his 
regards  from  the  minister  by  exaggerated  reports 

19  Flassan,  Diplomatic  Fran§ais,     Diplomatique,  torn.  iv.  part.  1,  no. 
torn.  i.  p.  313.  —  Dumont,  Corps     106. 


HIS    DEATH   AND   CHARACTER.  4]  5 


jf  his  arbitrary  conduct  and  temper,  rendered  more   CHAPTER 

XXV 

morose  by  the  peevishness  of  age.     Charles  showed    — • 
a  facility  to  be  directed   by  those   around  him  in 
early  years,  which  gave  little  augury  of  the  great- 
ness to  which  he  afterwards  rose.20 

By  the    persuasions  of   his  evil  counsellors,   he  HI*  unfrate- 

J  r  7  lul  letter. 

addressed  that  memorable  letter  to  Ximenes,  which 
is  unmatched,  even  in  court  annals,  for  cool  and 
base  ingratitude.  He  thanked  the  regent  for  all 
his  past  services,  named  a  place  for  a  personal  in- 
terview with  him,  where  he  might  obtain  the  ben- 
efit of  his  counsels  for  his  own  conduct,  and  the 
government  of  the  kingdom ;  after  which  he  would 
be  allowed  to  retire  to  his  diocese,  and  seek  from 
Heaven  that  reward,  which  Heaven  alone  could 
adequately  bestow ! 21 

Such  was  the  tenor  of  this  cold-blooded  epistle,  Ti.ecarti 

7     nal  s  laet 

which,  in  the  language  of  more  than  one  writer,  illneM 
killed  the  cardinal.  This,  however,  is  stating  the 
matter  too  strongly.  The  spirit  of  Ximenes  was 
of  too  stern  a  stuff  to  be  so  easily  extinguished  by 
the  breath  of  royal  displeasure.28  He  was,  indeed, 
deeply  moved  by  the  desertion  of  the  sovereign 

20  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,  afio  sollier,  plumply;  a  writer  who  is 
1517,   cap.   9  — Dormer,   Anales  sure  either  to  misstate  or  overstate, 
de  Aragon,  lib.  1,  cap.  1. —  Ulloa,  (Ministere  du  Card.   Ximenez,  p. 
Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  fol.  43.  —  Dolce,  447.)     Byron,  alluding  to  the  fate 
Vita  di  Carlo  V.,  p.  12.  —  Gomez,  of   a    modern   poet,   ridicules  the 
De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  212.  —  San-  idea  of 

doval.  Hist,    del    Emp.    Carlos  V.,  "  The  mind,  that  fiery  particle, 

torn.  i.  p.  83.  Being  extinguished  by  an  Article  !:l 

21  Carbajal,   Anales,   MS.,   ubi  The   frown  of  a   critic,  however, 
supra.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  might  as  well  prove  fatal  as  that  of 
fol.   215.  —  Sandoval,    Hist,    del  a  king.     In  both  cases,  I  imagine, 
Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  84.  it  would    be   hard   to    prove   any 

22  "  Cette  terrible  lettre  qui  fut  closer  connexion  between  the  two 
la   cause  de  sa  mort,"  says  Mar-  events,  than  that  of  time. 


41  (j  REGENCY   OF   XIMENES. 

PART  whom  he  had  served  so  faithfully,  and  the  excite- 
-  ment  which  it  occasioned  brought  on  a  return  of 
his  fever,  according  to  Carbajal,  in  full  force.  But 
anxiety  and  disease  had  already  done  its  work  upon 
his  once  hardy  constitution  ;  and  this  ungrateful  act 
could  only  serve  to  wean  him  more  effectually  from 
a  world  that  he  was  soon  to  part  with.23 

In  order  to  be  near  the  king,  he  had  previously 
transferred  his  residence  to  Roa.  He  now  turned 
his  thoughts  to  his  approaching  end.  Death  may 
be  supposed  to  have  but  little  terrors  for  the  states- 
man, who  in  his  last  moments  could  aver,  "  that 
he  had  never  intentionally  wronged  any  man ;  but 
had  rendered  to  every  one  his  due,  without  being 
swayed,  as  far  as  he  was  conscious,  by  fear  or  affec- 
tion. "  Yet  Cardinal  Richelieu  on  his  deathbed 
declared  the  same  ! 24 

HI*  death.         As  a  last  attempt,  he  began  a  letter  to  the  king. 
His  fingers  refused,  however,  to  perform  their  of- 

23  "  Con  aquel  despedimiento,"  less  supported   by  very  clear  evi- 

says  Galindez  de  Carbajal,  "  con  dence.     Martyr  and  Carbajal,  both 

esto  acabo  de  tantos  servicios  luego  with  the  court  at  the  time,   inti- 

que   llego   esta  carta  el  Cardenal  mate  no  suspicion  of  foul  play, 

rescibio   alteracion  y  tomole  recia  **  Carbajal,  Anales,   MS.,  afio 

calentura  que  en  pocos  dias  le  des-  1517,  cap.  9.  —  Gomez,  de  Rebus 

pacho."     (Anales,  MS.,  aiio  1517,  Gestis,   fol.   213,   214.  —  Quinta- 

cap.  9.)     Gomez  tells  a  long  story  nilla,  Archetypo,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. — 

of  poison  administered  to  the  car-  Oviedo,  Quincuagenas,  MS. 

dinal  in  a  trout,  (De  Rebus  Gestis,  "  '  Voila  mon  juge,  qui  pronon- 

fol.  806.)     Others  say,  in  a  letter  cera  bientot  ma  sentence.    Je  le 

from  Flanders,  (see  Moreri,   Die-  prie  de  tout  mon  creur  de  me  con- 

tionnaire    Historique,   voce  Xime-  damner,  si,  dans  mon  ministere,  je 

nes.)     Oviedo  notices  a  rumor  of  me  suis  propos6  autre  chose  que 

his  having  been  poisoned  by  one  of  le  bien  de   la  religion  et  celui  de 

his  secretaries  ;  but  vouches  for  the  1'etat.'     Le  lendemain,  au  point  du 

innocence  of  the  individual  accused,  jour,   il  voulut  recevoir  I'extr6ma 

whom  he  personally  knew.   (Quin-  onction."     Jay,  Histoire  du  Minis- 

cuagep.as,  MS.,  dial,  de  Xim.)  Re-  tere  du  Cardinal  Richelieu,  (Paris 

ports  of  this  kind  were  too  rife  in  1816,)  torn.  ii.  p.  217. 
these  days,  to  deserve  credit,  un- 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  417 

fice,  and  after  tracing  a  few  lines  he  gave  it  up.  CHAPTCT 
The  purport  of  these  seems  to  have  been,  to  recom-  XXY' 
mend  his  university  at  Alcal£  to  the  royal  protec- 
tion. He  now  became  wholly  occupied  with  his 
devotions,  and  manifested  such  contrition  for  his 
errors,  and  such  humble  confidence  in  the  divine 
mercy,  as  deeply  affected  all  present.  In  this  tran- 
quil frame  of  mind,  and  in  the  perfect  possession 
of  his  powers,  he  breathed  his  last,  November  8th, 
1517,  in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age,  and  the 
twenty-second  since  his  elevation  to  the  primacy. 
The  last  words  that  he  uttered  were  those  of  the 
Psalmist,  which  he  used  frequently  to  repeat  in 
health,  "  In  te,  Domine,  speravi,"  —  "  In  thee, 
Lord,  have  I  trusted." 

His  body,  arrayed  in  his  pontifical  robes,  was 
seated  in  a  chair  of  state,  and  multitudes  of  all  de- 
grees thronged  into  the  apartment  to  kiss  the  hands 
and  feet.  It  was  afterwards  transported  to  Alcala, 
and  laid  in  the  chapel  of  the  noble  college  of  San 
Ildefonso,  erected  by  himself.  His  obsequies  weue 
celebrated  with  great  pomp,  contrary  to  his  own 
orders,  by  all  the  religious  and  literary  fraternities 
of  the  city  ;  and  his  virtues  commemorated  in  a 
funeral  discourse  by  a  doctor  of  the  university,  who, 
considering  the  death  of  the  good  a  fitting  occasion 
to  lash  the  vices  of  the  living,  made  the  most 
caustic  allusion  to  the  Flemish  favorites  of  Charles, 
and  their  pestilent  influence  on  the  country.25 

25  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.  typo,  lib.  4,  cap.  12-15;  who 
18.  —  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  quotes  Marafio,  an  eyewitness. — 
215  -  217.  —  Quintanilla,  Arche-  Carbajal,  Anales,  MS.,  afio  1517, 

VOL.    III.  53 


418  REGENCY   OF   XIMENES. 

PART          Such  was  the  end  of  this  remarkable  man ;  the 
—  most  remarkable,  in   many  respects,  of  his    time. 

Hischarac-  . 

ter-  His  character  was  or  that  stern  and  lofty  cast, 

which  seems  to  rise  above  the  ordinary  wants  and 
weaknesses  of  humanity  ;  his  genius,  of  the  se- 
verest  order,  like  Dante's  or  Michael  Angelo's  in 
the  regions  of  fancy,  impresses  us  with  ideas  of 
power,  that  excite  admiration  akin  to  terror.  His 
enterprises,  as  we  have  seen,  were  of  the  boldest 
character.  His  execution  of  them  equally  bold. 
He  disdained  to  woo  fortune  by  any  of  those  soft 
and  pliant  arts,  which  are  often  the  most  effectual. 
He  pursued  his  ends  by  the  most  direct  means.  In 
this  way  he  frequently  multiplied  difficulties  ;  but 
difficulties  seemed  to  have  a  charm  for  him,  by  the 
opportunity  they  afforded  of  displaying  the  energies 
of  his  soul. 

!tl8ofctSen!"  With  these  qualities  he  combined  a  versatility  of 
talent,  usually  found  only  in  softer  and  more  flexi- 
ble characters.  Though  bred  in  the  cloister,  he 
distinguished  himself  both  in  the  cabinet  and  the 
camp.  For  the  latter,  indeed,  so  repugnant  to  his 
regular  profession,  he  had  a  natural  genius,  accord- 
ing to  the  testimony  of  his  biographer;  and  he 
evinced  his  relish  for  it  by  declaring,  that  "  the 
smell  of  gunpowder  was  more  grateful  to  him  than 


cap.  9  ,  who  dates    the    cardinal's  "  Condideram    musis   Franciscus   grande 

death  December  8th,  in  which  he  0JJJ»|  exjguo  nunc  egn  garcophago. 

18  lollowed  by  Lanuza.  Pretextam  junxi  saccho,  galenmque  ga- 

The  following   epitaph,   of    no  'ero> 

great  merit,  was  inscribed  on  his  Frtaelre.r'  dux'  pnesu1'  Cardlneus1ue  «» 

sepulchre,  composed  by  the  learned  Quin  virtute  rael  junctum  est  diadema 

John  Vergara  in  his  younger  days.  cncuiio. 

Cum  mihi  regmuiti  paruit  Ilesperia." 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 

the  sweetest  perfume  of  Arabia!"86     In  every  sit-  CHAPTER 
uation,  however,  he  exhibited  the  stamp  of  his  pe-      xxv> 
culiar  calling  ;  and  the  stern  lineaments  of  the  monk 
were  never  wholly  concealed  under  the  mask  of  the 
statesman,  or  the  visor  of  the  Warrior.     He  had  a 
full  measure  of  the  religious  bigotry  which  belonged 
to  the  age  ;  and  he  had  melancholy  scope  for  dis- 
playing  it,   as    chief  of  that  dread  tribunal,  over 
which  he  presided  during  the  last  ten  years  of  his 
life.  27 

He  carried  the  arbitrary  ideas  of  his  profession  ins  despot 

,.    .       v    ,.»  TT.  government 

into  political  hie.  His  regency  was  conducted  on 
the  principles  of  a  military  despotism.  It  was  his 
maxim,  that  "  a  prince  must  rely  mainly  on  his 
army  for  securing  the  respect  and  obedience  of 
his  subjects."28  It  is  true  he  had  to  deal  with  a 
martial  and  factious  nobility,  and  the  end  which  he 
proposed  was  to  curb  their  licentiousness,  and  en- 
force the  equitable  administration  of  justice ;  but, 
in  accomplishing  this,  he  showed  little  regard  to 

26  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,fol.  more  or  less  into  all,  and  into  the 
160.  —  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  best,  unfortunately,  most  largely, 
cap.  17.  —  "  And  who  can  doubt,"        28  "  Fersuasum  haberet,  non  alia 
exclaims  Gonzalo  de  Oviedo,  "that  ratione   animos  humanos    imperia 
powder,  against  the  infidel,  is  in-  aliorum   laturos,  nisi  vi   facta  aut 
cense  to  the  Lord?"     Quincuage-  adhibita.      Quare   pro  certo   affir- 

nas,  MS.  mare  solebat,  nullum  unquam  prin-  • 

27  During  this  period,  Ximenes  cipem  exteris  populis  formidini,  aut 
"permit  la  condamnation,"  to  use  suis  reverentiae  fuisse,  nisi  compa- 
the   mild  language  of  Llorente,  of  rato  militum  exercitu,  atque  omni- 
more  than  2500  individuals  to  the  bus  belli  instruments   ad   manum 
stake,  and  nearly  50,000  to  other  paratis."    (Gomez,  De  Rebus  Ges- 
puriishments  !    (Hist,  de  1'Inquisi-  tis,  fol.  95.)     We  may  well  apply 
tion,  torn.  i.  chap.  10,  art.  5  ;  torn,  to  the  cardinal  what  Cato,  or  rather 
iv.  chap.  46.)     In  order  to  do  jus-  Lucan,  applied  to  Pompey  ; 

tice  to  what  is  really  good  in  the  „  Pra!tulit  arma  tog£e ;  8ed  pacem  armatw 
characters  of  this  age,  one  must  amavit." 

absolutely  close   his   eyes  against  Phanwlia  lib.  9. 

that  odious  fanaticism,  which  enters 


420  REGENCY    OF   XIMENES. 

PART  the  constitution,  or  to  private  rights.  His  first  acl, 
! the  proclaiming  of  Charles  king,  was  in  open  con- 
tempt of  the  usages  and  rights  of  the  nation.  He 
evaded  the  urgent  demands  of  the  Castilians  for  a 
convocation  of  cortes ;  for  it  was  his  opinion,  "  that 
freedom  of  speech,  especially  in  regard  to  their  own 
grievances,  made  the  people  insolent  and  irreverent 
to  their  rulers."29  The  people,  of  course,  had  no 
voice  in  the  measures  which  involved  their  most 
important  interests.  His  whole  policy,  indeed,  was 
to  exalt  the  royal  prerogative,  at  the  expense  of  the 
inferior  orders  of  the  state.80  And  his  regency, 
short  as  it  was,  and  highly  beneficial  to  the  country 
in  many  respects,  must  be  considered  as  opening 
the  way  to  that  career  of  despotism,  which  the 
Austrian  family  followed  up  with  such  hard-hearted 
constancy. 
HIS  moral  But,  while  we  condemn  the  politics,  we  cannot 

principle. 

but  respect  the  principles,  of  the  man.  However 
erroneous  his  conduct  in  our  eyes,  he  was  guided 
by  his  sense  of  duty.  It  was  this,  and  the  convic- 
tion of  it  in  the  minds  of  others,  which  constituted 
the  secret  of  his  great  power.  It  made  him  reck- 

29  "  Null&  enim  re  magis  popu-  the  various  immunities,  and  the  mil- 
los    insolescere,    et   irreverentiam  itary  organization,  which  he  gave 
omnem  exhibere,  quam  cum  liber-  to  the  towns  enabled  them  to  raise 
tatem  loquendi  nacti  sunt,  et  pro  the  insurrection,  known  as  the  war 
libidine  suas  vulgo  jactant  querimo-  of  the  "  comunidades,"  at  the  be- 
nias."  Gomez  quotes  the  language  ginning  of  Charles's  reign.     But 
of  Ximenes  in  his  correspondence  he  rightly  considers  this  as  only  an 
with  Charles.     De  Rebus  Gestis,  indirect  consequence  of  his  policy, 
fol.  194.  which  made  use  of  the  popular  arm 

30  Oviedo   makes    a    reflection,  only  to  break  down  the  power  of 
showing  that  he  conceived  the  car-  the  nobles,  and  establish  the  su- 
dinal's  policy  better  than  most  of  premacy  of  the  crown.     Quincua- 
his  biographers.     He  states,  that  genas,  MS.  dial,  de  Xim. 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  421 

less  of  difficulties,  and  fearless  of  all  personal  con-   CHAPTER 

sequences.     The  consciousness  of  the  integrity  of  1_ 

his  purposes  rendered  him,  indeed,  too  unscrupulous 
as  to  the  means  of  attaining  them.  He  held  his 
own  life  cheap,  in  comparison  with  the  great  re- 
forms that  he  had  at  heart.  Was  it  surprising,  that 
he  should  hold  as  lightly  the  convenience  and  in- 
terests of  others,  when  they  thwarted  their  execu- 
tion ? 

His  views  were  raised  far  above  considerations  »•  disinter- 

estedness. 

of  self.  As  a  statesman,  he  identified  himself  with 
the  state ;  as  a  churchman,  with  the  interests  of 
his  religion.  He  severely  punished  every  offence 
against  these.  He  as  freely  forgave  every  personal 
injury.  He  had  many  remarkable  opportunities  of 
showing  this.  His  administration  provoked  nu- 
merous lampoons  and  libels.  He  despised  them,  as 
the  miserable  solace  of  spleen  and  discontent,  and 
never  persecuted  their  authors. S1  In  this  he  formed 
an  honorable  contrast  to  Cardinal  Richelieu,  whose 
character  and  condition  suggest  many  points  of  re- 
semblance with  his  own. 

His  disinterestedness  was  further  shown  by  his 
mode  of  dispensing  his  large  revenues.  It  was 
among  the  poor,  and  on  great  public  objects.  He 
built  up  no  family.  He  had  brothers  and  nephews ; 
but  he  contented  himself  with  making  their  condi- 
tion comfortable,  without  diverting  to  their  benefit 

31  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  ubi  supra,  table,  as  related  by  Madame  d'Ar- 
Mr.    Burke    notices    this   noble  blay,  in  the  last,  and  not  least  re- 
trait,  in  a  splendid  panegyric  which  markableof  her  productions.    (Me- 
he  poured  forth  on  the  character  of  moirs  of  Dr.  Burney,  vol.  ii.  pp.  231 
Ximenes,  at  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds's  et  seq. )    The  orator,  if  the  lady  re 


422  REGENCY   OF  XIMENES. 

PART  the  great  trusts  confided  to  him  for  the  public.82 

'. —  The  greater  part  of  the  funds  which  he  left  at  his 

death  was  settled  on  the  university  of  Alcala. ss 

He  had,  however,  none  of  that  pride,  which 
would  make  him  ashamed  of  his  poor  and  humble 
relatives.  He  had,  indeed,  a  confidence  in  his  own 
powers,  approaching  to  arrogance,  which  led  him  to 
undervalue  the  abilities  of  others,  and  to  look  on 
them  as  his  instruments  rather  than  his  equals.  But 
he  had  none  of  the  vulgar  pride  founded  on  wealth 
or  station.  He  frequently  alluded  to  his  lowly  con- 
dition in  early  life,  with  great  humility,  thanking 
Heaven,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  for  its  extraordinary 
goodness  to  him.  He  not  only  remembered,  but 
did  many  acts  of  kindness  to  his  early  friends,  of 
which  more  than  one  touching  anecdote  is  related. 
Such  traits  of  sensibility,  gleaming  through  the 
natural  austerity  and  sternness  of  a  disposition  like 
his,  like  light  breaking  through  a  dark  cloud,  affect 
us  the  more  sensibly  by  contrast. 

He  was  irreproachable  in  his  morals,  and  con- 
formed literally  to  all  the  rigid  exactions  of  his 
severe  order,  in  the  court  as  faithfully  as  in  the 
cloister.  He  was  sober,  abstemious,  chaste.  In 

portshim  right,  notices,  as  two  of  the  prose  can,  the  credit  due  to  such 

cardinal's  characteristics,  his  free-  posthumous     benefactions,    when 

dom  from  bigotry  and  despotism !  they  set  aside  the  dearest  natural 

32  Their  connexion  with  so  dis-  ties  for  the  mere  indulgence  of  a 
tinguished  a  person,  however,  en-  selfish  vanity.     Such  motives  can- 
abled  most  of  them  to  form  high  not  be  imputed  to  Ximenes.     He 
alliances;  of   which  Oviedo  gives  had  always  conscientiously  abstain- 
some  account.  Quiticuagenas,  MS.  ed  from  appropriating  his  archi- 

episcopal   revenues,   as  we    have 

33  «  Die,  and  endow  a  college  or  a  cat!  »    geen>  £  Mmself  or  hig  }.alnily<    Hig 

The  verse  is  somewhat  stale,  but   dying  bequest,  therefore,  was  only 
expresses,  better  than  a  page  of    in  keeping  with  his  whole  life. 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  423 

the  latter  ^particular,  he  was  careful  that  no  sus-  CHAPTER 
picion  of  the  license  which  so  often  soiled  the  cler-  xxv' 
gy  of  the  period,  should  attach  to  him.34  On  one 
occasion,  while  on  a  journey,  he  was  invited  to  pass 
the  night  at  the  house  of  the  duchess  of  Maqueda, 
being  informed  that  she  was  absent.  The  duchess 
was  at  home,  however,  and  entered  the  apartment 
before  he  retired  to  rest.  "  You  have  deceived  me, 
lady,"  said  Ximenes,  rising  in  anger  ;  "  if  you  have 
any  business  with  me,  you  will  find  me  to-morrow 
at  the  confessional."  So  saying,  he  abruptly  left 
the  palace.35 

He  carried   his  austerities  and  mortifications  so  Hismonw. 

m  tic  iiustcri- 

far,  as  to  endanger  his  health.  There  is  a  curious  tle" 
brief  extant  of  Pope  Leo  the  Tenth,  dated  the  last 
year  of  the  cardinal's  life,  enjoining  him  to  abate 
his  severe  penance,  to  eat  meat  and  eggs  on  the 
ordinary  fasts,  to  take  off  his  Franciscan  frock, 
and  sleep  in  linen  and  on  a  bed.  He  would  never 
consent,  however,  to  divest  himself  of  his  monastic 
weeds.  "  Even  laymen,"  said  he,  alluding  to  the 
custom  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  "  put  these  on 
when  they  are  dying ;  and  shall  I,  who  have  worn 
them  all  my  life,  take  them  off  at  that  time  I"36 
Another  anecdote  is  told  in  relation  to  his  dress 


34  The  good  father  Quintanilla  would  never  have  suffered  his  eyes 

vindicates  his  hero's  chastity,  some-  to  light  on  one  of  them  !"    Arche- 

what  at  the  expense  of  his  breed-  typo,  p.  80. 

ing.     "His  purity  was  unexam-  K  Flechier, Histoire de Ximenes, 

pled,"  says  he.    "  He  shunned  the  liv.  6,  p.  634. 

sex,  like  so  many  evil  spirits  ;  look-  36  Quintanilla  has  given  the  brief 

ing  cm  every  woman,  as  a  devil,  let  of  his  Holiness   in  extenso,   with 

her  be  never  so  holy.     Had  it  not  commentaries    thereon,    twice    a* 

been  in  the  way  of  his  professional  long.     See  Archetypo,  lib.  4,  cap. 

sailing,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  he  10. 


424 


REGENCY   OF  XIMENES. 


FART 
II 


His  econo- 
my of  lima. 


Over  Ins  coarse  woollen  frock,  he  vvo/e  i^«j  costly 
apparel  suited  to  his  rank.  An  impertinent  Fran- 
ciscan preacher  took  occasion  one  day  before  him 
to  launch  out  against  the  luxuries  of  the  time, 
especially  in  dress,  obviously  alluding  to  the  cardi- 
nal, who  was  attired  in  a  superb  suit  of  ermine, 
which  had  been  presented  to  him.  He  heard  the 
sermon  patiently  to  the  end,  and  after  the  services 
were  concluded,  took  the  preacher  into  the  sacristy, 
and,  having  commended  the  general  tenor  of  his 
discourse,  showed  under  his  furs  arid  fine  linen  the 
coarse  frock  of  his  order,  next  his  skin.  Some 
accounts  add,  that  the  friar,  on  the  other  hand, 
wore  fine  linen  under  his  monkish  frock.  After  the 
cardinal's  death,  a  little  box  was  found  in  his  apart- 
ment, containing  the  implements  with  which  he 
used  to  mend  the  rents  of  his  threadbare  garment, 
with  his  own  hands.37 

With  so  much  to  do,  it  may  well  be  believed,  that 
Ximenes  was  avaricious  of  time.  He  seldom  slept 
more  than  four,  or  at  most  four  hours  and  a  half. 
He  was  shaved  in  the  night,  hearing  at  the  same 
time  some  edifying  reading.  He  followed  the  same 
practice  at  his  meals,  or  varied  it  with  listening  to 
the  arguments  of  some  of  his  theological  brethren, 
generally  on  some  subtile  question  of  school  divin- 
ity. This  was  his  only  recreation.  He  had  as 


37  Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  sor,  the  grand  cardinal  Mendoza, 

219.  —  Quintanilla,  Archetype,  lib.  in  Part  II.  Chapter  5,  of  this  His- 

2,  cap.  4.  tory.     The   conduct  of   the   two 

The  reader  may  find  a  pendant  primates  on  the  occasion,  was  suf- 

to  this  anecdote  in  a  similar  one  ficiently  characteristic, 
recorded  of  Ximenes's  predeces- 


HIS   DEATH  AND   CHARACTER. 

little   taste  as   time   for  lighter  and   more   elegant   CHAPTER 

XXV 

amusements.     He  spoke  briefly,  and  always  to  the  — 

point.  He  was  no  friend  of  idle  ceremonies,  and 
useless  visits ;  though  his  situation  exposed  him 
more  or  less  to  both.  He  frequently  had  a  volume 
lying  open  on  the  table  before  him,  and  when  his 
visiter  stayed  too  long,  or  took  up  his  time  with  light 
and  frivolous  conversation,  he  intimated  his  dissat- 
isfaction by  resuming  his  reading.  The  cardinal's 
book  must  have  been  as  fatal  to  a  reputation  as 
Fontenelle's  ear  trumpet.38 

I  will  close  this  sketch  of  Ximenez  de  Cisneros 
with  a  brief  outline  of  his  person.  His  complexion 
was  sallow ;  his  countenance  sharp  and  emaciated  , 
his  nose  aquiline ;  his  upper  lip  projected  far  over 
the  lower.  His  eyes  were  small,  deep  set  in  his 
head,  dark,  vivid,  and  penetrating.  His  forehead 
ample,  and,  what  was  remarkable,  without  a  wrin- 
kle, though  the  expression  of  his  features  was  some- 
what severe.39  His  voice  was  clear,  but  not  agree- 
able ;  his  enunciation  measured  and  precise.  His 

^  Oviedo,Quincuagenas,MS.—  without  sutures.  (Gomez,  De  Re- 
Gomez,  De  Rebus  Gestis,  ubi  su-  bus  Gestis,  fol.  218.)  Richelieu's 
pra.  —  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  was  found  to  be  perforated  with 
cap.  13.  —  Qumtanilla,  Archetypo,  little  holes.  The  abb6  Richard  de- 
lib.  2,  cap.  5,  7,  8  ;  who  cites  Dr.  duces  a  theory  from  this,  which 
Vergara,  the  cardinal's  friend.  may  startle  the  physiologist  even 

It  is  Baron  Grimm,  I  think,  who  more  than  the  facts.     "On  ouvrit 

tells  us   of  Fontenelle's  habit  of  son   Test,   on  y  trouva   12   petits 

dropping  his  trumpet  when  the  con-  trous  par  ou  s'exhaloient  les  va- 

versation  did  not  pay  him  for  the  pours  de  son  cerveau,  ce  qui  fit  qu' 

trouble    of    holding   it   up.     The  il  n'eut  jamais  aucun  mal  de  tete  ; 

goodnatured  Reynolds,  according  to  au   lieu   que  le  Test  de  Ximenes 

Goldsmith,  could  "shift  his  trum-  €toit  sans  suture,  a  quoi  1'on  attri- 

pet  "  on  such  an  emergency  also.  bua  les    effroyables    douleurs    de 

39  Ximenes's  head  was  examined  tete  qu'il  avoit  presque  toujours." 

some   forty  years  after  his   inter-  Parallele,  p.  177. 
ment,  and  the  skull  was  found  to  be 

VOL.  III.  54 


426  REGENCY   OF  XIMENES. 

PART      demeanor  was  grave,  his  carriage  firm  and  erect ; 

. • —  he  was  tall  in  stature,  and  his  whole  presence  com- 
manding. His  constitution,  naturally  robust,  was 
impaired  by  his  severe  austerities  and  severer  cares  ; 
and,  in  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  was  so  delicate  as 
to  be  extremely  sensible  to  the  vicissitudes  and  in- 
clemency of  the  weather. 40 

wcheium1111  ^  have  noticed  the  resemblance  which  Ximenes 
bore  to  the  great  French  minister,  Cardinal  Riche- 
lieu. It  was,  after  all,  however,  more  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  situation,  than  in  their  characters ; 
though  the  most  prominent  traits  of  these  were 
not  dissimilar. 41  Both,  though  bred  ecclesiastics, 
reached  the  highest  honors  of  the  state,  and,  in- 
deed, may  be  said  to  have  directed  the  destinies  of 
their  countries. 42  Richelieu's  authority,  however, 

40  Robles,  Vida  de  Ximenez,  cap.        42  The  catalogue  of  the  various 
18.  —  Gomez,   De  Rebus  Gestis,  offices  of  Ximenes  pccupies  near 
fol.  218.  half  a  page  of  Quintanilla.     At  the 

41  A  little  treatise  has  been  de-  time  of  his  death,  the  chief  ones 
voted  to  this  very  subject,  entitled  that  he  filled  were,  those  of  arch- 
"  Parallele  du  Card.  Ximenes  et  du  bishop  of  Toledo,  and  consequently 
Card.  Richelieu,  par  Mons.  1'Abbe  primate  of  Spain,  grand  chancellor 
Richard  ;  aTrevoux,  1705."    222  of  Castile,  cardinal  of  the  Roman 
pp.   12mo.      The   author,   with   a  church,  inquisitor-general  of  Cas- 
candor  rare  indeed,  where  national  tile,  and  regent. 

vanity  is  interested,  strikes  the  bal- 
ance without  hesitation  in  favor  of 
the  foreigner  Ximenes. 


Notice  or  Dr.  Lorenzo  Galindez  de  Carba-  sor  in  this  department,  at  Salaman- 

Galindezde     jal,  one  of  the  best  authorities  for  ca,  for  several  years.     His  great  at- 

ir  aja  '         transactions  in  the  latter  part  of  our  tainments,  and  respectable  character 

History,  was  born  of  a  respectable  recommended  him  to  the  notice  of 

family,  at  Placencia, in  1472.  Little  the  Catholic  queen,  who  gave  him 

is  gathered  of  his  early  life,  but  a  place  in  the  royal   council.     In 

that  he  was  studious  in  his  habits,  this  capacity,  he  was  constantly  at 

devoting  himself  assiduously  to  the  the  court,  where  he  seems  to  have 

acquisition  of  the  civil  and  canon  maintained  himself  in  the  esteem 

law.     He  filled  the  chair  of  profes-  of  his  royal  mistress,  and  of  Ferdi- 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  427 

was  more  absolute  than  that  of  Ximenes,  for  he  was  CHAPTER 

screened  by  the  shadow  of  royalty  ;  while  the  latter — 

was  exposed,  by  his  insulated  and  unsheltered  po- 
sition, to  the  full  blaze  of  envy,  and,  of  course,  op- 
position. Both  were  ambitious  of  military  glory, 
and  showed  capacity  for  attaining  it.  Both  achieved 
their  great  results  by  that  rare  union  of  high  men- 
tal endowments  and  great  efficiency  in  action,  which 
is  always  irresistible. 

The  moral  basis  of  their  characters  was  entirely 
different.  The  French  cardinal's  was  selfishness, 
pure  and  unmitigated.  His  religion,  politics,  his 
principles  in  short,  in  every  sense,  were  subser- 
vient to  this.  Offences  against  the  state  he  could 
forgive ;  those  against  himself  he  pursued  with 
implacable  rancor.  His  authority  was  literally  ce- 
mented with  blood.  His  immense  powers  and 
patronage  were  perverted  to  the  aggrandizement  of 
his  family.  Though  bold  to  temerity  in  his  plans, 

nand  after  her  death.     The  queen  "  Anales  del  Rey  Don  Fernando 

testified  her  respect  for  Carbajal,  el  Catolico,"  which  still  remains  in 

by  appointing  him  one  of  the  com-  manuscript.     There  is  certainly  no 

missioners  for  preparing  a  digest  of  Christian  country,  for  which  the 

the  Castilian  law.     He  made  con-  invention  of  printing,  so  liberally 

siderable  progress  in  this  arduous  patronized   there   at  its  birth,  has 

work;  but  how  great  is  uncertain,  done  so  little  as  for  Spain.     Her 

since,  from  whatever  cause,  (there  libraries   teem    at    this    day   with 

appears  to  be  a  mystery  about  it,)  manuscripts  of  the  greatest  interest 

the  fruits  of  his  labor  were  never  for  the  illustration  of  every  stage 

made  public  ;  a  circumstance  deep-  of  her  history  ;  but  which,  alas!  in 

ly  regretted  by  the  Castilian  jurists,  the   present  gloomy  condition   of 

(Asso  y  Manuel,  Instituciones,  In-  affairs,  have  less  chance  of  coming 

trod.  p.  99.)  to  the  light,  than  at  the  close  ot 

Carbajal  left  behind  him  several  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  art 

historical  works,  according  to  Nic.  of  printing  was  in  its  infancy. 

Antonio,   whose   catalogue,    how-  Carbajal's  Annals  cover  the  whole 

ever,  rests  on  very  slender  grounds,  ground  of  our  narrative,  from  the 

(Bibliotheca  Nova,  torn.  ii.  p.  3.)  marriageof  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 

The   work   by    which   he   is   best  to  the  coming  of  Charles  V.  into 

known  to  Spanish  scholars,  is  his  Spain.     They  are  plainly  writlen, 


428  REGENCY   OF   XIMENES. 

PART  he  betrayed  more  than  once  a  want  of  true  courage 
'  in  their  execution.  Though  violent  and  impetuous, 
he  could  stoop  to  be  a  dissembler.  Though  arro- 
gant in  the  extreme,  he  courted  the  soft  incense  of 
flattery.  In  his  manners  he  had  the  advantage 
over  the  Spanish  prelate.  He  could  be  a  courtier 
in  courts,  and  had  a  more  refined  and  cultivated 
taste.  In  one  respect,  he  had  the  advantage  over 
Ximenes  in  morals.  He  was  not,  like  him,  a  bigot. 
He  had  not  the  religious  basis  in  his  composition, 
which  is  the  foundation  of  bigotry.  —  Their  deaths 
were  typical  of  their  characters.  Richelieu  died, 
as  he  had  lived,  so  deeply  execrated,  that  the  en- 
raged populace  would  scarcely  allow  his  remains  to 
be  laid  quietly  in  the  grave.  Ximenes,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  buried  amid  the  tears  and  lamentations 
of  the  people ;  his  memory  was  honored  even  by 
his  enemies,  and  his  name  is  reverenced  by  his 
countrymen,  to  this  day,  as  that  of  a  Saint. 


without  ambition  of  rhetorical  show  and  an  actor,  and  it  may  be  added, 
or  refinement.  The  early  part  is  a  man  of  sagacity  and  sound  prin- 
little  better  than  memoranda  of  the  ciples.  No  better  commentary  on 
principal  events  of  the  period,  with  the  merit  of  his  work  need  be  re- 
particular  notice  of  all  the  migra-  quired,  than  the  brief  tribute  of 
tions  of  the  court.  In  the  concluding  Alvaro  Gomez,  the  accomplished 
portion  of  the  work,  however,  com-  biographer  of  Cardinal  Ximenes. 
prehending  Ferdinand's  death,  and  "  Porro  Annales  Laurentii  Galendi 
the  regency  of  Ximenes,  the  author  Caravajali,  quibus  vir  gravissimus 
is  very  full  and  circumstantial.  As  rerumque  illarum  cum  primis  par- 
he  had  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  ticeps  quinquaginta  ferme  annorum 
government,  and  was  always  with  memoriam  complexus  est,  haud 
the  court,  his  testimony  in  regard  to  vulgariter  meam  operam  juverunt.' 
this  important  period  is  of  the  high-  De  Rebus  Gestis,  Praefatio. 
est  value  as  that  of  an  eyewitness 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

(JENERAL   REVIEW  OF  THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF   FERDINAND 
AND  ISABELLA. 

Policy  of  the  Crown.  —  Towards  the  Nobles.  —  The  Clergy.  —  Con- 
sideration of  the  Commons.  —  Advancement  of  Prerogative.  — 
Legal  Compilations.  —  The  Legal  Profession.  — Trade. — Manufac- 
tures. —  Agriculture.  —  Restrictive  Policy. — Revenues.  —  Progress 
of  Discovery.  —  Colonial  Administration. — General  Prosperity. — 
Increase  of  Population.  —  Chivalrous  Spirit.  —  The  Period  of  Na- 
tional Glory. 

WE  have  now  traversed   that  important  period  CHAPTER 

of  history,  comprehending  the  latter  part  of  the  ^-1 

fifteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry ;  a  period  when  the  convulsions,  which  shook  to 
the  ground  the  ancient  political  fabrics  of  Europe, 
roused  the  minds  of  its  inhabitants  from  the  lethar- 
gy in  which  they  had  been  buried  for  ages.  Spain, 
as  we  have  seen,  felt  the  general  impulse.  Under 
the  glorious  rule  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  we 
have  beheld  her,  emerging  from  chaos  into  a  new 
existence ;  unfolding,  under  the  influence  of  insti- 
tutions adapted  to  her  genius,  energies  of  which 
she  was  before  unconscious ;  enlarging  her  resour- 
ces from  all  the  springs  of  domestic  industry  and 
commercial  enterprise ;  and  insensibly  losing  the 


430  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

PART      ferocious  habits  of  a  feudal  age,  in  the  refinements 


_  of  an  intellectual  and  moral  culture. 


In  the  fulness  of  time,  when  her  divided  powers 
had  been  concentrated  under  one  head,  and  the 
system  of  internal  economy  completed,  we  have 
seen  her  descend  into  the  arena  with  the  other  na- 
tions of  Europe,  and  in  a  very  few  years  achieve 
the  most  important  acquisitions  of  territory,  both  in 
that  quarter  and  in  Africa  ;  and  finally  crowning  the 
whole  by  the  discovery  and  occupation  of  a  bound- 
less empire  beyond  the  waters.  In  the  progress  of 
the  action,  we  may  have  been  too  much  occupied 
with  its  details,  to  attend  sufficiently  to  the  princi- 
ples which  regulated  them.  But  now  that  we  have 
reached  the  close,  we  may  be  permitted  to  cast  a 
parting  glance  over  the  field  that  we  have  trav 
ersed,  and  briefly  survey  the  principal  steps  by 
which  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  under  Divine  Provi- 
dence, led  their  nation  up  to  such  a  height  of  pros- 
perity and  glory. 
Policy  of  the  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  on  their  accession,  saw 

drown. 

at  once  that  the  chief  source  of  the  distractions  of 
the  country  lay  in  the  overgrown  powers,  and  fac- 
tious spirit,  of  the  nobility.  Their  first  efforts, 
therefore,  were  directed  to  abate  these  as  far  as  pos- 
sible. A  similar  movement  was  going  forward,  in 
the  other  European  monarchies  ;  but  in  none  was 
it  crowned  with  so  speedy  and  complete  success 
as  in  Castile,  by  means  of  those  bold  and  decisive 
measures,  which  have  been  detailed  in  an  early 
chapter  of  this  work. l  The  same  policy  was 

1  Ante,  Part  L, Chapter  6, 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  431 

steadily    pursued   during   the    remainder   of    their  CHAPTER 

reign ;   less  indeed    by  open  assault   than   by  in-  XXVI' 
direct  means.* 

Among  these,  one  of  the  most  effectual  was  the  Depression 

of  the  nobles 

omission  to  summon  the  privileged  orders  to  cortes, 
in  several  of  the  most  important  sessions  of  that 
body.  This,  so  far  from  being  a  new  stretch  of 
prerogative,  was  only  an  exercise  of  the  anomalous 
powers  already  familiar  to  the  crown,  as  elsewhere 
noticed.3  Nor  does  it  seem  to  have  been  viewed 
as  a  grievance  by  the  other  party,  who  regarded 
these  meetings  with  the  more  indifference,  since 
their  aristocratic  immunities  exempted  them  from 
the  taxation,  which  was  generally  the  prominent 
object  of  them.  But,  from  whatever  cause  proceed- 
ing, by  this  impolitic  acquiescence  they  surrendered, 
undoubtedly,  the  most  valuable  of  their  rights,  — 
one  which  has  enabled  the  British  aristocracy  to 
maintain  its  political  consideration  unimpaired,  while 
that  of  the  Castilian  has  faded  away  into  an  empty 
pageant.4 

Another  practice  steadily  pursued  by  the  sove- 


2  Among  the  minor  means  for  policy  of  the  sovereigns  occurred 
diminishing  the  consequence  of  the  in  the  cortes  of  Madrigal,  1476; 
nobility,   may   be    mentioned    the  where,  notwithstanding  the  inipor- 
regulation  respecting  the  "  privile-  tant  subjects  of  legislation,  none  but 
gios  rodados  ";  instruments  former-  the  third  estate  were  present.  (Pul- 
ly  requiring  to  be  countersigned  by  gar,  Reyes  Cat61icos,  p.  94.)     An 
the  great  lords  and  prelates,  but  equally  apposite  illustration  is  af- 
which,  from  the  time  of  Ferdinand  forded  by  the  care  to  summon  the 
and    Isabella,  were   submitted   for  great  vassals  to  the  cortes  of  Tole- 
signature  only  to  officers  especially  do,  in  1480,  when  matters  nearly 
appointed  for  the  purpose.    Salazar  touching  them,  as  the  revocation 
de   Mendoza,   Dignidades,   lib.  2,  of  their  honors  and  estates,  were 
cap.  12.  under  discussion,  but  not  till  then. 

3  Ante,  Introd.  Sect.  1.  Ibid.,  p.  165. 

4  A  pertinent  example  of  this 


432  FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 

PART  reigns,  was  to  raise  men  of  humble  station  to  offices 
"'  of  the  highest  trust ;  not,  however,  like  their  con- 
temporary, Louis  the  Eleventh,  because  their  station 
was  humble,  in  order  to  mortify  the  higher  orders, 
but  because  they  courted  merit,  wherever  it  was  to 
be  found  ; 5  —  a  policy  much  and  deservedly  com- 
mended by  the  sagacious  observers  of  the  time  6 
The  history  of  Spain  does  not  probably  afford  an- 
other example  of  a  person  of  the  lowly  condition  of 
Ximenes,  attaining,  not  merely  the  highest,  offices 
in  the  kingdom,  but  eventually  its  uncontrolled 
supremacy.7  The  multiplication  of  legal  tribunals, 
and  other  civil  offices,  afforded  the  sovereigns  ample 
scope  for  pursuing  this  policy,  in  the  demand  cre- 
ated for  professional  science.  The  nobles,  intrusted 
hitherto  with  the  chief  direction  of  affairs,  now  saw 
it  pass  into  the  hands  of  persons,  who  had  other 
qualifications  than  martial  prowess  or  hereditary 
rank.  Such  as  courted  distinction,  were  compelled 
to  seek  it  by  the  regular  avenues  of  academic  disci- 
pline. How  extensively  the  spirit  operated,  and 
with  what  brilliant  success,  we  have  already  seen.8 


5  The  same  principle  made  them  motion  are  not  wanting  in  Spanish 
equally  vigilant  in  maintaining  the  history  ;    witness    the    adventurer 
purity  of  those  in  office.     Oviedo  Ripperda,  in  PhUip  V.'s  time,  and 
mentions,  that  in  1497  they  removed  the   Prince  of  the  Peace,  in   our 
a  number  of  jurists,  on  the  charge  own;  men,  who,  owing  their  suc- 
of  bribery  and  other  malversation,  cess  less  to  their  own  powers,  than 
from  their  seats  in  the  royal  coun-  the  imbecility  of  others,  could  lay 
cil.     Quincuagenas,  MS.,  dial,  de  no  claim  to  the  bold  and  indepen- 
Grizio.  dent  sway  exercised  by  Ximenes. 

6  See  a  letter  of  the  council  to  8  Ante,  Part  I.,Chapter  1!).  — "  No 
Charles  V., commending  the  course  os  parece  a  vos,"  says  Oviedo,  in 
adopted  by  his  grandparents  in  their  one  of  his  Dialogues,  "  que  es  mejor 
promotions  to  office,  apud  Carbajal,  ganado  eso,  que  les  da  su  principe 
A.nales,  MS.,  afio  1517,  cap.  4.  por  sus  servicios,  6  lo  que  llevan 

7  Yet  strange  instances  of  pro-  justamente  de  sus  oficios,  que  lo 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  433 

But,  whatever  the  aristocracy  may  have  gained  in  CHAPTEK 
refinement  of  character,  it  resigned  much  of  its  pre-     XXVI' 
scriptive  power,  when  it  condescended  to  enter  the 
arena  on  terms  of  equal  competition  with  its  infe- 
riors for  the  prizes  of  talent  and  scholarship. 

Ferdinand  pursued  a  similar  course  in  his  own 
dominions  of  Aragon,  where  he  uniformly  supported 
the  commons,  or  may  more  properly  be  said  to  have 
been  supported  by  them,  in  the  attempt  to  circum- 
scribe the  authority  of  the  great  feudatories.  Al- 
though he  accomplished  this,  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent, their  power  was  too  firmly  intrenched  behind 
positive  institutions  to  be  affected  like  th..t  of  the 
Castilian  aristocracy,  whose  rights  had  been  swelled 
beyond  their  legitimate  limits  by  every  species  of 
usurpation.9 

With  all  the  privileges  retrieved  from  this  order,  Their  great 

.  .  .  power 

it  still  possessed  a  disproportionate  weight  in  the 
political  balance.  The  great  lords  still  claimed 
some  of  the  most  considerable  posts,  both  civil  and 
military.10  Their  revenues  were  immense,  and 


que    se    adquiere    robando    capas  dido  mucho,  en  que  el  ceptro  real 

agenas,    e    matando    e    vertiendo  cobrasse  lo  suyo,  por  su  industria. 

sangre    de  Cristianos  ?  "     (Quin-  *****  Esto  los  otros  eslados  del 

cuagenas,    MS.,    bat.    1,    quinc.  reyno  lo  atribuyeron  a  gran  virtud : 

3,  dial.  9.)     The  sentiment  would  y  lo  estimauan  por    beneficio  in- 

have   been  too   enlightened   for  a  mortal."    (Zurita,  Anales,  torn.  vi. 

Spanish  cavalier  of  the  fifteenth  lib.  10.  cap.  93.)      The  other  es- 

century.  tales,  in   fact,  saw  their  interests 

9  In  the  cortes  of  Calatayud,  in  too  clearly,  not  to  concur  with  the 

1515,  the  Aragonese  nobles  with-  crown  in  this  assertion  of  its  an- 

held  the  supplies,  with  the  design  cient  prerogative.     Blancas,  Modo 

of  compelling  the  crown  to  relin-  de  Proceder,  fol.  100. 
quish  certain  rights  of  jurisdiction,         10  Such,  for  example,  were  those 

which  it  assumed  over  their  vas-  of  great  chancellor,  of  admiral,  and 

sals.    "  Lies  parecio,"  said  the  arch-  of  constable  of  Castile.     The  first 

bishop  of  Saragossa,  in  a  speech  of  these  ancient  offices  was  perma- 

on  the  occasion,  "  que  auian  per-  nently  united  by  Isabella  with  that 

VOL.  111.  55 


434 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 


i'ART 

II. 


their  broad  lands  covered  unbroken  leagues  of  ex- 
tent in  every  quarter  of  the  kingdom.11  The  queen, 
who  reared  many  of  their  children  in  the  royal 
palace,  under  her  own  eye,  endeavoured  to  draw 
her  potent  vassals  to  the  court ;  12  but  many,  still 
cherishing  the  ancient  spirit  of  independence,  pre- 
ferred to  live  in  feudal  grandeur,  surrounded  by 


of  archbishop  of  Toledo.  The 
office  of  admiral  became  hereditary, 
after  Henry  III.,  in  the  noble  fami- 
ly of  Enriquez,  and  that  of  consta- 
ble in  the  house  of  Velasco.  Al- 
though of  great  authority  and  im- 
portance in  their  origin,  and,  in- 
deed, in  the  time  of  the  Catholic 
sovereigns,  these  posts  gradually, 
after  becoming  hereditary,  declined 
into  mere  titular  dignities.  Salazar 
de  Mendoza,  Dignidades,  lib.  2, 
cap.  8,  10;  lib.  3,  cap.  21.  — L. 
Marineo,  Cosas  Memorables,  fol. 
24. 

11  The  duke  of  Infantado,  head 
of  the  ancient  house  of  Mendoza, 
whose  estates  lay  in  Castile,  and, 
indeed,  in  most  of  the  provinces  of 
the  kingdom,  is  described  by  Nava- 
giero  as  living  in  great  magnifi- 
cence. He  maintained  a  body 
guard  of  200  foot,  besides  men-at- 
arms  ;  and  could  muster  more  than 
30,000  vassals.  (Viaggio,  fol.  6, 
33.)  Oviedo  makes  the  same  state- 
ment. (Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat. 
1,  quinc,  1,  dial.  8.)  Lucio  Ma- 
rineo, among  other  things  in  his 
curious  farrago,  has  given  an  esti- 
mate of  the  rents,  "  poco  mas  6 
menos,"  of  the  great  nobility  of 
Castile  and  Aragon,  whose  whole 
amount  he  computes  at  one-third 
of  those  of  the  whole  kingdom.  I 
will  select  a  few  of  the  names  fa- 
miliar to  us  in  the  present  narra- 
tive. 
Enriquez,  admiral  of  Castile,  60,000 

ducats  income,  equal  to  $440,000. 
Veiasco,   constable   of  Castile,  60,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Old  Cas- 
tile. 


Toledo,  duke  of  Alva,  50,000  ducats  :n 
come,  estates  in  Castile  and  Navarre. 

Mendoza,  duke  of  Infantado,  60,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Castile  and 
other  provinces. 

Guzman,  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
35,000  ducats  income,  estates  in  An- 
dalusia. 

Cerda,  duke  of  Medina  Celi,  30,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Castile  and 
Andalusia. 

Ponce  de  Leon,  duke  of  Arcos  25,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Andalusia. 

Pacheco,  duke  of  Escalona  (marquis  of 
Villena),  60,000  ducats  income,  es- 
tates in  Castile. 

Cordova,  duke  of  Sessa,  60,000  ducats 
income,  estates  in  JNaples  and  Anda- 
lusia. 

Aguilar,  marquis  of  Priego,  40,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Andalusia 
and  Estremadura. 

Mendoza,  count  of  Tendilla,  15,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Castile. 

Pimentel,  count  of  Benavente,  60,000 
ducats  income,  estates  in  Castile. 

Giron,  count  of  Urefia,  20,000  ducats 
income,  estates  in  Andalusia. 

Silva,  count  of  Cifuentes,  10,000  ducats 
income,  estates  in  Andalusia. 

(Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  24,  25.) 
The  estimate  is  confirmed,  with 
some  slight  discrepances,  by  Nava- 
giero,  Viaggio,  fol.  18,  33,  et  alibi. 
See  also  Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Dig- 
nidades, discurso  2. 

12  "En  casa  de  aquellos  Prin- 
cipes  estaban  las  hijas  de  los  prin- 
cipales  sefiores  e  cavalleros  por 
damasde  laReyna  e  de  las  Infantas 
sus  hijas,  y  en  la  corte  andaban 
todos  los  mayorazgos  y  hijos  de 
grandes  €  los  mas  heredadosde  sus 
reynos."  Oviedo,  Quincuagenaa, 
MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  4,  dial.  44 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  435 

their   retainers   in    their   strong  castles,   and   wait  CHAPTER 

XXVI 

there,  in  grim  repose,  the  hour  when  they  might  — 

sally  forth  and  reassert  by  arms  their  despoiled  au- 
thority. Such  a  season  occurred  on  Isabella's 
death.  The  warlike  nobles  eagerly  seized  it ;  but 
the  wily  and  resolute  Ferdinand,  and  afterwards  the 
iron  hand  of  Ximenes,  kept  them  in  check,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  the  despotism  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  round  whom  the  haughty  aristocracy  of  Cas- 
tile, shorn  of  substantial  power,  were  content  to 
revolve  as  the  satellites  of  a  court,  reflecting  only 
the  borrowed  splendors  of  royalty. 

The  Queen's  government  was  equally  vigilant  in  £<*temem 
resisting  ecclesiastical  encroachment.  It  may  ap-  church 
pear  otherwise  to  one  who  casts  a  superficial  glance 
at  her  reign,  and  beholds  her  surrounded  always  by 
a  troop  of  ghostly  advisers,  and  avowing  religion  as 
the  great  end  of  her  principal  operations  at  home 
and  abroad.13  It  is  certain,  however,  that,  while  in 
all  her  acts  she  confessed  the  influence  of  religion, 
she  took  more  effectual  means  than  any  of  her  pre- 
decessors, to  circumscribe  the  temporal  powers  of 
the  clergy.14  The  volume  of  her  pragmaticas  is 

13  "  Como  quier  que  oia  el  pare-  There  were  twenty-nine  bishoprics, 

cer  de  personas  religiosas  e  de  los  whose   aggregate   revenues,   very 

otros  letradosque  cerca  della  eran,  unequally   apportioned,   amounted 

pero  la  mayor  parte  seguia  las  cosas  to   251,000    ducats.     The   church 

por  su  arbitrio."     Pulgar,  Reyes  livings  in  Aragon  were  much  fewer 

Catolicos,  part.  1,  cap.  4.  and  leaner  than  in  Castile.    (Cosas 

H  Lucio  Marineo  has  collected  Memorables,  fol.  23.)     The  Vene- 

many   particulars    respecting    the  tian  Navagiero,  speaks  of  the  me- 

great  wealth  of  the  Spanish  clergy  tropolitan   church    of   Toledo,  ^as 

in  his  time.     There  were  four  me-  "  the  wealthiest  in  Christendom  "  ; 

tropolitan  sees  in  Castile.  its  canons  lived  in  stately  palaces, 

Toledo,  income  80,000  ducats.  and  its  revenues,  with  those  of  the 

St.  James,    "      24.000     "  archbishopric,  equalled  those  of  the 

Seville,        "       20,000     "  whoie  city  of  Toledo.     (Viaggio. 

Granada       "       10,000      " 


436  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

PART      filled  with  laws  designed  to  limit  their  jurisdiction, 
— '- —  and  restrain  their  encroachments  on  the  secular  au- 


thorities.15 Towards  the  Roman  See,  she  main- 
tained, as  we  have  often  had  occasion  to  notice,  the 
same  independent  attitude.  By  the  celebrated 
concordat  made  with  Sixtus  the  Fourth,  in  1482, 
the  pope  conceded  to  the  sovereigns  the  right  of 
nominating  to  the  higher  dignities  of  the  church.16 
The  Holy  See,  however,  still  assumed  the  collation 
to  inferior  benefices,  which  were  too  often  lavished 
on  non-residents,  and  otherwise  unsuitable  persons. 
The  queen  sometimes  extorted  a  papal  indulgence 
granting  the  right  of  presentation,  for  a  limited 
time  ;  on  which  occasions  she  showed  such  alacrity, 
that  she  is  known  to  have  disposed,  in  a  single  day, 
of  more  than  twenty  prebends  and  inferior  digni- 
ties. At  other  times,  when  the  nomination  made 
by  his  Holiness,  as  not  unfrequently  happened,  was 
distasteful  to  her,  she  would  take  care  to  defeat  it, 
by  forbidding  the  bull  to  be  published  until  laid 
before  the  privy  council ;  at  the  same  time  seques- 
trating the  revenues  of  the  vacant  benefice,  till  her 
own  requisitions  were  complied  with.17 

She  was  equally  solicitous  in  watching  over  the 

morals.  * 

fol.  9.)     He  notices  also  the  great  more  than  once,  with  her  usual 

opulence  of  the  churches  of  Seville,  sense  of  justice,  on  their  applica- 

Guadalupe,  &c.  Fol.  11,  13.  tion,  to  shield  them  from  the  en- 

15  See  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  croachments  of  the  civil  tribunals, 

fol.  11,  140,  141,  171,  et  loc.  al.  Riol,    Informe,    apud    Semanario 

—  From  one. of  these  ordinances,  Erudito,  torn.  iii.  pp.  98,  99. 

it  appears  the    clergy    were   not  16  See  Part  I.  Chapter  6,  of  this 

backward  in  remonstrating  against  History. 

what  they  deemed  an  infringement  17  See  examples  of  this,  in  Riol, 

of  their  rights.     (Fol.  172.)     The  Informe,  apud  Semanario  Erudito, 

queen,  however,  while  she  guarded  torn.  iii.  pp.  95-102.  —  Pragmati- 

against  their  usurpations,  interfered  cas  del  Reyno,  fol.  14. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  437 

morals  of   the    clergy,   inculcating   on    the    higher   CHAPTER 

prelates  to   hold   frequent   pastoral   communication 

with  their  suffragans,  and  to  report  to  her  such  as 
were  delinquent.18  By  these  vigilant  measures,  she 
succeeded  in  restoring  the  ancient  discipline  of  the 
church,  and  weeding  out  the  sensuality  and  in- 
dolence, which  had  so  long  defiled  it ;  while  she 
had  the  inexpressible  satisfaction  to  see  the  princi- 
pal places,  long  before  her  death,  occupied  by  prel- 
ates, whose  learning  and  religious  principle  gave 
the  best  assurance  of  the  stability  of  the  reforma- 
tion.19 Few  of  the  Castilian  monarchs  have  been 
brought  more  frequently  into  collision,  or  pursued  a 
bolder  policy,  with  the  court  of  Rome.  Still  fewer 
have  extorted  from  it  such  important  graces  and 
concessions ;  a  circumstance,  which  can  only  be 
imputed,  says  a  Castilian  writer,  "  to  singular  good 
fortune  and  consummate  prudence  ";80  to  that  deep 
conviction  of  the  queen's  integrity,  we  may  also 
add,  which  disarmed  resistance,  even  in  her  en- 
emies. 

The  condition  of  the  commons  under  this  reign  state  of  the 

commons. 

was  probably,  on  the  whole,  more  prosperous  than 


18  Riol,  Informe,  apud  Semana-  se  puede  alcanzar,  en  la  Iglesia  de 

rio  Erudito,  torn.  iii.  p.  94.  —  L.  Dios.''  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  dial. 

Marineo,  Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  de  Talavera. —  Col.  de  Ce*dulas, 

182.  torn.  i.  p.  440. 

!9  Oviedo  bears  emphatic  testi-  2°  "  Lo  que  debe  admirar  es,  que 

mony  to  this.  "  En  nuestros  tiem-  en  el  tiempo  mismo  que  se  conten- 

pos  ha  habido  en  Espafia  de  nues-  dia  con  tanto  ardor,  obtuvieron  los 

tra  Naclon  grandes  varones  Letra-  Reyes  de  la  santa  Sede  mas  gracias 

dos,  excelentes  Perlados  y  Religi-  y  privilegios  que  ninguno  de  sus 

osos  y  personas  que  por  sus  habili-  sucesores ;  prueba  de  su  felicidad, 

dades  y  sciencias  ban  subido  a  las  y  de  su  prudentisima  conducta." 

mas  altas  dignidades  de  Capelos  e  Riol,  Informe,  apud  Semanario 

de  Arzobispados  y  todo  lo  que  mas  Erudito,  torn.  iii.  p.  95. 


438  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART      in  any  other  period  of  the   Spanish  history.     New 

! —  avenues   to   wealth    and   honors   were   opened    to 

them  ;  and  persons  and  property  were  alike  pro- 
tected under  the  fearless  and  impartial  administra- 
tion of  the  law.  "  Such  was  the  justice  dispensed 
to  every  one  under  this  auspicious  reign,"  exclaims 
Marineo,  "  that  nobles  and  cavaliers,  citizens  and 
laborers,  rich  and  poor,  masters  and  servants,  all 
equally  partook  of  it."21  We  find  no  complaints  of 
arbitrary  imprisonment,  and  no  attempts,  so  fre- 
quent both  in  earlier  and  later  times,  at  illegal 
taxation.  In  this  particular,  indeed,  Isabella  mani- 
fested the  greatest  tenderness  for  her  people.  By 
her  commutation  of  the  capricious  tax  of  the  alcavala 
for  a  determinate  one,  and  still  more  by  transferring 
its  collection  from  the  revenue  officers  to  the  citi- 
zens themselves,  she  greatly  relieved  her  subjects.22 
Finally,  notwithstanding  the  perpetual  call  for 
troops  for  the  military  operations,  in  which  the 
government  was  constantly  engaged,  and  notwith- 
standing the  example  of  neighbouring  countries, 

21  "  Porque  la  igualidad  de  la  revenue.     As  it  was  originally  de- 
justicia   que    los    bienauenturados  signed,  more  than  a  century  before, 
Principes  hazian  era  tal,  que  todos  to  furnish   funds  for  the  Moorish 
los  hombres  de  qualquier  condicion  war,  Isabella,  as  we  have  seen  in 
que  fuessen :   aora  nobles,  y  caua-  her   testament,   entertained    great 
lleros  :  aora  plebeyos,  y  labradores,  scruples  as  to  the  right  to  continue 
y  ricos,  o  pobres,  flacos,  o  fuertes,  it,  without  the  confirmation  of  the 
senores,  o   sieruos  en  lo  que  a  la  people,  after  that  was  terminated, 
justicia  tocaua  todos  fuessen  igua-  Ximenes  recommended   its   aboli- 
les."    Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  180.  tion,   without  any  qualification,,  to 

22  These  beneficial  changes  were  Charles  V.,  but  in  vain.     (lidem 
made  with  the  advice,  and  through  auct.,  ubi   supra.)     Whatever  be 
the  agency  of  Ximenes.    (Gomez,  thought  of  its  legality,  there  can  be 
De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  24.  — Quin-  no  doubt  it  was  one  of  the  most 
tanilla,  Archetype,  p.  181.)     The  successful  means  ever  devised  by  a 
alcavala,    a    tax  of  one   tenth   on  government  for  shackling  the   in- 
all  transfers  of  property,  produced  dustry  and  enterprise   of  its  sub- 
more  than  any  other  branch  of  the  jects. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  439 

there  was  no  attempt  to  establish  that  iron  bulwark  CHAPTER 
of  despotism,  a  standing  army ;  at  least,  none  XXVL 
nearer  than  that  of  the  voluntary  levies  of  the  her- 
mandad,  raised  and  paid  by  the  people.  The 
queen  never  admitted  the  arbitrary  maxims  of 
Ximenes  in  regard  to  the  foundation  of  government. 
Hers  was  essentially  one  of  opinion,  not  force.  M 
Had  it  rested  on  any  other  than  the  broad  basis  of 
public  opinion,  it  could  not  have  withstood  a  day 
the  violent  shocks,  to  which  it  was  early  exposed, 
nor  have  achieved  the  important  revolution  that  it 
finally  did,  both  in  the  domestic  and  foreign  con- 
cerns of  the  country. 

The  condition  of  the  kingdom,  on  Isabella's  ac-  Their  con- 

sideration. 

cession,  necessarily  gave  the  commons  unwonted 
consideration.  In  the  tottering  state  of  her  affairs, 
she  was  obliged  to  rest  on  their  strong  arm  for 
support.  It  did  no.t  fail  her.  Three  sessions  of 
the  legislature,  or  rather  the  popular  branch  of  it, 
were  held  during  the  two  first  years  of  her  reign. 
It  was  in  these  early  assemblies,  that  the  commons 
bore  an  active  part  in  concocting  the  wholesome 
system  of  laws,  which  restored  vitality  and  vigor  to 
the  exhausted  republic.24 

23  A  pragmatic  was  issued,  Sep-  provided  with  arms,  offensive  or  de- 

tember  18th,  1495,  prescribing  the  fensive,  having  sold  or  suffered  them 

weapons  and  the  seasons  for  a  regu-  to  fall  into  decay,  insomuch  that,  in 

lar   training   of  the   militia.     The  their  present  condition,  they  would 

preamble  declares,  that  it  was  made  be    found    wholly    unprepared    to 

at  the  instance  of  the  representa-  meet  either  domestic  disturbance,  or 

tives  of  the  cities  and  the  nobles,  foreign  invasion.   (Pragmaticas  del 

who   complained,  that,   in    conse-  Reyno,  fol.  83.)     What  a  tribute 

quence  of  the  tranquillity,  which  does  this  afford,  in  this  age  of  vio- 

the  kingdom,   through  the   divine  lence,  to  the  mild,  paternal  charac- 

mercy,  had  for  some  years  enjoyed,  ter  of  the  administration! 
the  people  were  very  generally  un-        24  The  most  important  were  those 


440  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART          After  this  good  work  was  achieved,  the  sessions 

• of  that   body  became  more  rare.     There  was  less 

occasion  for  them,  indeed,  during  the  existence  of 
the  hermandad,  which  was,  of  itself,  an  ample  rep- 
resentation of  the  Castilian  commons,  and  which, 
by  enforcing  obedience  to  the  law  at  home,  and  by 
liberal  supplies  for  foreign  war,  superseded,  in  a 
great  degree,  the  call  for  more  regular  meetings  of 
cortes. 25  The  habitual  economy,  too,  not  to  say 
frugality,  which  regulated  the  public,  as  well  as  pri- 
vate expenditure  of  the  sovereigns,  enabled  them, 
after  this  period,  with  occasional  exceptions,  to 
dispense  with  other  aid  than  that  drawn  from  the 
regular  revenues  of  the  crown. 

There  is  every  ground  for  believing  that  the  po- 
litical franchises  of  the  people,  as  then  understood, 
were  uniformly  respected.  The  number  of  cities 
summoned  to  cortes,  which  had  so  often  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  caprice  of  princes,  never  fell  short 
of  that  prescribed  by  long  usage.  On  the  contrary, 
an  addition  was  made  by  the  conquest  of  Granada ; 
and,  in  a  cortes  held  soon  after  the  queen's  death, 
we  find  a  most  narrow  and  impolitic  remonstrance 
of  the  legislature  itself,  against  the  alleged  un- 
authorized extension  of  the  privilege  of  representa- 
tion.26 

of  Madrigal,  in  1476,  and  of  Tole-  nes,  Introd.  p.  91.)  Marina  no- 
do,  in  1480,  to  which  I  have  often  tices  this  cortes  with  equal  pane- 
had  occasion  to  refer.  "  Las  mas  gyric.  (Teoria,  torn.  i.  p.  75.) 
notables,"  say  Asso  and  Manuel,  in  See  also  Sempere,  Hist,  des  Cor- 
reference  to  the  latter,  "  y  famosas  tes,  p.  197. 

de  este  Reynado,  en  el  qual  pode-  ^  See  Part  I.  Chapters  10,  11, 

mos  asegurar,  que  tuvo  principio  el  et  alibi. 

mayor  aumento,  y  arreglo  de  nues-  26  At  Valladolid,  in  1506.     The 

tra   Jurisprudencia."     (Institucio-  number  of  cities  having  right  of 


REVIEW   OP  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  441 

In  one  remarkable  particular,  which  may  be  CHAPTER 
thought  to  form  a  material  exception  to  the  last  — XXVL 
observations,  the  conduct  of  the  crown  deserves  to  *w££r*t' 
be  noticed.  This  was,  the  promulgation  of  prag- 
mdticas,  or  royal  ordinances,  and  that  to  a  greater 
extent,  probably,  than  under  any  other  reign,  be- 
fore or  since.  This  important  prerogative  was 
claimed  and  exercised,  more  or  less  freely,  by  most 
European  sovereigns  in  ancient  times.  Nothing 
could  be  more  natural,  than  that  the  prince  should 
assume  such  authority,  or  that  the  people,  blind  to 
the  ultimate  consequences,  and  impatient  of  long 
or  frequent  sessions  of  the  legislature,  should  ac- 
quiesce in  the  temperate  use  of  it.  As  far  as  these 
ordinances  were  of  an  executive  character,  or  de- 
signed as  supplementary  to  parliamentary  enact- 
ments, or  in  obedience  to  previous  suggestions  of 
cortes,  they  appear  to  lie  open  to  no  constitutional 
objections  in  Castile. 87  But  it  was  not  likely  that 

representation,  "  que  acostumbran  tions  or  individuals ;  and  many  from 
continuamente  embiar  procuradores  the  good  pleasure  of  the  sovereigns, 
a  cortes,"  according  to  Pulgar,  was  bound  to  "  remedy  all  grievances, 
seventeen.  (Reyes  Catolicos,  cap.  and  provide  for  the  exigencies  of 
95.)  This  was  before  Granada  was  the  state."  These  ordinances  very 
added.  Martyr,  writing  some  years  frequently  are  stated  to  have  been 
after  that  event,  enumerates  only  made  with  the  advice  of  the  royal 
sixteen,  as  enjoying  the  privilege,  council.  They  were  proclaimed  in 
(Opus  Epist.,epist.  460.)  Pulgar's  the  public  squares  of  the  city,  in 
estimate,  however,  is  corroborated  which  they  were  executed,  and 
by  the  petition  of  the  cortes  of  Val-  afterwards  in  those  of  the  principal 
ladolid,  whioh,  with  more  than  usual  towns  in  the  kingdom.  The  doc- 
effrontery,  would  limit  the  repre-  tors  Asso  and  Manuel  divide  prag- 
sentation  to  eighteen  cities,  as  pre-  muticas  into  two  classes;  those 
scribed  "  por  algunas  leyes  e  inme-  made  at  the  instance  of  cortes,  and 
morial  uso."  Marina,  Teoria,  torn,  those  emanating  from  the  "  sove- 
i.  p.  161.  reign,  as  supreme  legislator  of  the 
^7  Many  of  these  pragmaticas  kingdom,  moved  by  his  anxiety  for 
purport,  in  their  preambles,  to  be  the  common  weal."  "  Muchas  de 
made  at  the  demand  of  cortes  ;  ma-  este  genero,"  they  add,  "contiene 
ny  more  at  the  petition  of  corpora-  el  libro  raro  intitulado  Pragmaltcas 

VOL.  III.  56 


142  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART      limits,   somewhat  loosely  defined,   would   be   very 

' —  nicely  observed ;  and  under  preceding  reigns  this 

branch   of  prerogative   had  been  most  intolerably 
abused. 28 

A  large  proportion  of  these  laws  are  of  an  eco- 
nomical character,  designed  to  foster  trade  and 
manufactures,  and  to  secure  fairness  in  commercial 
dealings.29  Many  are  directed  against  the  growing 
spirit  of  luxury,  and  many  more  occupied  with  the 
organization  of  the  public  tribunals.  Whatever  be 
thought  of  their  wisdom  in  some  cases,  it  will  not 
be  easy  to  detect  any  attempt  to  innovate  on  the 
settled  principles  of  criminal  jurisprudence,  or  on 
those  regulating  the  transfer  of  property.  When 
these  were  to  be  discussed,  the  sovereigns  were 
careful  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  legislature ;  an  ex- 
ample which  found  little  favor  with  their  succes- 
sors.30 It  is  good  evidence  of  the  public  confidence 

del  Reyno,  que  se  imprimio  la  pri-  29  Indeed,  it  is  worthy  of  re- 
mera  vez  en  Alcala  en  1528.  (In-  mark,  as  evincing  the  progress  of 
stituciones,  Introd.,  p.  110.)  This  civilization  under  this  reign,  that 
is  an  error  ;  —  see  note  43,  infra.  most  of  the  criminal  legislation  is 
28  "For  la  presente  prematica-  to  be  referred  to  its  commencement, 
sencion,"  said  John  II.,  in  one  of  while  the  laws  of  the  subsequent 
his  ordinances,  "  lo  cual  todo  e  ca-  period  chiefly  concern  the  new  re- 
da  cosa  dello  e  parte  dello  quiero  6  lations  which  grow  out  of  an  in- 
mando  6  ordeno  que  se  guarde  e  creased  domestic  industry.  It  is  in 
cumpladaquiadelanteparasiempre  tl\e  "  Ordenancas  Reales,"  and 
jamas  en  todas  lascibdadese  villas  "  Leyes  de  la  Hermandad,"  both 
e  logares  non  embargante  cuales-  published  by  1485,  that  we  must 
quier  leyes  e  fueros  e  derechos  look  for  the  measures  against  vio- 
6  ordenamientos,  constituciones  e  lence  and  rapine, 
posesiones  6  prematicas-senciones,  'M  Thus,  for  example,  the  im- 
e  usos  e  costumbres,  ca  en  cuanto  portant  criminal  laws  of  the  Her- 
a  est  oatane  yo  los  abrogo  e  dero-  mandad,  and  the  civil  code  called 
go."  Marina,  Teoria,  torn.  ii.  p.  the  "  Laws  of  Toro,"  were  made 
216.)  This  was  the  very  essence  under  the  express  sanction  of  the 
of  despotism,  and  John  found  it  commons.  (Leyes  de  la  Herman- 
expedient  to  retract  these  expres-  dad,  fol.  l.  —  Quadernode  las  Leyes 
<sious,  on  the  subsequent  remon-  y  Nuevas  Decisiones  hechas  y 
strance  of  cortes.  ordenadas  en  la  Ciudad  de  Toro, 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 


443 


in    the    government,   and  the    generally  beneficial   CHAPTER 

scope  of  these  laws,  that,  although  of  such  unpre-  

cedented  frequency,  they  should  have  escaped  par- 
liamentary animadversion.31  But,  however  patriotic 
the  intentions  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  and  how- 
ever safe,  or  even  salutary,  the  power  intrusted  to 
such  hands,  it  was  a  fatal  precedent,  and  under  the 
Austrian  dynasty  became  the  most  effectual  lever 
for  overturning  the  liberties  of  the  nation. 

The  preceding  remarks  on  the    policy  observed  Arbitrary 

1  <f  measures  of 

towards  the  commons  in  this  reign  must  be  further  Ferdinand- 
understood  as  applying  with  far  less  qualification  to 
the  queen,  than  to  her  husband.  The  latter,  owing 
perhaps  to  the  lessons  which  he  had  derived  from 
his  own  subjects  of  Aragon,  "  who  never  abated 
one  jot  of  their  constitutional  rights,"  says  Martyr, 
"  at  the  command  of  a  king,"32  and  whose  meet- 
ings generally  brought  fewer  supplies  to  the  royal 
coffers,  than  grievances  to  redress,  seems  to  have 


(Medina  del  Campo,  1555,)  fol. 
49.)  Nearly  all,  if  not  all,  the  acts 
of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  intro- 
duced into  the  famous  code  of  the 
"  Ordenanqas  Reales,"  were  passed 
in  the  cortes  of  Madrigal,  in  1476, 
or  Toledo,  in  1480. 

31  It  should  be  stated,  however, 
that  the  cortes  of  Valladolid,  in 
1506,  two  years  after  the  queen's 
death,  enjoined  Philip  and  Joanna 
to  make  no  laws  without  the  con- 
sent of  cortes  ;  remonstrating,  at 
the  same  time,  against  the  exist- 
ence of  many  royal  pragmaticas,  as 
an  evil  to  be  redressed.  "  Y  por 
esto  se  establecio  lei  que  no  hicie- 
sen  ni  renovasen  leyes  sino  en 
cortes.  *****  Y  porque  fuera  de 
esta  orden  se  han  hecho  muchas 


prematicas  de  que  estos  vuestros 
reynos  se  tienen  por  agraviados, 
manden  que  aquellas  se  revean  y 
provean  y  remedien  los  agravios 
que  las  tales  prematicas  tienen." 
(Marina,  Teoria,  torn.  ii.  p.  218.) 
Whether  this  is  to  be  understood 
of  the  ordinances  of  the  reigning 
sovereigns,  or  their  predecessors, 
may  be  doubted.  It  is  certain,  that 
the  nation,  however  it  may  have 
acquiesced  in  the  exercise  of  this 
power  by  the  late  queen,  would  not 
have  been  content  to  resign  it  to 
such  incompetent  hands,  as  those 
of  Philip  and  his  crazy  wife. 

32  "  Liberi  patriis  legibus,  nil 
imperio  Regis  gubernantur."  Opus 
Epist.,  epist.  438. 


444 


FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 


PART 

II. 


had  little  relish  for  popular  assemblies.  He  con- 
vened them  as  rarely  as  possible  in  Aragon,38  and, 
when  he  did,  omitted  no  effort  to  influence  their 
deliberations. 34  He  anticipated,  perhaps,  similar 
difficulties  in  Castile,  after  his  second  marriage  had 
lost  him  the  affections  of  the  people.  At  any  rate, 
he  evaded  calling  them  together  on  more  than  one 
occasion  imperiously  demanded  by  the  constitu- 
tion;35 and,  when  he  did  so,  he  invaded  their 
privileges,36  and  announced  principles  of  govern- 


33  Capmany,  however,  under- 
states the  number,  when  he  limits 
it  to  four  sessions  only  during  this 
whole  reign.  Practica  y  Estilo, 
p.  62. 

3*  See  Part  II.,  Chapter  12,  note 
7,  of  this  History.  —  "Si  quis  ali- 
quid,"  says  Martyr,  speaking  of  a 
cortes  general  held  at  Monzon,  by 
Queen  Germaine,  "  sibi  contra  jus 
illatum  putat,  aut  a  regia  corona 
quaaquam  deberi  existimat,  nun- 
quam  dissolvuntur  conventus,  do- 
nee conquerenti  satisfiat,  neque 
Regibus  pare  re  in  exigendis  pecu- 
niis,  solent  aliter.  Regina  quotidie 
scribit,  se  vexari  eorum  petitioni- 
bus,  nee  exsolvere  se  quire,  quod 
se  maxime  optare  ostendit.  Rex 
imminentis  necessitatis  bellica;  vim 
proponit,  ut  in  aliud  tempus  quere- 
las  differant,  per  literas,  per  nun- 
tios,  per  ministros,  conventum  prce- 
sidentesque  hortatur  monetque,  et 
summissis  fere  verbis  rogare  vide- 
tur."  1512.  (Opus  Epist.,  epist. 
493.)  Blancas  notices  Ferdinand's 
astuteness,  who,  instead  of  money 
granted  by  the  Aragonese  with 
difficulty  and  reservations,  usually 
applied  for  troops  at  once,  which 
were  furnished  and  paid  by  the 
state.  (Modo  de  Proceder,  fol. 
100,  101.)  Zurita  tells  us,  that 
both  the  king  and  queen  were 
averse  to  meetings  of  cortes  in  Cas- 


tile oftener  than  absolutely  neces- 
sary, and  both  took  care,  on  such 
occasions,  to  have  their  own  agents 
near  the  deputies,  to  influence  their 
proceedings.  "  Todas  las  vezes 
que  en  lo  passado  el  Rey,  y  la 
Reyna  dofia  Isabel  llamauan  a  cor- 
tes en  Castilla,  temian  de  las  lla- 
mar :  y  despues  de  llamados,  y 
ayuntados  los  procuradores,  ponian 
tales  personas  de  su  parte,  que 
continuamente  se  juntassen  con 
ellos  ;  por  escusar  lo  que  podria 
resultar  de  aquellosayuntamientos : 
y  tambien  por  darles  a  entender, 
que  no  tenian  tanto  poder,  quanto 
ellos  se  imaginauan."  (Anales, 
torn.  vi.  fol.  96.)  This  course  is 
as  repugnant  to  Isabella's  character 
as  it  is  in  keeping  with  her  hus- 
band's. Under  their  joint  admin- 
istration, it  is  not  always  easy  to 
discriminate  the  part  which  belongs 
to  each.  Their  respective  charac- 
ters, and  political  conduct  in  affairs 
where  they  were  separately  con- 
cerned, furnish  us  a  pretty  safe 
clue  to  our  judgment  in  others. 

35  As,  for  example,  both  when 
he  resigned,  and  resumed  the  re- 
gency.    See  Part  II.,  Chapters  17, 
20. 

36  In  the   first  cortes  after  Isa- 
bella's death,   at  Toro,  in    1505, 
Ferdinand  introduced  the  practice, 
which  has  sin  *.e  obtained,  of  admin- 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  445 

ment,37  which  formed  a  discreditable,  and,  it  must  be   CHAPTER 

admitted,  »rare  exception  to  the  usual  tenor  of  his  XVI' 

administration.  Indeed,  the  most  honorable  testi- 
mony is  borne  to  its  general  equity  and  patriotism, 
by  a  cortes  convened  soon  after  the  queen's  death, 
when  the  tribute,  as  far  as  she  was  concerned,  still 
more  unequivocally,  must  have  been  sincere.38  A 
similar  testimony  is  afforded  by  the  panegyrics  and 
the  practice  of  the  more  liberal  Castilian  writers, 
who  freely  resort  to  this  reign,  as  the  great  fountain 
of  constitutional  precedent.39 

The  commons  gained  political  consideration,  no  Advance- 
ment of  pre 

doubt,  by  the  depression  of  the  nobles ;  but  their  «*««»•• 
chief  gain  lay  in  the  inestimable  blessings  of  domes- 
tic tranquillity,  and  the  security  of  private  rights. 
The  crown  absorbed  the  power,  in  whatever  form, 
retrieved  from  the  privileged  orders ;  the  pensions 
and  large  domains,  the  numerous  fortified  places, 
the  rights  of  seigniorial  jurisdiction,  the  command 
of  the  military  orders,  and  the  like.  Other  circum- 
stances conspired  to  raise  the  regal  authority  still 

istering  an  oath  of  secrecy  to  the  pie,"  &c.  (Leyes  deToro,  fol.  2.) 
deputies,  as  to  the  proceedings  of  What  could  John  II.,  or  any  despot 
the  session;  a  serious  wound  to  of  the  Austrian  line,  claim  more ! 
popular  representation.  (Marina,  3«  See  the  address  of  the  cortes, 
Teoria,  torn.  i.  p.  273.)  Capma-  in  Marina,  Teoria,  torn.  i.  p.  282. 
ny  (Practica  y  Estilo,  p.  232,)  39  Among  the  writers  repeatedly 
errs  in  describing  this  as  "  un  arte-  cited  by  me,  it  is  enough  to  point 
ficio  Maquiavelico  inventado  por  out  the  citizen  Marina,  who  has 
la  politico  Alemana,"  The  Ger-  derived  more  illustrations  of  his 
man  Machiavelism  has  quite  sins  liberal  theory  of  the  constitution 
enough  in  this  way  to  answer  for.  from  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and 
37  The  introductory  law  to  the  Isabella  than  from  any  other ;  and 
"  Leyes  de  Toro  "  holds  this  who  loses  no  opportunity  of  pane- 
strange  language;  "Y  porque  al  gyric  on  their  "paternal  govern- 
rey  pertenesce  y  ha  poder  de  hazer  ment,"  and  of  contrasting  it  with 
fueros  y  leyes,  y  de  las  interpretar  the  tyrannical  policy  of  later  times 
y  emendar  donde  vieren  que  cum- 


446  FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 

PART      higher  ;  as,  for  example,  the  international  relations 

,       then  opened  with  the  rest  of  Europe,  which,  whether 

friendly  or  hostile,  were  conducted  by  the  monarch 
alone,  who,  unless  to  obtain  supplies,  rarely  conde- 
scended to  seek  the  intervention  of  the  other  es- 
tates ;  the  concentration  of  the  dismembered  prov- 
inces of  the  Peninsula  under  one  government ;  the 
immense  acquisitions  abroad,  whether  from  discov- 
ery or  conquest,  regarded  in  that  day  as  the  property 
of  the  crown,  rather  than  of  the  nation  ;  and,  finally, 
the  consideration  flowing  from  the  personal  charac- 
ter, and  long  successful  rule,  of  the  Catholic  sove- 
reigns. Such  were  the  manifold  causes,  which, 
without  the  imputation  of  a  criminal  ambition,  or 
indifference  to  the  rights  of  their  subjects,  in  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  all  combined  to  swell  the  pre- 
rogative to  an  unprecedented  height  under  their 
reign. 

This,  indeed,  was  the  direction  in  which  all  the 
governments  of  Europe,  at  this  period,  were  tending. 
The  people,  wisely  preferring  a  single  master  to  a 
multitude,  sustained  the  crown  in  its  efforts  to  re- 
cover from  the  aristocracy  the  enormous  powers  it 
so  grossly  abused.  This  was  the  revolution  of  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  The  power  thus 
deposited  in  a  single  hand,  was  found  in  time  equal- 
ly incompatible  with  the  great  ends  of  civil  govern- 
ment ;  while  it  gradually  accumulated  to  an  extent, 
which  threatened  to  crush  the  monarchy  by  its  own 
weight.  But  the  institutions  derived  from  a  Teu- 
tonic origin  have  been  found  to  possess  a  conserva- 
tive principle,  unknown  to  the  fragile  despotisms  of 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  447 

the  east.     The  seeds  of  liberty,  though  dormant,   CHAPTER 

lay  deep  in  fhe  heart  of  the  nation,  waiting  only  the l— 

good  time  to  germinate.  That  time  has  at  length 
arrived.  Larger  experience,  and  a  wider  moral  cul- 
ture, have  taught  men  not  only  the  extent  of  their 
political  rights,  but  the  best  way  to  secure  them. 
And  it  is  the  reassertion  of  these  by  the  great  body 
of  the  people,  which  now  constitutes  the  revolution 
going  forward  in  most  of  the  old  communities  of 
Europe.  The  progress  of  liberal  principles  must 
be  controlled,  of  course,  by  the  peculiar  circumstan- 
ces and  character  of  the  nation  ;  but  their  ultimate 
triumph,  in  every  quarter,  none  can  reasonably  dis- 
trust. May  it  not  be  abused. 

The  prosperity  of  the  country,  under  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  its  growing  trade  and  new  internal 
relations,  demanded  new  regulations,  which,  as 
before  noticed,  were  attempted  to  be  supplied  by 
the  pragmdticas.  This  was  adding,  however,  to 
the  embarrassments  of  a  jurisprudence  already  far 
too  cumbrous.  The  Castilian  lawyer  might  despair 
of  a  critical  acquaintance  with  the  voluminous  mass 
of  legislation,  which,  in  the  form  of  municipal  char- 
ters, Roman  codes,  parliamentary  statutes,  and  roy- 
al ordinances,  were  received  as  authority  in  the 
courts.40  The  manifold  evils  resulting  from  this 
unsettled  and  conflicting  jurisprudence,  had  led  the 
legislature  repeatedly  to  urge  its  digest  into  a  more 

40   Marina   enumerates   no    less  time.      Ensayo    Historico-Critico, 

than  nine  separate  codes  of  civil  and  sobre   la  Antigua  Legislacion   de 

municipal  law  in  Castile,  by  which  Castilla,  (Madrid,  1808,)  pp.  383- 

the  legal  decisions  were  to  be  reg-  386.  —  Asso    y    Manuel,   Institu- 

nlated,  in  Ferdinand  and  Isabella's  ciones,  In  trod. 


448 


FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 


PART 

II. 


simple  and  uniform  system.  Some  approach  was 
made  towards  this  in  the  code  of  the  "  Ordenan9as 
Reales,"  compiled  in  the  early  part  of  the  queen's 
reign. 41  The  great  body  of  Pragmaticas,  subse- 
quently issued,  were  also  collected  into  a  separate 
volume  by  her  command, 48  and  printed  the  year 
before  her  death. 43  These  two  codes  may  there- 
fore be  regarded  as  embracing  the  ordinary  legisla- 
tion of  her  reign. 

In  1505,  the  celebrated  little  code,  called  "  Leyes 
de  Toro,"  from  the  place  where  the  cortes  was 
held,  received  the  sanction  of  that  body. 44  •  Its 


41  See  Part  I.,  Chapter  6,  of  this 
History. 

43  "A  collection,"  says  serior 
Clemencin,  "  of  the  last  impor- 
tance, and  indispensable  to  a  right 
understanding  of  the  spirit  of  Isa- 
bella's government,  but,  neverthe- 
less, little  known  to  Castilian  wri- 
ters, not  excepting  the  most  learned 
of  them."  (Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de 
Hist.,  torn.  vi.  Ilust.  9.)  No  edition 
of  the  Pragmaticas  has  appeared 
since  the  publication  of  Philip  II. 's 
"Nueva  Recopilacion,"  in  1567, 
in  which  a  large  portion  of  them 
are  embodied.  '.The  remainder  hav- 
ing no  further  authority,  the  work 
has  gradually  fallen  into  oblivion. 
But,  whatever  be  the  cause,  the 
fact  is  not  very  creditable  to  pro- 
fessional science  in  Spain. 

43  The  earliest  edition  was  at 
Alcala  de  Henares,  printed  by 
Lanzalao  Polono,  in  1503.  It  was 
revised  and  prepared  for  the  press 
by  Johan  Ramirez,  secretary  of  the 
royal  council,  from  whom  the  work 
is  often  called  "Pragmaticas  de 
Ramirez."  It  passed  through  sev- 
eral editions  by  1550.  Clemencin 
(ubi  supra)  enumerates  five,  but 
his  list  is  incomplete,  as  the  one 
in  my  possession,  probably  the 


second,  has  escaped  his  notice.  It 
is  a  fine  old  folio,  in  black  letter, 
containing  in  addition  some  ordi- 
nances of  Joanna,  and  the  "  Laws 
of  Toro,"  in  192  folios.  On  the 
last  is  this  notice  by  the  printer. 
"FuB  ympressa  la  presente  obra 
en  la  muy  noble  y  muy  leal  cibdad 
de  Seuilla,  por  Juan  Varela  ym- 
pressor  de  libros.  Acabose  a  doa 
dias  del  mes  de  otubre  de  mill  y 
quinientos  y  veynte  afios."  The 
first  leaf  after  the  table  of  contents 
exhibits  the  motives  of  its  publica- 
tion "  E  porquc  como  algunas  de 
ellas  (pragmaticas  sanciones  e  car- 
tas)  ha  mucho  tiempo  que  se  dieron, 
e  otras  se  hicieron  en  diversos  tiem- 
pos,  estan  derramadas  por  muchas 
partes,  no  se  saben  por  todos,  e  aun 
muchas  de  las  dichas  jusficias  no 
tienen  complida  noticia  de  todas 
ellas,  paresciendo  ser  necesario  6 
provechoso ;  mandamos  a  los  del 
nuestro  consejo  que  las  hiciesen 
juntar  e  corregir  e  impremir,"  &c. 
44  "Leyes  de  Toro,"  say  Asso 
and  Manuel,  "  veneradas  tanto  des- 
de  entonces,  que  se  lesdio  el  primei 
lugar  de  valimiento  sobre  todas  las 
del  Reyno."  Instituciones,  Introd 
p.  95. 


REVIEW  OF   THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  449 

laws,  eighty-four  in  number,  and  designed  as  sup-  CHAPTER 
plementary  to  those  already  existing,  are  chiefly  XXVL 
occupied  with  the  rights  of  inheritance  and  mar- 
riage. It  is  here  that  the  ominous  term  "  mayor- 
azgo "  may  be  said  to  have  been  naturalized  in 
Castilian  jurisprudence. 45  The  peculiar  feature  of 
these  laws,  aggravated  in  no  slight  degree  by  the 
glosses  of  the  civilians, 46  is  the  facility  which  they 
give  to  entails ;  a  fatal  facility,  which,  chiming  in 
with  the  pride  and  indolence  natural  to  the  Spanish 
character,  ranks  them  among  the  most  efficient 
agents  of  the  decay  of  husbandry  and  the  general 
impoverishment  of  the  country. 

Besides  these  codes,  there  were  the  "  Leyes  de 
la  Hermandad,"47  the  "  Quaderno  de  Alcavalas," 
with  others  of  less  note  for  the  regulation  of  trade, 
made  in  this  reign.48  But  still  the  great  scheme 
of  a  uniform  digest  of  the  municipal  law  of  Castile, 
although  it  occupied  the  most  distinguished  juris- 
consults of  the  time,  was  unattained  at  the  queen's 

45  See  the  sensible  memorial  of  mentarioa."  (Informe,  p.  76,  nota.) 

fovellanos,    "  Informe   al   Real   y  The  edition  of  Medina  del  Campo, 

Supremo  Consejo  en  el  Expediente  in  1555,  is  swelled  by  the  commen- 

le  Ley  Agraria."     Madrid,  1795.  taries  of  Miguel  de  Cifuentes,  tiU 

There  have  been  several  editions  the  text,  in  the  language  of  bibli- 

of  this  code,  since  the  first  of  1505.  ographers,  looks  like   "  cymba  in 

(Marina,  Ensayo,  No.  450.)  I  have  oceano." 

copies  of  two  editions,  in  black  let-  47  Ante,  Part  I.  Chapter  6. 

ter,  neither  of  them  known  to  Ma-  *8  Leyes  del  Quaderno  Nuevo  de 

rina  ;    one,  above  noticed,  printed  las  Rentas  de  las  Alcavalas  y  Fran- 

at  Seville,  in  1520  ;  and  the  other  at  quezas,  hecho  en  la  Vega  de  Gra- 

Medina  del  Campo,  in  1555,  prob-  nada,  (Salamanca,  1550)  ;   a  little 

ably   the  latest.     The  laws  were  code  of  37  folios,  containing  147 

subsequently   incorporated   in   the  laws  for  the  regulation  of  the  crown 

"  Nueva  Recopilacion."  rents.     It  was  made  in  the  Vega  of 

*  "Esta  ley,"  says  Jovellanos,  .  Granada,    December   10th,    1491. 

"que  los  jurisconsultos   llaman  a  The   greater  part   of  these  laws, 

boca  llena  injusta  y  barbara,  lo  es  like  so  many  others  of  this  reign, 

mucho  mas  por  la  extension  que  los  have  been  admitted  into  the  "  Nue- 

pragmaticos  le  dieron   en  BUS  co-  va  Recopilacion." 
VOL.    I  IT.                         57 


450 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 


PART 
II. 


Organiza- 
tion of  coun- 
cils. 


death. 49  How  deeply  it  engaged  her  mind  in  that 
hour,  is  evinced  by  the  clause  in  her  codicil,  in 
which  she  bequeaths  the  consummation  of  the 
work,  as  an  imperative  duty,  to  her  successors. 5C 
It  was  not  completed  till  the  reign  of  Philip  the 
Second  ;  and  the  large  proportion  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella's  laws,  admitted  into  that  famous  com- 
pilation, shows  the  prospective  character  of  their 
legislation,  and  the  uncommon  discernment  with 
which  it  was  accommodated  to  the  peculiar  genius 
and  wants  of  the  nation. 51 

The  immense  increase  of  empire,  and  the  cor- 
responding developement  of  the  national  resources, 
not  only  demanded  new  laws,  but  a  thorough  re- 
organization of  every  department  of  the  adminis- 


49  At  toe  head  of  these,  undoubt- 
edly, must  be  placed  Dr.  Alfonso 
Diaz  de   Montalvo,   noticed   more 
than   once   in   the   course  of  this 
History.     He  illustrated  three  suc- 
cessive reigns  by  his  labors,  which 
he  continued  to  the  close  of  a  long 
life,  and  after  he  had  become  blind. 
The  Catholic  sovereigns  highly  ap- 
preciated his  services,  and  settled  a 
pension  on  him  of  30,000  marave- 
dies.  Besides  his  celebrated  compi- 
lation of  the  "  OrdenancasReales," 
he  wrote  commentaries'  on  the  an- 
cient code  of  the  "Fuero  Real,"  and 
on  the  "  Siete  Partidas,"  printed  for 
the  first  time  under  his  own  eye, 
in  1491.      (Mendez.  Typographia 
Espanola,  p.  183.)     Marina  (En- 
sayo,    p.    405)    has    bestowed    a 
beautiful  eulogium  on  this  venera- 
ble lawyer,  who  first  gave  to  light 
the   principal  Spanish  codes,  and 
introduced  a  spirit  of  criticism  into 
the  national  jurisprudence. 

50  This  gigantic  work  was  com- 
mitted, wholly  or  in  part,  to  Dr. 


Lorenzo  Galindez  de  Carbajal.  He 
labored  many  years  on  it,  but  the 
results  of  his  labors,  as  elsewhere 
noticed,  have  never  been  communi- 
cated to  the  public.  See  Asso  y 
Manuel,  Instituciones,  pp.  50,  99. — 
Marina,  Ensayo,  pp.  392,  406,  and 
Clemencin,  whose  llust.  9.  exhibits 
a  most  clear  and  satisfactory  view 
of  the  legal  compilations  under  this 
reign. 

51  Lord  Bacon's  comment  on 
Henry  VII. 's  laws,  might  apply 
with  equal  force  to  these  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella.  "  Certainly  his 
times  for  good  commonwealth's 
laws  did  excel.  *****  For  his  laws, 
whoso  marks  them  well,  are  deep, 
and  not  vulgar  ;  not  made  upon  the 
spur  of  a  particular  occasion  for  the 
present,  but  out  of  providence  of 
the  future,  to  make  the  estate  of 
his  people  still  more  and  more 
happy  ;  after  the  manner  of  the 
legislators  in  ancient  and  heroical 
times."  Hist,  of  Henry  VII., 
Works,  (ed.  1819,)  vol.  v.  p.  60. 


REVIEW    OF   THEIR    ADMINISTRATION.  45 1 

tration.  Laws  may  be  received  as  indicating  the  CHAPTEB 
dispositions  of  the  ruler,  whether  for  good  or  for  xxvl' 
evil ;  but  it  is  in  the  conduct  of  the  tribunals,  that 
we  are  to  read  the  true  character  of  his  govern- 
ment. It  was  the  upright  and  vigilant  administra- 
tion of  these,  which  constituted  the  best  claim  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  the  gratitude  of  their 
country.  To  facilitate  the  despatch  of  business, 
it  was  distributed  among  a  number  of  bureaus  or 
councils,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  the  "  royal 
council,"  whose  authority  and  functions  I  have 
already  noticed.52  In  order  to  leave  this  body 
more  leisure  for  its  executive  duties,  a  new  audi- 
ence, or  chancery,  as  it  was  called,  was  established 
at  Valladolid,  in  1480,  whose  judges  were  drawn 
from  the  members  of  the  king's  council.  A  similar 
tribunal  was  instituted,  after  the  Moorish  con- 
quests, in  the  southern  division  of  the  monarchy ; 
and  both  had  supreme  jurisdiction  over  all  civil 
causes,  which  were  carried  up  to  them  from  the 
inferior  audiences  throughout  the  kingdom. M 

The  "  council  of  the  supreme  "  was  placed  over 
the  Inquisition  with  a  special  view  to  the  interests 
of  the  crown ;  an  end,  however,  which  it  very 
imperfectly  answered,  as  appears  from  its  frequent 
collision  with  the  royal  and  secular  jurisdictions.54 
The  "  council  of  the  orders  "  had  charge,  as  the 


«2  Ante,  Part  I.,  Chapter  6.  The    southern    chancery,    first 

63  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol.  opened  at   Ciudad  Real,  in  1494, 

24,30,39. — Recop.  de  las  Leyes,  was    subsequently   transferred   by 

(ed.  1640,)   torn.  i.  lib.   2,  tit.  5,  the  sovereigns  to  Granada. 

leyes  1,  2,  3,  11,  12,  20  ;  tit.  7,  ley        54  Ante,  Parti.,  Chapter  7, note 

1.  —  Ordenancjas   Reales,    lib.   2.  39. 

tit  4. 


452 


FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 


Legal  profes- 
lion  advanc- 
ed. 


name  imports,  of  the  great  military  fraternities. 5' 
The  "  council  of  Aragon  "  was  intrusted  with  the 
general  administration  of  that  kingdom  and  its 
dependencies,  including  Naples  ;  and  had  besides 
extensive  jurisdiction  as  a  court  of  appeal.56  Last- 
ly, the  "council  of  the  Indies"  was  instituted  by 
Ferdinand,  in  1511,  for  the  control  of  the  Ameri- 
can department.  Its  powers,  comprehensive  as 
they  were  in  its  origin,  were  so  much  enlarged 
under  Charles  the  Fifth  and  his  successors,  that  it 
became  the  depository  of  all  law,  the  fountain  of 
all  nominations,  both  ecclesiastical  and  temporal, 
and  the  supreme  tribunal,  where  all  questions, 
whether  of  government  or  trade  in  the  colonies, 
were  finally  adjudicated.57 

Such  were  the  forms,  which  the  government  as- 
sumed under  the  hands  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 


55  Ante,  Part  I.,  Chapter  6,  note 
34. 

66  Riol,Informe,  apud  Semanario 
Erudito,  torn.  iii.  p.  149. — It  con- 
sisted of  a  vice-chancellor,  as  pres- 
ident, and  six  ministers,  two  from 
each  of  the  three  provinces  of  the 
crown.  Tt  was  consulted  by  the 
king  on  all  appointments  and  mat- 
ters of  government.  The  Italian 
department  was  committed  to  a 
separate  tribunal,  called  the  coun- 
cil of  Italy,  in  1556.  Capmany 
(Mem.  de  Barcelona,  torn.  iv. 
Apend.  17,)  has  explained  at  length 
the  functions  and  authority  of  this 
institution. 

57  See  the  nature  and  broad  ex- 
tent of  these  powers,  in  Recop.  de 
Leyes  de  las  Indias,  torn.  i.  lib.  2, 
tit.  2,  leyes  1, 2.  —  Also  Solorzano, 
Politica  Indiana,  torn.  ii.  lib.  5, 
cap.  15  ;  who  goes  no  further  back 
than  the  remodelling  of  this  tribu- 
nal under  Charles  V.  —  Riol,  In- 


forme,   apud  Semanario    Erudito, 
torn.  iii.  pp.  159,  160. 

The  third  volume  of  the  Sema- 
nario Erudito,  pp.  73  -  £33,  con- 
tains a  report,  drawn  up  by  com- 
mand of  Philip  V.,in  1726,  by  Don 
Santiago  Agustin  Riol,  on  the  or- 
ganization and  state  of  the  vari- 
ous tribunals,  civil  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal, under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella; 
together  with  an  account  of  the 
papers  contained  in  their  archives. 
It  is  an  able  memorial,  replete  with 
curious  information.  It  is  singular 
that  this  interesting  and  authentic 
document  should  have  been  so  little 
consulted,  considering  the  popular 
character  of  the  collection,  in  which 
it  is  preserved.  I  do  not  recollect 
ever  to  have  met  with  a  reference 
to  it  in  any  author.  It  was  by  mere 
accident,  in  the  absence  of  a  gene- 
ral index,  that  I  stumbled  on  it  in 
the  mare  magnum  in  which  it  is  in- 
gulfed. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISi  RATION. 

The   great  concerns  of  the  empire   were  brought  CHAPTEB 
under  the   control  of  a   few   departments,  which      XXVL 
looked  to  the  crown  as  their  common  head.     The 
chief  stations  were  occupied  by  lawyers,  who  were 
alone  competent  to  the  duties  ;  and  the  precincts 
of  the  court  swarmed  with  a  loyal  militia,  who,  as 
they  owed  their  elevation  to  its   patronage,  were 
not  likely  to  interpret  the  law  to  the  disparagement 
of  prerogative. 58 

The  greater   portion  of  the  laws  of  this  reign  character  o 

1  the  laws. 

are  directed,  in  some  form  or  other,  as  might  be 
expected,  to  commerce  and  domestic  industry. 
Their  very  large  number,  however,  implies  an  ex- 
traordinary expansion  of  the  national  energy  and 
resources,  as  well  as«a  most  earnest  disposition  in 
the  government  to  foster  them.  The  wisdom  of 
these  efforts,  at  all  times,  is  not  equally  certain.  I 
will  briefly  enumerate  a  few  of  the  most  character- 
istic and  important  provisions. 

By  a  pragmatic  of  1500,  all  persons,  whether 
natives  or  foreigners,  were  prohibited  from  shipping 
goods  in  foreign  bottoms,  from  a  port  where  a 
Spanish  ship  could  be  obtained. 59  Another  prohib- 
ited the  sale  of  vessels  to  foreigners. 60  Another 
offered  a  large  premium  on  all  vessels  of  a  certain 

s»  "  Pusieron  los  Reyes  Catoli-        59  Granada,  September  3d.  Prag- 

cos,"  says  the  penetrating  Mendo-  maticas  del   Reyno,  fol.  135.  —  A 

za,   "el  govierno  de  la  justicia,  i  pragmatic  of  similar   import   was 

cosas  publicas  en  manos  de  Letra-  issued    by  Henry  III.    Navarrete, 

dos,  gente  media  entre  los  grandes  Coleccion  de  Viages,  torn.  i.  In- 

pequefios,  sin  ofensa  de  los  unos  trod.  p.  46. 

ni   de   los  otros.     Cuya  profesion        60  Granada,  August  llth,  1501. 

eran  lelras  legales,  comedimiento,  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol.  137. 
secreto,  verdad,  vida  liana,  i  sin 
corrupcion  de  costumbres."  Guerra 
de  Granada,  p.  15. 


i.54  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

PART  tonnage  and  upwards;61  and  others  held  out  pro- 
-  tection  and  various  immunities  to  seamen.62  The 
drift  of  the  first  of  these  laws,  like  that  of  the 
famous  English  navigation  act,  so  many  years  later, 
was,  as  the  preamble  sets  forth,  to  exclude  foreign- 
ers from  the  carrying  trade ;  and  the  others  were 
equally  designed  to  build  up  a  marine,  for  the  de- 
fence, as  well  as  commerce  of  the  country.  In 
this,  the  sovereigns  were  favored  by  their  important 
colonial  acquisitions,  the  distance  of  which,  more- 
over, made  it  expedient  to  employ  vessels  of  great- 
er burden  than  those  hitherto  used.  The  language 
of  subsequent  laws,  as  well  as  various  circumstan- 
ces within  our  knowledge,  attest  the  success  of 
these  provisions.  The  number  of  vessels  in  the 
merchant  service  of  Spain,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  amounted  to  a  thousand, 
according  to  Campomanes. 63  We  may  infer  the 
flourishing  condition  of  their  commercial  marine 
from  their  military,  as  shown  in  the  armaments 
sent  at  different  times  against  the  Turks,  or  the 
Barbary  corsairs.  64  The  convoy  which  accom- 
panied the  infanta  Joanna  to  Flanders,  in  1496, 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  vessels,  great 
and  small,  having  a  force  of  more  than  twenty 
thousand  men  on  board  ;  a  formidable  equipment, 


61  Alfaro,  November  10th,  1495.  the  Turks,  in  1482,  consisted  of  ssv- 
Ibid.,  fol.  136.  enty  sail,  and  that  under  Gonsalvo, 

62  See  a  number  of  these,  collect-  in  1500,  of  sixty,  large  and  small, 
ed  by  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Via-  (Ante,  Part  I.,  Chapter  6 ;  Part  II.. 
ges,  Introd.  pp.  43,  44.  Chapter  10.)     See  other   expedi- 

63  Cited  by  Robertson,  History  lions,   enumerated   by   Navarrete, 
of  America,  vol.  iii.  p.  305.  Coleccion  de  Viages,  torn.  i.  p.  50. 

64  The  fleet  fitted  out  against 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  455 

inferior  only  to  that  of  the  far-famed  "  Invincible   CHAPTER 
Armada."65  XXVL 

A  pragmatic  was  passed,  in  1491,  at  the  petition 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  provinces,  requir- 
ing English  and  other  foreign  traders  to  take  their 
returns  in  the  fruits  or  merchandise  of  the  country, 
and  not  in  gold  or  silver.  This  law  seems  to  have 
been  designed  less  to  benefit  the  manufacturer,  than 
to  preserve  the  precious  metals  in  the  country.66  It 
was  the  same  in  purport  with  other  laws  prohibiting 
the  exportation  of  these  metals,  whether  in  coin  or 
bullion.  They  were  not  new  in  Spain,  nor  indeed 
peculiar  to  her.67  They  proceeded  on  the  principle 
that  gold  and  silver,  independently  of  their  value  as 
a  commercial  medium,  constituted,  in  a  peculiar 
sense,  the  wealth  of  a  country.  This  error,  common, 
as  I  have  said,  to  other  European  nations,  was  emi- 

65  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  MS.,  lo  fazer  y  cumplir  assi :  y  si  falla- 
cap.  153;    who,  indeed,  estimates  redes  que  sacan  o  lleuan  oro  o  plata 
the   complement   of   this   fleet    at  o  moneda  contra  el  tenor  y  forma 
25,000    men  ;    a    round    number,  de  las  dichas  leyes  y  desta  nuestra 
which  must  certainly  include  per-  carta  mandamos  vos  que  gelo  tor- 
sons  of   every  description.      The  neys  :  y  sea  perdido  como  las  dichas 
Invincible   Armada   consisted,   ac-  leyes  mandan,  y  demas  cayan  y  in- 
cording  to  Dunham,  of  about  130  curran  en  las  penas  en  las  leyes  de 
vessels,   large   and   small,   20,000  nuestros  reynos  contenidas  contra 
soldiers,  and  8,000  seamen.     (His-  los  que  sacan  oro  o  plata  o  moneda 
tory  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  vol.  v.  fuera  dellos  sin  nuestra  licencia  y 
p.  59.)     The  estimate  falls  below  mandado  :  las  quales  executad  en 
that  of  most  writers.  ellos  y  en  sus  fiadores." 

66  En  el  real  de  la  vega  de  Gra-        67   Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol. 
nada,  December  20th.      (Pragma-  92,  134.  —  These  laws  were  as  old 
ticas  del   Reyno,   fol.    133.)     "Y  as  the  fourteenth  century  in  Castile, 
les  apercibays,"  enjoins  the  ordi-  and  had   been  renewed    by  every 
nance,  "  que  los  marauedis  porque  succeeding  monarch,  from  the  time 
los  vendieren  los  han  de  sacar  de  of  John  I.    (Ordenan<jas  Reales,  lib. 
nuestros  reynos   en   mercadurias  :  6,  tit.  9,  leyes  17-22.)      Similar 
y   ni    en   oro    ni  en    plata   ni  en  ones  were  passed  under  the  con- 
moneda  amonedada  de  manera  que  temporary  princes,  Henry  VII.  and 
no  pueden  pretender  ygnorancia  :  VIII.  of  England,  James  IV.  of 
y  den  fiangas  lianas  y  abonadas  de  Scotland,  &c. 


1,56  FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 

PART      nently  fatal  to  Spain,  since  the  produce  of  its  native 

! mines  before  the   discovery  of  America,68   and  of 

those  in  that  quarter  afterwards,  formed  its  great 
staple.  As  such,  these  metals  should  have  enjoyed 
every  facility  for  transportation  to  other  countries, 
where  their  higher  value  would  afford  a  correspond- 
ing profit  to  the  exporter. 
Erroneous  The  sumptuary  laws  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 

principles  of  <• 

legislation.  are  Opeilj  for  tne  mOst  part,  to  the  same  objections 
with  those  just  noticed.  Such  laws,  prompted  in  a 
great  degree,  no  doubt,  by  the  declamations  of  the 
clergy  against  the  pomp  and  vanities  of  the  world, 
were  familiar,  in  early  times,  to  most  European 
states.  There  was  ample  scope  for  them  in  Spain, 
where  the  example  of  their  Moslem  neighbours  had 
done  much  to  infect  all  classes  with  a  fondness  for 
sumptuous  apparel,  and  a  showy  magnificence  of 
living.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  fell  nothing  short 
of  the  most  zealous  of  their  predecessors,  in  their 
efforts  to  restrain  this  improvident  luxury.  They 
did,  however,  what  few  princes  on  the  like  occa- 
sions have  done,  —  enforced  the  precept  by  their 
own  example.  Some  idea  of  their  habitual  econo- 
my, or  rather  frugality,  may  be  formed  from  a  re- 
monstrance presented  by  the  commons  to  Charles 
the  Fifth,  soon  after  his  accession,  which  repre- 
sents his  daily  household  expenses  as  amounting  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  maravedies  ;  while 

68 "Balucismalleatorllispanje,"  him  from  the  capital,  (lib.  12,  ep- 

says   Martial,   noticing    the   noise  57.)     See  also  the  precise  state, 
made  by  the  gold-beaters,  hammer-  ment  of  Pliny,  cited  Part  I  ,  Chap- 
ing  out  the  Spanish  ore,  as  one  of  ter  8,  of  this  History, 
the  chief  annoyances  which  drove 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  457 

those  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  were  rarely  fifteen   CHAPTER 
thousand,  or  one-tenth  of  that  sum. 69 

They  passed  several  salutary  laws  for  restraining 
the  ambitious  expenditure  at  weddings  and  funerals, 
as  usual,  most  affected  by  those  who  could  least 
afford  it. 70  In  1494,  they  issued  a  pragmatic,  pro- 
hibiting the  importation  or  manufacture  of  brocades, 
or  of  gold  or  silver  embroidery,  and  also  plating 
with  these  metals.  The  avowed  object  was  to 
check  the  growth  of  luxury  and  the  waste  of  the 
precious  metals.71 

These  provisions  had  the  usual  fate  of  laws  of 
this  kind.  They  gave  an  artificial  and  still  higher 
value  to  the  prohibited  article.  Some  evaded  them. 
Others  indemnified  themselves  for  the  privation,  by 
some  other,  and  scarcely  less  expensive  variety  of 
luxury.  Such,  for  example,  were  the  costly  silks, 
which  came  into  more  general  use  after  the  con- 
quest of  Granada.  But  here  the  government,  on 
remonstrance  of  the  cortes,  again  interposed  its  pro- 
hibition, restricting  the  privilege  of  wearing  them 
to  certain  specified  classes. 72  Nothing,  obviously, 

69  "  Porque  haciendose  ansi  al  infantas  con  gran  ntimero  y  multi- 

modo   e  costumbre  de   los  dichos  tud  de  damas  no  se  gastar  cada  un 

sefiores  Reyes  pasados,  cesaran  los  dia,  seyendo  mui  abastados  como 

inmensos  gastos  y  sin  provecho  que  de   tales   Reyes,   mas   de   doce    a 

en  la  mesa  k  casa  de  S.  M.  se  ha-  quince  mil   maravedis."     Peticion 

cen  ;   pues  el  dafio  desto  notoria-  de  la  Junta  de  Tordesillas,  October 

mente  paresce  porque  se  halla  en  20,  1520,  apud  Sandoval,  Hist,  del 

el  plato  real  y  en  los  platos  que  se  Emp.  Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  230. 

hacen  a  los  privados  e  criados  de  70   In    1493 ;   repeated    in  1501. 

su  casa  gastarse  cada  un  dia  ciento  Recop.  de  las  Leyes,   torn.  ii.   fol. 

y  cincuenta  mil  maravedis  ;   y  los  3.  —  In    1502.      Pragmaticas    del 

catolicos    Reyes    D.    Hernando   e  Reyno,  fol.  139. 

Dofia   Isabel,   seyendo    tan    exce-  71  At  Segovia,  September  2d  ;  al- 

lentes  y  tan  poderosos,  en  su  plato  so  in  1496  and  1498.    Pragmaticaa 

y  en  el  plato  del  principe  D.  Joan  del  Reyno,  fol.  123,  125,  126. 

que  haya  gloria,  e  de  las  sefioras  ^  At  Granada,  in  1499.  —  Thia 

VOL.  III.  58 


453  FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 

PART  could  be  more  impolitic  than  these  various  provis- 
'  ions  directed  against  manufactures,  which,  under 
proper  encouragement,  or  indeed  without  any,  from 
the  peculiar  advantages  afforded  by  the  country, 
might  have  formed  an  important  branch  of  industry, 
whether  for  the  supply  of  foreign  markets,  or  for 
home  consumption. 

Notwithstanding  these  ordinances,  we  find  one, 
in  1500,  at  the  petition  of  the  silk-growers  in  Gra- 
nada, against  the  introduction  of  silk  thread  from 
the  kingdom  of  Naples  ; 73  thus  encouraging  the 
production  of  the  paw  material,  while  they  inter- 
dicted the  uses  to  which  it  could  be  applied.  Such 
are  the  inconsistencies,  into  which  a  government  is 
betrayed  by  an  overzealous  and  impertinent  spirit 
of  legislation ! 
principal  ex-  The  chief  exports  of  the  country  in  this  reign. 

ports 

were  the  fruits  and  natural  products  of  the  soil,  the 
minerals,  of  which  a  great  variety  was  deposited  in 
its  bosom,  and  the  simpler  manufactures,  as  sugar, 
dressed  skins,  oil,  wine,  steel,  &,c. 74  The  breed  of 
Spanish  horses,  celebrated  in  ancient  times,  had 
been  greatly  improved  by  the  cross  with  the  Ara- 
bian. It  had,  however,  of  late  years,  fallen  into 
neglect ;  until  the  government,  by  a  number  of  judi- 


on  petition  of  cortes,  in  the  year  73  En  la  nombrada  y  gran  cibdad 
preceding.  Sempere,  in  his  sensi-  de  Granada,  Agosto  20.  Prag- 
ble  "  Historia  del  Luxo,"  has  ex-  maticas  del  Reyno,  fol.  135. 
hibited  the  series  of  the  manifold  74  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  pas- 
sumptuary  laws  in  Castile.  It  is  a  sim. —  DiccionarioGeografico-Hist. 
history  of  the  impotent  struggle  of  de  Espafia,  torn.  i.  p.  333.  —  Cap- 
authority,  against  the  indulgence  many,  Mem.  de  Barcelona,  torn.  iii. 
of  the  innocent  propensities  im-  part.  3,  cap.  2. — Mines  of  lead, 
planted  in  our  nature,  and  naturally  copper,  and  silver  were  wrought 
increasing  with  increasing  wealth  extensively  in  Guipuzcoa  and  Bis- 
aad  civilization.  cay.  —  Col.  de  Ced.,  torn.  i.  no.  25. 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  459 

eious  laws,  succeeded  in  restoring  it  to  such  repute,   CHAPTER 

that  this  noble  animal  became  an  extensive  article  L_ 

of  foreign  trade.75  But  the  chief  staple  of  the 
country  was  wool ;  which,  since  the  introduction  of 
English  sheep  at  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
had  reached  a  degree  of  fineness  and  beauty,  that 
enabled  it,  under  the  present  reign,  to  compete  with 
any  other  in  Europe.76 

To  what  extent  the  finer  manufactures  were  car- 
ried, or  made  an  article  of  export,  is  uncertain. 
The  vagueness  of  statistical  information  in  these 
early  times  has  given  rise  to  much  crude  specula- 
tion and  to  extravagant  estimates  of  their  resources, 
which  have  been  met  by  a  corresponding  skepti- 
cism in  later  and  more  scrutinizing  critics.  Cap- 
many,  the  most  acute  of  these,  has  advanced  the 
opinion,  that  the  coarser  cloths  only  were  manufac- 
tured in  Castile,  and  those  exclusively  for  home 
consumption.77  The  royal  ordinances,  however, 

75  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol.  abroad.  Bourgoanne  reckons  that 
127,  128.  —  Ante,  Part  II.,  Chap-  20,000  were  annually  imported  in- 
ter 3,  note  12.  —  The  cortes  of  To-  to  the  country  from  France,  at  the 
ledo,  in  1525,  complained,  "  que  close  of  the  last  century.  Travels 
habia  tantos  caballos  Espafioles  en  in  Spain,  torn.  i.  chap.  4. 
FranciacomoenCastilla."  (Mem.  ™  Hist,  del  Luxo,  torn.  i.  p. 
de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  p.  170.  —  "  Tiene  muchas  ouejas," 
285.)  The  trade,  however,  was  says  Marineo,  "  cuya  lana  es 
contraband  ;  the  laws  against  the  tan  singular,  que  no  solamente  se 
exportation  of  horses  being  as  an-  aprouechan  della  en  Espana,  mas 
cient  as  the  time  of  Alfonso  XI.  tambien  se  lleua  en  abundancia  a 
(See  also  Ordenaneas  Reales,  fol.  otras  paries."  (Cosas  Memora- 
85,  86.)  bles,  fol.  3.)  He  notices  especially 

Laws  can  never  permanently  avail  the  fine  wool  of  Molina,  in  whose 

against  national  prejudices.    Those  territory  400,000   sheep  pastured, 

in   favor  of   mules   have   been  so  fol.  19. 

strong  in  the  Peninsula,  and  such  77  Mem.  de  Barcelona,  torn.  iii. 
the  consequent  decay  of  the  fine  pp.  338,  339.  —  "  Or  if  ever  ex- 
breed  of  horses,  that  the  Spaniards  ported,"  he  adds,  "  it  was  at  some 
have  been  compelled  to  supply  period  long  posterior  to  the  discov- 
theinselves  with  the  latter  from  ery  of  America." 


460 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 


PART 
II. 


agriculture. 


imply,  in  the  character  and  minuteness  of  their 
regulations,  a  very  considerable  proficiency  in  many 
of  the  mechanic  arts.78  Similar  testimony  is  borne 
by  intelligent  foreigners,  visiting  or  residing  in  the 
country  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century ; 
who  notice  the  fine  cloths  and  manufacture  of  arms 
in  Segovia,79  the  silks  and  velvets  of  Granada  and 
Valencia, 80  the  woollen  and  silk  fabrics  of  Toledo, 
which  gave  employment  to  ten  thousand  artisans,81 
the  curiously  wrought  plate  of  Valladolid, 82  and  the 
fine  cutlery  and  glass  manufactures  of  Barcelona, 
rivalling  those  of  Venice. 8S 

The  recurrence  of  seasons  of  scarcity,  and  the 
fluctuation  of  prices,  might  suggest  a  reasonable 
distrust  of  the  excellence  of  the  husbandry  under 
this  reign. 84  The  turbulent  condition  of  the  coun- 


'8  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  pas- 
sim. —  Many  of  them  were  de- 
signed to  check  impositions,  too 
often  practised  in  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  goods,  and  to  keep 
'hem  up  to  a  fair  standard. 

79  L.  Marineo,' Cosas  Memora- 
bles,  fol.  11. 

80  Ibid.,   fol.    19.  —  Navagiero, 
Viaggio,   fol.  26. —  The  Venetian 
minister,  however,  pronounces  them 
inferior   to   the   silks   of  his    own 
country. 

81  "  Proueyda,"  says  Marineo, 
"de  todos  officios,  y  artes  mecani- 
cas  que  en  ella  se  exercitan  mucho  : 
y  principalmente  en  lanor,  y  exer- 
cicio  de  lanas,  y  sedas.      Por  las 
quales  dos  cosas  biuen  en  esta  ciu- 
dad  mas  de  diez  mil  personas.     Es 
de  mas  desto  la  ciudad  muy  rica, 
por  los  grandes  tratos  de  mercadu- 
rias."    Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  12. 

82  Ibid.,  fol.  15.  —  Navagiero,  a 
more    parsimonious    eulogist,    re- 
marks, nevertheless,  "  Sono  in  Va- 


lladolid assai  artefici  di  ogni  sorte, 
e  se  vi  lavora  benessimo  de  tutte 
le  arti,  e  sopra  tutto  d'Argenti,  e 
vi  son  tanti  argenteri  quanti  noa 
sono  in  due  altre  terre."  Viaggio, 
fol.  35. 

83  Geron.  Paulo,  a  writer  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  cited 
by  Capmany,  Mem.  de  Barcelona, 
torn.  i.  part.  3,  p.  23. 

84  The  twentieth  Ilustracion  of 
Sefior  Clemencin's  invaluable  com- 
pilation contains  a  table  of  prices 
of  grain,  in  different  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  under  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella.    Take,  for  example,   those 
of  Andalusia.     In  1488,  a  year  of 
great  abundance,   the  fanega  of 
wheat  sold  in  Andalusia  for  50  ma- 
ravedies ;    in  1489,  it  rose  to  100  ; 
in  1505,  a  season  of  great  scarcity, 
to  375,  and  even  600  ;  in  1508,  it 
was  at  306;   and  in  1509,  it  had 
fallen  to  85  maravedies.     Mem.  de 
la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  pp.  551, 
552. 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  4(5) 

try  may  account  for  this  pretty  fairly  during  the  CHAPTBB 
early  part  of  it.  Indeed,  a  neglect  of  agriculture, 
to  the  extent  implied  by  these  circumstances,  is 
wholly  irreconcilable  with  the  general  tenor  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella's  legislation,  which  evidently 
relies  on  this  as  the  main  spring  of  national  pros- 
perity. It  is  equally  repugnant,  moreover,  to  the 
reports  of  foreigners,  who  could  best  compare  the 
state  of  the  country  with  that  of  others  at  the  same 
period.  They  extol  the  fruitfulness  of  a  soil,  which 
yielded  the  products  of  the  most  opposite  climes  ; 
the  hills  clothed  with  vineyards  and  plantations  of 
fruit  trees,  much  more  abundant,  it  would  seem,  in 
the  northern  regions,  than  at  the  present  day ;  the 
valleys  and  delicious  vegas,  glowing  with  the  ripe 
exuberance  of  southern  vegetation  ;  extensive  dis- 
tricts, now  smitten  with  the  curse  of  barrenness, 
where  the  traveller  scarce  discerns  the  vestige  of  a 
road  or  of  a  human  habitation,  but  which  then 
teemed  with  all  that  was  requisite  to  the  suste- 
nance of  the  populous  cities  in  their  neighbour- 
hood. M 

85  Compare,   for   example,  the  capital :  and  which  is  bounded  on 

accounts  of  the  environs  of  Toledo  this    side    by  the  Tagus.       The 

and  Madrid,  the  two  most  consider-  whole   of  the   way   to   Toledo,   I 

able   cities  in   Castile,   by  ancient  passed  through  only  four  inconsid- 

and  modern  travellers.    One  of  the  erable  villages  ;  and  saw  two  oth- 

most  intelligent  and  recent  of  the  ers  at  a  distance.     A  great  part  of 

latter,  in  his  journey  between  these  the  land   is  uncultivated,  covered 

two  capitals,  remarks,   "  There  is  with   furze   and   aromatic  plants  ; 

sometimes    a    visible    track,    and  but  here  and  there  some  corn  land 

sometimes  none ;    most  commonly  is  to  be  seen."     (Inglis,  Spain  in 

we  passed  over  wide  sands.     The  1830,   vol.  i.    p.   366.)      What  a 

country  between  Madrid  and  Tole-  contrast  does  all  this  present  to  the 

do,  I  need  scarcely  say,  is  ill  peo-  language  of  the  Italians,  Navagiero 

pled  and  ill  cultivated  ;  for  it  is  all  and  Marineo,  in  whose   time   the 

a  part  of  the  same  arid  plain,  that  country  around  Toledo  "  surpassed 

stretches  ou  every  side  around  the  all  other  districts  of  Spain,  in  the 


462  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

PART          The  inhabitant  of  modern   Spain  or  Italy,  who 

'. —  wanders  amid  the  ruins  of  their  stately  cities,  their 

grass-grown  streets,  their  palaces  and  temples  crum- 
bling into  dust,  their  massive  bridges  choking  up 
the  streams  they  once  proudly  traversed,  the  very 
streams  themselves,  which  bore  navies  on  their 
bosoms,  shrunk  into  too  shallow  a  channel  for  the 
meanest  craft  to  navigate,  —  the  modern  Spaniard 
who  surveys  these  vestiges  of  a  giant  race,  the  to- 
kens of  his  nation's  present  degeneracy,  must  turn 
for  relief  to  the  prouder  and  earlier  period  of  her 
history,  when  only  such  great  works  could  have 
been  achieved  ;  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  he  should 
be  led,  in  his  enthusiasm,  to  invest  it  with  a  roman- 
tic and  exaggerated  coloring.86  Such  a  period  in 
Spain  cannot  be  looked  for  in  the  last,  still  less  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  for  the  nation  had  then 
reached  the  lowest  ebb  of  its  fortunes;87  nor  in  the 


excellence  and  fruhfulness  of  the  1594,  "  donde  se  solian  labrarve- 
soil ;  "  which,  "  skilfully  irrigated  inte  y  treinta  mil  arrobas,  no  se 
by  the  waters  of  the  Tagus,  and  labran  hoi  seis,  y  donde  habia  se- 
minutely  cultivated,  furnished  every  fiores  de  ganado  de  grandisima  can- 
variety  of  fruit  and  vegetable  pro-  tidad,  han  disminuido  en  la  niisma 
duce  to  the  neighbouring  city.  "  y  mayor  proportion,  acaeciendo  lo 
While,  instead  of  the  sunburnt  mismo  en  todas  las  otras  cosas  del 
plains  around  Madrid,  it  is  de-  comercio  universal  y  particular.  Lo 
scribed  as  situated  "in  the  bosom  cual  hace  que  no  hayaciudad  de  las 
of  a  fair  country,  with  an  ample  principales  destos  reinos  ni  lugar 
territory,  yielding  rich  harvests  of  ninguno,  de  donde  no  falte  notable 
corn  and  wine,  and  all  the  other  vecindad,  como  se  echa  bien  de  ver 
aliments  of  life."  Cosas  Memo-  en  la  muchedumbre  de  casas  que 
rabies,  fol.  12,  13.  —  Viaggio,  fol.  estan  cerradas  y  despobladas,  y  en 
7,  8.  la  baja  que  han  dado  los  arrenda- 
86  Capmany  has  well  expos-  mientos  de  las  pocas  que  se  arrien- 
ed,  some  of  these  extravagances,  dan  y  habitan."  Apud  Mem.  de 
(Mem.de  Barcelona,  tom.iii.  part,  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  p.  304. 
3,  cap.  2.)  The  boldest  of  them,  87  A  point  which  most  writers 
however,  may  find  a  warrant  in  the  would  probably  agree  in  fixing  at 
declarations  of  the  legislature  it-  1700,  the  year  of  Charles  II. 's 
self.  "  En  los  lugares  de  obrages  death,  the  last  and  most  imbecile 
de  lanas,"  asserts  the  cortes  of  of  the  Austrian  dynasty.  The 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 

close  of  the  sixteenth,  for  the  desponding  language   CHAPTER 
of  cortes  shows  that  the  work  of  decay  and  depop-     XXVL 
illation  had   then  already  begun.88     It  can  only  be 
found  in  the  first  half  of  that  century,  in  the  reign 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  that  of  their  succes- 
sor Charles    the    Fifth ;  in  which   last,   the    state, 
under  the  strong  impulse  it  had  received,  was  car- 
ried onward  in  the  career  of  prosperity,  in  spite  of 
the   ignorance  and    mismanagement  of  those  who 
guided  it. 

There  is  no  country  which  has  been  guilty  of  Economic 
such  wild  experiments,  or  has  showed,  on  the  whole, 
such  profound  ignorance  of  the  true  principles  of 
economical  science,  as  Spain  under  the  sceptre  of 
the  family  of  Austria.  And,  as  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  discriminate  between  their  acts  and  those 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  under  whom  the  germs 
of  much  of  the  subsequent  legislation  may  be  said 
to  have  been  planted,  this  circumstance  has  brought 
undeserved  discredit  on  the  government  of  the 
latter.  Undeserved,  because  laws,  mischievous  in 
their  eventual  operation,  were  not  always  so  at  the 
time  for  which  they  were  originally  devised  ;  not 
to  add,  that  what  was  intrinsically  bad,  has  been 
aggravated  ten  fold  under  the  blind  legislation  of 
their  successors.89  It  is  also  true,  that  many  of  the 

population  of  the  kingdom,  at  this  With  every  allowance,  it  infers  an 

time,  had  dwindled   to  6,000,000.  alarming  decline  in  the  prosperity 

See  Lahorde,  (Itin£raire,  torn.  vi.  of  the  nation, 
pp.  125,  143,  ed.  1830,)  who  seems        89  One  has  only  to  read,  for  an 

to  have    better  foundation  for  this  evidence  of  this,  the  lib.  6,  tit.  18, 

census  than  for  most  of  those  in  his  of  the  "  Nueva  Recopilacion,"  on 

table.  "  cosas  prohibidas";  the  laws  on 

88  See  the  unequivocal  language  gilding  and  plating,  lib.  5,  tit.  24  ; 

of  cortes,  under  Philip  II.  (supra.)  on  apparel   and  luxury,  lib.  7,  tit. 


164  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART  most  exceptionable  laws  sanctioned  by  their  names, 
— '. —  are  to  be  charged  on  their  predecessors,  who  had 
ingrafted  their  principles  into  the  system  long  be- 
fore ; 90  and  many  others  are  to  be  vindicated  by 
the  general  practice  of  other  nations,  which  author- 
ized retaliation  on  the  score  of  self-defence.91 

Nothing  is  easier  than  to  parade  abstract  theo- 
rems,—  true  in  the  abstract,  —  in  political  econ- 
omy ;  nothing  harder  than  to  reduce  them  to  prac- 
tice. That  an  individual  will  understand  his  own 
interests  better  than  the  government  can,  or,  what 
is  the  same  thing,  that  trade,  if  let  alone,  will  find  its 
way  into  the  channels  on  the  whole  most  advanta- 
geous to  the  community,  few  will  deny.  But  what 
is  true  of  all  together  is  not  true  of  any  one  singly  ; 
and  no  one  nation  can  safely  act  on  these  principles, 

12 ;  on  woollen  manufactures,  lib.  and  admitting  the  importation  of 

7,  tit.  14  -  17,  et  leges  al.    Perhaps  the   raw  material.     By  this  snga- 

no  stronger  proof  of  the  degenera-  cious  provision,  both  the  culture  of 

cy  of   the   subsequent    legislation  silk,   and    the    manufacture   were 

can  be   given,  than   by  contrasting  speedily  crushed  in  Castile. 

it    with     that    of    Ferdinand    and  90  See  examples  of  these,  in  the 

Isabella   in    two    important    laws,  reigns  of  Henry  III.,  and  John  II 

1.   The   sovereigns,   in    1492,   re-  (Recop.  de  las  Leyes,  torn.  ii.  fol. 

quired  foreign  traders  to  take  their  180,  181.)    Such  also  were  the  nu- 

returns  in  the  products  and  manu-  merous  tariffs  fixing  the  prices  of 

factures  of  the  country.     By  a  law  grain,  the  vexatious  class  of  sump- 

of  Charles  V.,  in  1552,  the  expor-  tuary  laws,  those   for  the  regula- 

tation  of  numerous  domestic  manu-  lion   of   the    various    crafts,  and, 

factures   was   prohibited,  and   the  above  all,  on  the  exportation  of  the 

foreign  trader,  in  exchange  for  do-  precious  metals, 

mestic  wool,  was  required  to   im-  91   The    English   Statute   Book 

port  into    the    country   a    certain  alone  will  furnish   abundant  proof 

amount  of  linen   and  woollen  fab-  of  this,  in  the  exclusive  regulations 

rics.     2.  By  an  ordinance,  in  1500.  of  trade  and  navigation  existing  at 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella  prohibited  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century, 

the  importation  of  silk  thread  irom  Mr.  Sharon  Turner  has  enumerated 

Naples,  to  encourage  its  production  many,  under  Henry  VIII.,  of  sim 

at  home.     This  appears  from  the  ilar  import  with,  and,  indeed,  more 

tenor  of  subsequent  laws  to  have  partial  in  their  operation  than,  those 

perfectly  succeeded.   In  1552,  how-  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.     Histo- 

ever,  a  law  was  passed,  interdicting  ry  of  England    vol.  iv.   pp.  170  et 

the  export  of  manufactured  silk,  seq. 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  465 

if  others  do  not.  In  point  of  fact,  no  nation  has  CHAPTER 
acted  on  them  since  the  formation  of  the  present  XXYL 
political  communities  of  Europe.  All  that  a  new 
state,  or  a  new  government  in  an  old  one,  can  now 
propose  to  itself  is,  not  to  sacrifice  its  interests  to  a 
speculative  abstraction,  but  to  accommodate  its  in- 
stitutions to  the  great  political  system,  of  which  it 
is  a  member.  On  these  principles,  and  on  the 
higher  obligation  of  providing  the  means  of  nation- 
al independence  in  its  most  extended  sense,  much 
that  was  bad  in  the  economical  policy  of  Spain,  at 
the  period  under  review,  may  be  vindicated. 

It  would   be  unfair  to  direct  our  view  to  the  re-  Internal  Im- 
provement*. 

strictive  measures  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  with- 
out noticing  also  the  liberal  tenor  of  their  legislation 
in  regard  to  a  great  variety  of  objects.  Such,  for 
example,  are  the  laws  encouraging  foreigners  to 
settle  in  the  country;92  those  for  facilitating  com- 
munication by  internal  improvements,  roads,  bridges, 
canals,  on  a  scale  of  unprecedented  magnitude;93 
for  a  similar  attention  to  the  wants  of  navigation, 
by  constructing  moles,  quays,  lighthouses  along  the 
coast,  and  deepening  and  extending  the  harbours, 
"  to  accommodate,"  as  the  acts  set  forth,  "  the 
great  increase  of  trade  " ;  for  embellishing  and  add- 
ing in  various  ways  to  the  accommodations  of  the 
cities;94  for  relieving  the  subject  from  onerous  tolls 

92  Ordenan<jas  Reales,  lib.  6,  tit.         M  "  Ennoblescense  los  cibdades 
4,  ley  6.  £  villas  en  tener  casas  grandes  6 

93  Archive    de    Simancas  ;     in  bien  fechas  en  que  fagan  sus  ayun- 
which  most  of  these  ordinances  ap-  tamientos  e  concejos,"  &c.     (Or- 
pear  to  be  registered.     Mem.  de  la  denanijas  Realea,  lib.  7,  tit.  1,  loy 
A.cad.  de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  llust.  11.  1.)    Sefior  Clemencin  has  specified 

VOL.   III.  59 


466 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA 


PART 
II. 


Increase  of 
empire. 


and  oppressive  monopolies  ;95  for  establishing  a  uni- 
form currency  and  standard  of  weights  and  measures 
throughout  the  kingdom,96  objects  of  unwearied 
solicitude  through  this  whole  reign  ;  for  maintaining 
a  police,  which,  from  the  most  disorderly  and  dan- 
gerous, raised  Spain,  in  the  language  of  Martyr,  to 
be  the  safest  country  in  Christendom;97  for  such 
equal  justice,  as  secured  to  every  man  the  fruits  of 
his  own  industry,  inducing  him  to  embark  his  capi- 
tal in  useful  enterprises ;  and,  finally,  for  enforcing 
fidelity  to  contracts,98  of  which  the  sovereigns  gave 
such  a  glorious  example  in  their  own  administra- 
tion, as  effectually  restored  that  public  credit,  which 
is  the  true  basis  of  public  prosperity. 

While  these  important  reforms  were  going  on  in 
the  interior  of  the  monarchy,  it  experienced  a 
greater  change  in  its  external  condition  by  the  im- 
mense augmentation  of  its  territory.  The  most 
important  of  its  foreign  acquisitions  were  those 
nearest  home,  Granada  and  Navarre ;  at  least,  they 


the  nature  and  great  variety  of  these 
improvements,  as  collected  from 
the  archives  of  the  different  cities 
of  the  kingdom.  Mem.  de  la  Acad. 
de  Hist.,  torn.  vi.  Ilustracion  11. — 
Col.  de  Cddulas,  torn.  iv.  no.  9. 

95  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol. 
63,  91,  93.  —  Recop.  de  las  Leyes, 
lib.  5,  tit.  11,  ley  12.  —  Among  the 
acts  for  restricting  monopolies  may 
be  mentioned  one,  which  prohibit- 
ed the  nobility  and  great  land- 
holders from  preventing  their  ten- 
ants' opening  inns  and  houses  of  en- 
tertainment without  their  especial 
license.  (Pragmaticas  del  Reyno, 
1492,  fol.  96.)  The  same  abuse, 
however,  is  noticed  by  Mad.  d'Aul- 


noy,  in  her  "  Voyage  d'Espagne,'; 
as  still  existing,  to  the  great  preju- 
dice of  travellers,  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Dunlop,  Memoirs 
of  Philip  IV.  and  Charles  II.,  vol. 
ii.  chap.  11. 

96  Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol. 
93-112.  —  Recop.  de  las  Leyea 
lib.  5,  tit.  21,  22. 

07  "  Ut  nulla  unquam  per  se  tuta 
regio,  tutiorem  se  fuisse  jactare 
possit."  Opus  Epist.,  epist.  31. 

98  ;por  various  laws  tending  to 
secure  this,  and  prevent  frauds 
in  trade,  see  Ordenancas  Reales. 
lib.  3,  tit.  8,  ley  5.  —  Pragmaticas 
del  Reyno.  fol.  45,  (56,  67,  et  alibi. 
—  Col.  de  Ce"dulas,  torn.  i.  no.  63. 


REVIEW   OF   THEIR   ADMINISTRATION.  467 

were  the  ones  most  capable,  from  their  position,  of  CHAPTEB 
being  brought  under  control,  and  thoroughly  and 
permanently  identified  with  the  Spanish  monarchy. 
Granada,  as  we  have  seen,  was  placed  under  the 
sceptre  of  Castile,  governed  by  the  same  laws,  and 
represented  in  its  cortes,  being,  in  the  strictest 
sense,  part  and  parcel  of  the  kingdom.  Navarre 
was  also  united  to  the  same  crown.  But  its  con- 
stitution, which  bore  considerable  analogy  to  that 
of  Aragon,  remained  substantially  the  same  as  be- 
fore. The  government,  indeed,  was  administered 
by  a  viceroy  ;  but  Ferdinand  made  as  few  changes 
as  possible,  permitting  it  to  retain  its  own  legisla- 
ture, its  ancient  courts  of  law,  and  its  laws  them- 
selves. So  the  forms,  if  not  the  spirit  of  indepen- 
dence, continued  to  survive  its  union  with  the 
victorious  state." 

The  other  possessions  of  Spain  were  scattered  over 
the  various  quarters  of  Europe,  Africa,  and  America. 
Naples  was  the  conquest  of  Aragon;  or,  at  least, 
made  on  behalf  of  that  crown.  The  queen  appears 
to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  conduct  of  that  war, 
whether  distrusting  its  equity,  or  its  expediency, 
in  the  belief  that  a  distant  possession  in  the  heart 
of  Europe  would  probably  cost  more  to  maintain 
than  it  was  worth.  In  fact,  Spain  is  the  only  nation, 
in  modern  times,  which  has  been  able  to  keep  its 
hold  on  such  possessions  for  any  very  considerable 

99  The   fullest,  though  a  suffi-  the  "Diccionario  Geografico-Hist. 

tiently  meagre, account  of  the  Na-  de  Espafia,"  (torn.  ii.pp.  140-  143.) 

tarrese  constitution,  is  to  be  found  The  historical  and  economical  de- 

in  Capmany's  collection,  "  Praclica  tails  in  the  latter  are  more  copioiw. 
v  Estilo,"  (pp.  250-258,)  and  in 


468  FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 

PART      period ;   a  circumstance  implying  more  wisdom  in 

'. —   her  policy  than  is  commonly  conceded  to  her.    The 

fate  of  the  acquisitions  alluded  to  forms  no  excep- 
tion to  the  remark ;  and  Naples,  like  Sicily,  con- 
tinued permanently  ingrafted  on  the  kingdom  of 
Aragon. 

Government  A  fundamental  change  in  the  institutions  of  Na- 
ples became  requisite  to  accommodate  them  to  its 
new  relations.  Its  great  offices  of  state  and  its 
legal  tribunals  were  reorganized.  Its  jurisprudence, 
which,  under  the  Angevin  race,  and  even  the  first 
Aragonese,  had  been  adapted  to  French  usages,  was 
now  modelled  on  the  Spanish.  The  various  inno- 
vations were  conducted  by  the  Catholic  king  with 
his  usual  prudence  ;  and  the  reform  in  the  legisla- 
tion is  commended  by  a  learned  and  impartial  Italian 
civilian,  as  breathing  a  spirit  of  moderation  and 
wisdom.100  He  conceded  many  privileges  to  the 
people,  and  to  the  capital  especially,  whose  vener- 
able university  he  resuscitated  from  the  decayed 
state  into  which  it  had  fallen,  making  liberal  ap- 
propriations from  the  treasury  for  its  endowment. 
The  support  of  a  mercenary  army,  and  the  burdens 
incident  to  the  war,  pressed  heavily  on  the  people 
during  the  first  years  of  his  reign.  But  the  Nea- 
politans, who,  as  already  noticed,  had  been  trans- 
ferred too  often  from  one  victor  to  another  to  be 
keenly  sensible  to  the  loss  of  political  indepen- 

100  "  Queste  furono,"  says  Gian-  gnuoli    phi   d'  ogni  altra  nazione 

none,    "  le  prime    leggi    che    ci  avveduti,  e  piti  esatti  imitatori  de 

diedero  gli  Spagnuoli :  leggi  tutte  Romani."     Istoria  di  Napoli,  lib 

provvide  e  savie,  nello  stabilir  delle  30,  cap.  5. 
quali  furono   veramente  gli  Spa- 


REVIEW  OF   THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  469 

deuce,  were  gradually  reconciled  to  his  administra-   CHAPTER 
tion,    and    testified    their   sense   of  its   beneficent      XXVL 
character    by   celebrating    the   anniversary   of   his 
death,  for   more   than  two  centuries,   with    public 
solemnities,  as  a  day  of  mourning  throughout  the 
kingdom.101 

But  far  the  most  important  of  the  distant  acqui-  Revenue. 

.  .  from  the 

sitions  of  Spain  were  those  secured  to  her  by  the  Indk*'- 
genius  of  Columbus  and  the  enlightened  patronage 
of  Isabella.  Imagination  had  ample  range  in  the 
boundless  perspective  of  these  unknown  regions ; 
but  the  results  actually  realized  from  the  discover- 
ies, during  the  queen's  life,  were  comparatively  in- 
significant. In  a  mere  financial  view,  they  had 
been  a  considerable  charge  on  the  crown.  This 
was,  indeed,  partly  owing  to  the  humanity  of  Isa- 
bella, who  interfered,  as  we  have  seen,  to  prevent 
the  compulsory  exaction  of  Indian  labor.  This  was 
subsequently,  and  immediately  after  her  death  in- 
deed, carried  to  such  an  extent,  that  nearly  half  a 
million  of  ounces  of  gold  were  yearly  drawn  from 
the  mines  of  Hispaniola  alone.102  The  pearl  fish- 

101  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  and  dignity  of  the  government,  to 

lib.  29,  cap.  4;  lib.  30,  cap.  1,  2,  5.  permit  an  individual  to  languish  in 

—  Signorelli,  Coltura  nelle  Sicilie,  indigence,  whose  parent  had  been 

torn.  iv.  p.  84.  —  Everyone  knows  the  greatest  man,  the  most  useful 

the  persecutions,  the  exile,  and  long  to  the  state,  and  the  most  unjustly 

imprisonment,  which  Giannone  suf-  persecuted,  that  the  age  had  pro- 

fered  for  the  freedom  with  which  duced."    Noble  sentiments,  giving 

he  treated  the  clergy,  in  his  philo-  additional  grace  to  the  act  which 

sophical   history.      The  generous  they  accompanied.  See  the  decree, 

conduct  of  Charles  of  Bourbon  to  cited  by  Corniani,  Secoli  della  Let- 

his   heirs  is  not  so   well   known,  teratura  Italiana,  (Brescia,  1804- 

Soon   after    his   accession   to   the  1813.)  torn.  ix.  art.  15. 
throne  of  Naples,  that  prince  set-        102  Herrera,  IndiasOccidentalea, 

tied  a  liberal  pension  on  the  son  of  dec.  1,  lib.   6,  cap.  18.  —  Accord- 

the  historian,  declaring,  that  "  it  ing  to  Martyr,   the  two  mints  of 

did   not  comport  with  the   honor  Hispaniola  yielded  300,000  Ibs.  ot 


470  FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 

PART      eries,103  and  the   culture  of  the  sugar-cane,  iritro 
"'        duced  from  the  Canaries,104  yielded  large  returns 
under  the  same  inhuman  system. 

Ferdinand,  who  enjoyed,  by  the  queen's  trsta- 
ment,  half  the  amount  of  the  Indian  revenues,  was 
now  fully  awakened  to  their  importance.  It  would 
be  unjust,  however,  to  suppose  his  views  limited  to 
immediate  pecuniary  profits ;  for  the  measures  he 
pursued  were,  in  many  respects,  well  contrived  to 
promote  the  nobler  ends  of  discovery  and  coloniza- 
tion. He  invited  the  persons  most  eminent  for 
nautical  science  and  enterprise,  as  Pinzon,  Solis, 
Vespucci,  to  his  court,  where  they  constituted  a 
sort  of  board  of  navigation,  constructing  charts, 
and  tracing  out  new  routes  for  projected  voyages.105 
The  conduct  of  this  department  was  intrusted  to 
the  last-mentioned  navigator,  who  had  the  glory, 
the  greatest  which  accident  and  caprice  ever  granted 
to  man,  of  giving  his  name  to  the  new  hemisphere. 

Fleets  were  now  fitted  out  on  a  more  extended 
scale,  which  might  vie,  indeed,  with  the  splendid 
equipments  of  the  Portuguese,  whose  brilliant  suc- 
cesses in  the  east  excited  the  envy  of  their  Castilian 
rivals.  The  king  occasionally  took  a  share  in  the 
voyage,  independently  of  the  interest  which  of 
right  belonged  to  the  crown.106 

gold  annually.     De  Rebus  Oceani-  105  Navarretc,  Coleccion  de  Vi 

cis,  dec.  l,lib.  10.  ages,  torn.  iii.   documentos  1-13 

!03  The  pearl  fisheries  of  Cuba-  —  Herrera,    Indias    Occidentals 

gua  were  worth  75,000  ducats  a  dec.  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  1. 

year.      Herrera,    Indias   Occiden-  1Q6  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Via 

tales,  dec.  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  9.  ges,  torn.  iii.  pp.  48,  134. 

!04  Oviedo,  Historia  Natural  de 
las  Indias,  lib.  4,  cap.  8.  —  Gomez, 
De  Rebus  Gestis,  fol.  J65. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  47  | 


xxvi. 


The  government,  however,  realized  less  from  CHAPTER 
these  expensive  enterprises  than  individuals,  many 
of  whom,  enriched  by  their  official  stations,  or  by 
accidentally  falling  in  with  some  hoard  of  treasure 
among  the  savages,  returned  home  to  excite  the 
envy  and  cupidity  of  their  countrymen.107  But  the 
spirit  of  adventure  was  too  high  among  the  Castil- 
ians  to  require  such  incentive,  especially  when  ex- 
cluded from  its  usual  field  in  Africa  and  Europe. 
A  striking  proof  of  the  facility,  with  which  the 
romantic  cavaliers  of  that  day  could  be  directed  to 
this  new  career  of  danger  on  the  ocean,  was  given 
at  the  time  of  the  last-meditated  expedition  into 
Italy  under  the  Great  Captain.  A  squadron  of 
fifteen  vessels,  bound  for  the  New  World,  was  then 
riding  in  the  Guadalquivir.  Its  complement  was 
limited  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  men  ;  but,  on 
Ferdinand's  countermanding  Gonsalvo's  enterprise, 
more  than  three  thousand  volunteers,  many  of 
them  of  noble  family,  equipped  with  unusual  mag- 
nificence for  the  Italian  service,  hastened  to  Seville, 
and  pressed  to  be  admitted  into  the  Indian  arma- 
da.108 Seville  itself  was  in  a  manner  depopulated 
by  the  general  fever  of  emigration,  so  that  it  ac- 
tually seemed,  says  a  contemporary,  to  be  tenanted 
onlv  by  women. 109 

W  Bernard  in   de   Santa   Clara,  same   author,   that    gold    was   so 

treasurer  of  Hispaniola,  amassed,  abundant,  as  to  be  dragged  up  in 

during  a  few  years' residence  there,  nets  from  the  beds  of  the  rivers; 

96,000  ounces  of  gold.    This  same  Lib.  10,  cap.  14. 
nouveau  riche,  used  to  serve  gold         108  Ante,  Part  II.,  Chapter  2' 

Hust,  says  Herrera,  instead  of  salt,  — Herrera,    Indias    Occidentalea 

at  his  entertainments.    (Indias  Oc-  dec.  1,  lib.  10,  cap.  6,  7. 
^identales,  dec    1,  lib.  7,  cap.  3.)         N*  "  Per  esser  Sevilla  nel  loco 

Manv  believed,   according   to  the  che  e,  vi  vanno  tanti  di  loro  alle 


4.72 


FERDINAND   AJND   ISABELLA. 


PART 

II. 

Progress  of 
discovery. 


In  this  universal  excitement,  the  progress  of  dis- 
covery was  pushed  forward  with  a  success,  inferior, 
indeed,  to  what  might  have  been  effected  in  the 
present  state  of  nautical  skill  and  science,  but  ex- 
traordinary for  the  times.  The  winding  depths  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  were  penetrated,  as  well  as 
the  borders  of  the  rich  but  rugged  isthmus,  which 
connects  the  American  continents.  In  1512,  Flo- 
rida was  discovered  by  a  romantic  old  knight, 
Ponce  de  Leon,  who,  instead  of  the  magical  foun- 
tain of  health,  found  his  grave  there.110  Solis. 
another  navigator,  who  had  charge  of  an  expedition, 
projected  by  Ferdinand,111  to  reach  the  South  Sea 
by  the  circumnavigation  of  the  continent,  ran  down 
the  coast  as  far  as  the  great  Rio  de  la  Plata,  where 
he  also  was  cut  off  by  the  savages.  In  1513,  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa  penetrated,  with  a  handful  of 
men,  across  the  narrow  part  of  the  Isthmus  of  Da- 
rien,  and  from  the  summit  of  the  Cordilleras,  the 
first  of  Europeans,  was  greeted  with  the  long- 
promised  vision  of  the  southern  ocean.112 


Indie,  che  la  citta  resta  mal  popo- 
lata,  e  quasi  in  man  di  donne." 
(Navagiero,  Viaggio,  fol.  15.) 
Horace  said,  fifteen  centuries  be- 
fore, 
"Impiger  extremes  curris  mercator  ad 

1  rules, 
Per  mare  pauperiem  fugiens,  per  saxa, 

per  ignes." 

Epist.  i.  1. 

110  Herrera,  Indias  Occidentales, 
dec.  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  10. — Almost 
all  the  Spanish  expeditions  in  the 
New  World,  whether  on  the 
northern  or  southern  continent, 
have  a  tinge  of  romance,  beyond 
what  is  found  in  those  of  other 
European  nations.  One  of  the 


most  striking  and  least  familiar  of 
them  is,  that  of  Ferdinand  de  Soto, 
the  ill-fated  discoverer  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, whose  bones  bleach  be- 
neath its  waters.  His  adventures 
are  told  with  uncommon  spirit  by 
Mr.  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  chap.  2,  of 
his  History  of  the  United  States. 

111  Herrera,  Indias  Occidentales, 
dec.  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  7. 

112  The  life  of  this  daring  cava- 
lier forms  one  in  the  elegant  series 
of  national  biographies   by  Quin- 
tana,  "  Vidas  de  Espafioles  Cele- 
bres,"  (torn.  ii.  pp.  1  -82,)  and  is 
familiar  to  the  English  reader  ir 
Irving's  "  Companions  of  Colum- 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  473 

The  intelligence  of  this  event  excited  a  sensation  CHATTER 
in  Spain,  inferior  only  to  that  caused  by  the  discov- 
cry  of  America.  The  great  object  which  had  so 
long  occupied  the  imagination  of  the  nautical  men 
of  Europe,  and  formed  the  purpose  of  Colum bus's 
last  voyage,  the  discovery  of  a  communication  with 
these  far  western  waters,  was  accomplished.  The 
famous  spice  islands,  from  which  the  Portuguese 
had  drawn  such  countless  sums  of  wealth,  were 
scattered  over  this  sea ;  and  the  Castilians,  after  a 
journey  of  a  few  leagues,  might  launch  their  barks 
on  its  quiet  bosom,  and  reach,  and  perhaps  claim, 
the  coveted  possessions  of  their  rivals,  as  falling 
west  of  the  papal  line  of  demarkation.  Such  were 
the  dreams,  and  such  the  actual  progress  of  discov- 
ery, at  the  close  of  Ferdinand's  reign. 

Our  admiration  of  the  dauntless  heroism  displayed  fhxec 
by  the  early  Spanish  navigators,  in  their  extraordi-  " 
nary  career,  is  much  qualified  by  a  consideration  of 
the  cruelties  with  which  it  was  tarnished  ;  too  great 
to  be  either  palliated  or  passed  over  in  silence  by 
the  historian.  As  long  as  Isabella  lived,  the  In- 
dians found  an  efficient  friend  and  protector ;  but 
"  her  death,"  says  the  venerable  Las  Casas,  "  was 
the  signal  for  their  destruction."  1I3  Immediately  on 
that  event,  the  system  of  repartimientos,  originally 
authorized,  as  we  have  seen,  by  Columbus,  who 
seems  to  have  had  no  doubt,  from  the  first,  of  thp 


bus."     The  third  volume  of  Na-  ery,  between  Columbus  and  Cortes. 

varrete's  laborious  compilation,  is  Coleccion  de  Viages. 
devoted   to  the  illustration  of  the         113  Las  Casas,  Memoire,   CEu- 

minor  Spanish  voyagers,  who  fol-  vres,  ed.de  Llnrente,  unu.  i  u   **** 
lowed  up  the  bold  track  of  discov- 

v  n  L.   m  60 


II. 


FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 

PART  crown's  absolute  right  of  property  <ne.:  the  na- 
tives,114 was  carried  to  its  full  extent  in  the  colo- 
nies.115 Every  Spaniard,  however  humble,  had  his 
proportion  of  slaves ;  and  men,  many  of  them  not 
only  incapable  of  estimating  the  awful  responsibil- 
ity of  the  situation,  but  without  the  least  touch  of 
humanity  in  their  natures,  were  individually  intrust- 
ed with  the  unlimited  disposal  of  the  lives  and  des- 
tinies of  their  fellow-creatures.  They  abused  this 
trust  in  the  grossest  manner ;  tasking  the  unfortu- 
nate Indian  far  beyond  his  strength,  inflicting  the 
most  refined  punishments  on  the  indolent,  and 
hunting  down  those  who  resisted  or  escaped,  like 
so  many  beasts  of  chase,  with  ferocious  blood- 
hounds. Every  step  of  the  white  man's  progress 
in  the  New  World,  may  be  said  to  have  been  ,on 
the  corpse  of  a  native.  Faith  is  staggered  by  the 
recital  of  the  number  of  victims  immolated  in  these 
fair  regions  within  a  very  few  years  after  the  dis- 
covery ;  and  the  heart  sickens  at  the  loathsome  de- 
tails of  barbarities,  recorded  by  one,  who,  if  his 
sympathies  have  led  him  sometimes  to  overcolor, 
can  never  be  suspected  of  wilfully  misstating  facts 
of  which  he  was  an  eyewitness.116  A  selfish  indif- 

114  "  Y  crean  (Vuestras  Altezas)  of  Las  Casas,  some  of  them  ex- 

questa  isla  y  totlas  las  otras  son  asi  pressly  prepared  for  the  council  of 

suyas  coino  Castilla,  que  aqui  no  the  Indies.  He  affirms,  that  more 

falta  salvo  asiento  y  mandarles  than  12,000,000  lives  were  wan- 

hacer  lo  que  quisieren."  Primera  tonly  destroyed  in  the  New  World, 

Carta  de  Colon,  apud  Navarrete,  within  thirty-eight  years  after  the 

Coleccion  de  Via^es,  torn.  i.  p.  93.  discovery,  and  this  in  addition  to 

113  Herrera,  Indias  Occidentals,  those  exterminated  in  the  conquest 

dec.  1,  lib.  8,  cap.  9.  —  Las  Casas,  of  the  country.  (CEuvres,  ed.  de 

CEuvres,  ed.  de  Llorente,  torn.  i.  Llorente,  torn.  i.  p.  187.)  Herrera 

pp.  228,  220.  admits  that  Hispaniola  was  re- 

i16  See  the  various  Memorials  duced,   in    less    than    twenty -five 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 


ference  to  the  rights  of  the  original  occupants  of  the  CHAPTER 
soil,  is  a  sin  which  lies  at  the  door  of  most  of  the     XXVL 
primitive  European  settlers,  whether  papist  or  puri- 
tan, of  the  New  World.     But  it  is  light,  in  compar- 
ison with  the  fearful  amount  of  crimes  to  be  charged 
on  the  early  Spanish  colonists  ;  crimes  that  have, 
perhaps,  in  this  world,  brought  down  the  retribution 
of  Heaven,  which  has  seen  fit  to  turn  this  fountain 
of  inexhaustible  wealth  and  prosperity  to  the  nation 
into  the  waters  of  bitterness. 

It  may  seem  strange,  that  no  relief  was  afforded  si*™?™ 

»  the  ccJoniea, 

by  the  government  to  these  oppressed  subjects. 
But  Ferdinand,  if  we  may  credit  Las  Casas,  was 
never  permitted  to  know  the  extent  of  the  injuries 
done  to  them.117  He  was  surrounded  by  men  in 
the  management  of  the  Indian  department,  whose 
interest  it  was  to  keep  him  in  ignorance.118  The 
remonstrances  of  some  zealous  missionaries  led 
him,119  in  1501,  to  refer  the  subject  of  the  reparti- 


years,  from  1,000,000  to  14,000 
souls.  (Indias  Occidentales,  dec. 
1,  lib.  10,  cap.  12.)  The  numerical 
estimates  of  a  large  savage  popula- 
tion,  must,  of  course,  be,  in  a  great 
degree,  hypothetical.  That  it  was 
large,  however,  in  these  fair  re- 
gions,  may  readily  be  inferred  from 
the  facilities  of  subsistence,  and  the 
temperate  habits  of  the  natives, 
The  minimum  sum  in  the  calcula- 
tion,  when  the  number  had  dwin- 
died  to  a  few  thousand,  might  be 
more  easily  ascertained. 

H7  CEuvres,  ed.  de  Llorente, 
torn.  i.  p.  228. 

iis  One  resident  at  the  court, 
eays  the  bishop  of  Chiapa,  was 
proprietor  of  800  and  another  of 
1100  Indians.  (CEuvres,  ed.  de 
Llorente,  torn.  i.  p.  238.)  We 


learn  their  names  from  Herrera. 
The  first  was  Bishop  Fonseca, 
the  latter  the  comendador  Con- 
chillos,  both  prominent  men  in  the 
Indian  department.  (Indias  Occi- 
dentales,  dec.  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  14.) 
The  last-named  person  was  the 
same  individual  sent  by  Ferdinand 
to  his  daughter  in  Flanders,  and 
imprisoned  there  by  the  archduke 
Philip.  After  that  prince's  death, 
he  experienced  signal  favors  from 
the  Catholic  king,  and  amassed 
great  wealth  as  secretary  of  the 
Indian  board.  Oviedo  has  devoted 
one  of  his  dialogues  to  him.  Qtiin- 
cuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1,  quinc.  3, 
dial.  9. 

n9  The  Dominican  and  other 
missionaries,  to  their  credit  be  it 
told,  labored  with  unwearied  *eal 


476  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

PART  mwntos  to  a  council  of  jurists  and  theologians. 
— - —  This  body  yielded  to  the  representations  of  the 
advocates  of  the  system,  that  it  was  indispensable 
for  maintaining  the  colonies,  since  the  European 
was  altogether  unequal  to  labor  in  this  tropical 
climate ;  and  that  it,  moreover,  afforded  the  only 
chance  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indian,  who,  un- 
less compelled,  could  never  be  brought  in  contact 
with  the  white  man.  12° 

On  these  grounds,  Ferdinand  openly  assumed 
for  himself  and  his  ministers  the  responsibility  of 
maintaining  this  vicious  institution ;  and  subse- 
quently issued  an  ordinance  to  that  effect,  accom- 
panied, however,  by  a  variety  of  humane  and  equi- 
table regulations  for  restraining  its  abuse.121  The 
license  was  embraced  in  its  full  extent ;  the  regu- 
lations were  openly  disregarded.138  Several  years 


and  courage  for  the  conversion  of  ry  !  The  whole  argument,  which 
the  natives,  and  the  vindication  of  comprehends  the  sum  of  what  has 
their  natural  rights.  Yet  these  been  since  said  more  diffusely  in 
were  the  men,  who  lighted  the  defence  of  abolition,  is  singular- 
fires  of  the  Inquisition  in  their  own  ly  acute  and  cogent.  In  its  ab- 
land.  To  such  opposite  results  stract  principles  it  is  unansvvera- 
may  the  same  principle  lead,  under  Me,  while  it  exposes  and  denounces 
different  circumstances  !  the  misconduct  of  his  countrymen, 
120  Las  Casas  concludes  an  elab-  with  a  freedom  which  shows  the 
orate  memorial,  prepared  for  the  good  bishop  knew  no  other  fear 
government,  in  1542,  on  the  best  than  that  of  his  Maker, 
means  of  arresting  the  destruction  121  Recop.  de  Leyes  de  las  Tn- 
of  the  aborigines,  with  two  prop-  dias,  August  14th,  1509,  lib.  6,  tit. 
ositions.  1.  That  the  Spaniards  8,  ley  1.  —  Herrera,  Indias  Occi- 
would  still  continue  to  settle  in  dentales,  dec.  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  14. 
America,  though  slavery  were  122  The  text  expresses  nearly 
abolished,  from  the  superior  advan-  enough  the  subsequent  condition 
tages  for  acquiring  riches  it  offered  of  things  in  Spanish  America, 
over  the  Old  World.  2.  That,  if  "  No  government,"  says  Heeren, 
they  would  not,  this  would  not  jus-  "  has  done  so  much  for  the  abo- 
tify  slavery,  since  "  God  forbids  us  rigines  as  the  Spanish."  (Modern 
to  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  History,  Bancroft's  trans.,  vol.  i.  p. 
it."  Rare  maxim,  from  a  Spanish  77.)  Whoever  peruses  its  colonial 
churchman  of  the  sixteenth  centu-  codes,  may  find  much  ground  for 


REVIEW    OF  THEIR    ADMINISTRATION.  477 

after,  in  1515,  Las  Casas,  moved  by  the  spectacle 


of  human  suffering,  returned  to  Spain,  and  pleaded 
the  cause  of  the  injured  native,  in  tones  which 
made  the  dying  monarch  tremble  on  his  throne.  It 
was  too  late,  however,  for  the  king  to  execute  the 
remedial  measures  he  contemplated.128  The  effi- 
cient interference  of  Ximenes,  who  sent  a  commis- 
sion for  the  purpose  to  Hispaniola,  was  attended 
with  no  permanent  results.  And  the  indefatigable 
"  protector  of  the  Indians  "  was  left  to  sue  for  re- 
dress at  the  court  of  Charles,  and  to  furnish  a 
splendid,  if  not  a  solitary  example  there,  of  a  bosom 
penetrated  with  the  true  spirit  of  Christian  phi- 
lanthropy. 124 

I  have  elsewhere  examined  the  policy  pursued 
by  the  Catholic  sovereigns  in  the  government  of 
their  colonies.  The  supply  of  precious  metals 
yielded  by  them  eventually,  proved  far  greater  than 
had  ever  entered  into  the  conception  of  the  most 
sanguine  of  the  early  discoverers.  Their  prolific 
soil  and  genial  climate,  moreover,  afforded  an  infi- 
nite variety  of  vegetable  products,  which  might 
have  furnished  an  unlimited  commerce  with  the 

the   eulogium.     But   are   not    the  the   Israelites  towards  their  idola- 

very  number  and  repetition  of  these  trous  neighbours.     But  the  Span- 

humane  provisions  sufficient  proof  ish  Fenelon  replied,  that  "  the  be- 

of  their  inefficacy?  haviour  of  the  Jews  was  no  prece- 

i23  Herrera,  Indias  Occidentals,  dent  for  Christians;  that  the  law 

dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  3.  —  Las  Casas,  of  Moses  was  a  law  of  riffor  ;  but. 

Memoire,   apud    (Euvres,  ed.    de  that  of  Jesus  Christ,  one  of  grace, 

Llorente,  torn.  i.  p.  239.  mercy,  peace,  good-will,  and  char- 

*24  In  the  remarkable  discussion  ity."     (GEiivres,  ed^.  de  Llorente, 

between  the  doctor  Sepulveda  and  torn.  i.  p.   374.)      The    Spaniard 

Las  Cas;is,   before    a  commission  first  persecuted  the  Jews,  and  then 

named  by  Charles  V.,  in  1550,  the  quoted   them  as   an   authority  for 

former  vindicated   the  persecution  persecuting  all  other  infidels. 
of  the  aborigines  by  the  conduct  of 


478  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART  mother  country.  Under  a  judicious  protection, 
-  '.  —  their  population  and  productions,  steadily  increas- 
ing, would  have  enlarged  to  an  incalculable  extent 
the  general  resources  of  the  empire.  Such,  indeed, 
might  have  been  the  result  of  a  wise  system  of 
legislation. 


colonial  ad-       gu|;  ^ne   true  principles  of  colonial  policy  were 

numeration.  r  J 

sadly  misunderstood  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The 
discovery  of  a  world  was  estimated,  like  that  of  a 
rich  mine,  by  the  value  of  its  returns  in  gold  and 
silver.  Much  of  Isabella's  legislation,  it  is  true,  is 
of  that  comprehensive  character,  which  shows  that 
she  looked  to  higher  and  far  nobler  objects.  But 
with  much  that  is  good,  there  was  mingled,  as  in 
most  of  her  institutions,  one  germ  of  evil,  of  little 
moment  at  the  time,  indeed,  but  which,  under  the 
t  vicious  culture  of  her  successors,  shot  up  to  a  height 
that  overshadowed  and  blighted  all  the  rest.  This 
was  the  spirit  of  restriction  and  monopoly,  aggra- 
vated by  the  subsequent  laws  of  Ferdinand,  and 
carried  to  an  extent  under  the  Austrian  dynasty, 
that  paralyzed  colonial  trade. 

Under  their  most  ingeniously  perverse  system  of 
laws,  the  interests  of  both  the  parent  country  and 
the  colonies  were  sacrificed.  The  latter,  condemn- 
ed to  look  for  supplies  to  an  incompetent  source, 
were  miserably  dwarfed  in  their  growth  ;  while 
the  former  contrived  to  convert  the  nutriment  which 
she  extorted  from  the  colonies  into  a  fatal  poison. 
The  streams  of  wealth  which  flowed  in  from  the 
silver  quarries  of  Zacatecas  and  Potosi,  were  jeal- 
ously locked  up  within  the  limits  of  the  Peninsula. 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  479 

The  great  problem,  proposed  by  the  Spanish  legis-   CHAPTER 

lation  of  the  sixteenth  century,  was  the  reduction  '— 

of  prices  in  the  kingdom  to  the  same  level  as  in 
other  European  nations.  Every  law  that  was  pass- 
ed, however,  tended,  by  its  restrictive  character, 
to  augment  the  evil.  The  golden  tide,  which,  per- 
mitted a  free  vent,  would  have  fertilized  the  region 
through  which  it  poured,  now  buried  the  land  under 
a  deluge  which  blighted  every  green  and  living 
thing*  Agriculture,  commerce,  manufactures,  every 
branch  of  national  industry  and  improvement,  lan- 
guished and  fell  to  decay ;  and  the  nation,  like  the 
Phrygian  monarch,  who  turned  all  that  he  touched 
to  gold,  cursed  by  the  very  consummation  of  its 
wishes,  was  poor  in  the  midst  of  its  treasures. 

From  this  sad  picture,  let  us  turn  to  that  pre-  General 

prosperity. 

sented  by  the  period  of  our  History,  when,  the 
clouds  and  darkness  having  passed  away,  a  new 
morn  seemed  to  break  upon  the  nation.  Under 
the  firm  but  temperate  sway  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  the  great  changes  we  have  noticed  were 
effected  without  convulsion  in  the  state.  On  the 
contrary,  the  elements  of  the  social  system,  which 
before  jarred  so  discordantly,  were  brought  into 
harmonious  action.  The  restless  spirit  of  the  no- 
bles was  turned  from  civil  faction  to  the  honorable 
career  of  public  service,  whether  in  arms  or  letters. 
The  people  at  large,  assured  of  the  security  of 
private  rights,  were  occupied  with  the  different 
branches  of  productive  labor.  Trade,  as  is  abun- 
dantly shown  by  the  legislation  of  the  period,  had 
not  vet  fallen  into  the  discredit  which  attached  to 


480 


FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 


PART 
II. 


it  in  later  times. 125  The  precious  metals,  instead 
of  flowing  in  so  abundantly  as  to  palsy  the  arm  of 
industry,  served  only  to  stimulate  it. 126 

The  foreign  intercourse  of  the  country  was  every 
day  more  widely  extended.  Her  agents  and  con- 
suls were  to  be  found  in  all  the  principal  ports  of 
the  Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic.  m  The  Span- 
ish mariner,  instead  of  creeping  along  the  beaten 
track  of  inland  navigation,  now  struck  boldly  across 
the  great  western  ocean.  The  new  discoveries 


195  It  is  only  necessary  to  no- 
tice the  contemptuous  language  of 
Philip  II. 's  laws,  which  designate 
the  most  useful  mechanic  arts,  as 
those  of  blacksmiths,  shoemakers, 
leather-dressers,  and  the  like,  as 
"  oficios  vilcs  y  baxos." 

A  whimsical  distinction  prevails 
in  Castile,  in  reference  to  the  more . 
humble  occupations.  A  man  of 
gentle  blood  may  be  a  coachman, 
lacquey,  scullion,  or  any  other  me- 
nial, without  disparaging  his  nobil- 
ity, which  is  said  to  sleep  in  the 
mean  while.  But  he  fixes  on  it  an 
indelible  stain,  if  he  exercises  any 
mechanical  vocation.  "  Hence," 
says  Capmany,  "  I  have  often  seen 
a  village  in  this  province,  in  which 
the  vagabonds,  smugglers,  and 
hangmen  even,  were  natives,  while 
the  farrier,  shoemaker,  &c.  was  a 
foreigner."  (Mem.  de  Barcelona, 
torn.  i.  part.  3,  p.  40;  torn.  iii. 
part,  2,  pp.  317,  318.)  See  also 
some  sensible  remarks  on  the  sub- 
ject, by  Blanco  White,  the  ingen- 
ious author  of  Doblado's  Letters 
from  Spain,  p.  44. 

126  "The  interval  between  the 
acquisition  of  money,  and  the  rise 
of  prices,"  Hume  observes,  "is 
the  only  time  when  increasing  gold 
and  silver  are  favorable  to  indus- 
try." (Essays,  part  2,  essay  3.) 
An  ordinance  of  June  13th,  1497, 


complains  of  the  scarcity  of  the 
precious  metals,  and  their  insuffi- 
ciency to  the  demands  of  trade. 
(Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,  fol.  93.) 
It  appears,  however,  from  Zufiiga, 
that  the  importation  of  gold  from 
the  New  World  began  to  have  a 
sensible  effect  on  the  prices  of  com- 
modities, from  that  very  year.  An- 
nales  de  Sevilla,  p.  415. 

127  Mr.  Turner  has  made  several 
extracts  from  the  Harleian  MSS., 
showing  that  the  trade  of  Castile 
with  England  was  very  considera- 
ble in  Isabella's  time.  (History  of 
England,  vol.  iv.  p.  90.)  A  prag- 
matic of  July  21st,  1494,  for  the 
erection  of  a  consulate  at  Burgos, 
notices  the  commercial  establish- 
ments in  England,  France,  Italy, 
and  the  Low  Countries.  This  tri 
bunal,  with  other  extensive  privi- 
leges, was  empowered  to  hear  and 
determine  suits  between  merchants ; 
"  which,"  says  the  plain  spoken 
ordinance,  "in  the  hands  of  law- 
yers are  never  brought  to  a  close ; 
porque  se  presentauan  escritos  y 
libelos  de  letrados  de  manera  que 
por  mal  pleyto  que  fuesse  le  sosle- 
nian  los  letrados  de  manera  que  lot 
hazion  immortales."  (Pragmaticas 
del  Reyno,  fol.  146-148.")  This 
institution  rose  soon  to  be  of  the 
greatest  importance  in  Castile. 


REVIEW  OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  48  J 

had  converted   the   land    trade   with  India  into  « 
sea  trade ;  and  the  nations  of  the  Peninsula,  wh< 
had  hitherto  lain  remote  from  the  great  highways 
of  commerce,  now  became  the  factors  and  carriers 
of  Europe. 

The  flourishing  condition  of  the  nation  was  seen 
in  the  wealth  and  population  of  its  cities,  the  rer- 
enues  of  which,  augmented  in  all  to  a  surprising 
extent,  had  increased  in  some,  forty  and  even  fifty 
fold  beyond  what  they  were  at  the  commencement 
of  the  reign ; 128  the  ancient  and  lordly  Toledo ; 
Burgos,  with  its  bustling,  industrious  traders ; m 
Valladolid,  sending  forth  its  thirty  thousand  war- 
riors from  its  gates,  where  the  whole  population 
now  scarcely  reaches  two  thirds  of  that  number ;  18° 
Cordova,  in  the  south,  and  the  magnificent  Grana- 
da, naturalizing  in  Europe  the  arts  and  luxuries 
of  the  east;  Saragossa,  "the  abundant,"  as  she 
was  called  from  her  fruitful  territory ;  Valencia, 
"  the  beautiful  " ;  Barcelona,  rivalling  in  indepen- 

128  The  sixth  volume  of  the  Me-  sa,  ni  baldia,  sino  que  todos  traba- 
moirs  of  the  Academy  of  History,  jan,  ansi  mugeres  como  hombres,  y 
contains  a  schedule  of  the  respec-  los  chicos  como  los  grandes,  bus- 
tive  revenues  afforded  by  the  cities  cando  la  vida  con  sus  manos,  y  con 
of  Castile,  in  the  years  1477,  1482,  sudores  de  sus  carnes.    Unos  exer- 
and   1504;    embracing,  of  course,  citan  las  artes  mecanicas  :  y  otros 
the   commencement   and   close   of  las  liberales.     Los  que  tratan  las 
Isabella's    reign.       The     original  mercaderias,  y  hazen  rica  laciudad, 
document  exists  in  the  archives  of  son  muyfieles,  y  liberales."  (Cosas 
Siinancas.      We   may   notice   the  Meraorables,  fol.  16.)     It  will  not 
large  amount  and  great  increase  of  be  easy  to  meet,  in  prose  or  verse, 
taxes  in  Toledo,  particularly,  and  with  a  finer  colored  picture  of  de- 
in  Seville  ;  the  former  thriving  from  parted  glory,  than  Mr.  Slidell  has 
its   manufactories,  and   the   latter  given  of  the  former  city,  the  vane 
from  the  Indian  trade.     Seville,  in  rable  Gothic  capital,  in  his  "  Year 
1504,  furnished  near  a  tenth  of  the  in  Spain,"  chap.  12. 

whole  revenue.     Ilustracion  5.  I3°    Sandoval,    Hist.    M   Emp. 

129  "  No  ay  en  ella,"  says  Ma-     Carlos  V.,  torn.  i.  p.  60. 
rineo  of  the  latter  city,  "  gente  ocio- 

VOL.   111.  61 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 


PART 
ii. 


Public  em- 
bellishments. 


dence  and  maritime  enterprise  the  proudest  of  the 
Italian  republics;131  Medina  del  Campo,  whose  fairs 
were  already  the  great  mart  for  the  commercial 
exchanges  of  the  Peninsula;132  and  Seville,133  the 
golden  gate  of  the  Indies,  whose  quays  began  to 
be  thronged  with  merchants  from  the  most  distant 
countries  of  Europe. 

The  resources  of  the  inhabitants  were  displayed 
in  the  palaces  and  public  edifices,  fountains,  aque- 
ducts, gardens,  and  other  works  of  utility  and  orna- 
ment. This  lavish  expenditure  was  directed  by  an 
improved  taste.  Architecture  was  studied  on  purer 
principles  than  before,  and,  with  the  sister  arts  of 
design,  showed  the  influence  of  the  new  connexion 
with  Italy  in  the  first  gleams  of  that  excellence. 


131  It  was  a  common  saying  in 
Navagiero's  time,  "  Barcelona  la 
ricca,  Saragossa  la  harta,  Valentia 
la  hennosa."     (Viaggio,  fol.   5.) 
The     grandeur     and     commercial 
splendor  of  the   first-named   city, 
which  forms  the  subject  of  Capma- 
ny's  elaborate  work,  have  been  suf- 
ficiently displnyed  in  Parti.,  Chap- 
ter 2,  of  this  History. 

132  "  Algunos    suponcn"    says 
Capmany,  "  que  estas  ferias  eran 
ya  famosas  en  tiempo  de  los  Reyes 
Catolicos,"  &c.     (Mem.  de  Barce- 
lona, torn.  iii.    p.   356.)     A   very 
cursory  glance  at  the   laws  of  this 
time,  will  show  the  reasonableness 
of  the  supposition.     See  the  Prag- 
maticas,  fol.  146,  and  the  ordinan- 
ces from  the  archives  of  Sirnancas, 
apud  Mem.  de  Acad.,  torn.  vi.  pp. 
249,  252,  providing  for  the  erection 
of  buildings  and  other  accommoda- 
tions for  the  "  great  resort  of  trad- 
ers."    In   1520,   four   years  after 
Ferdinand's  death,  the  city,  in  a 
petition  to  the  regent,  represented 


the  losses  sustained  by  its  mer- 
chants in  the  recent  fire,  as  more 
than  the  revenues  of  the  crown 
would  probably  be  able  to  mee'  for 
several  years.  (Ibid.,  p.  (PI.) 
Navagiero,  who  visited  M/  Jina 
some  six  years  later,  when  ;-t  was 
rebuilt,  bears  unequivocal  te?  amo- 
ny  to  its  commercial  importance. 
"  Medina  e  buona  terra,  e  riena  di 
buone  case,  abondante  assai  se  non 
che  le  tante  ferie  che  se  vi  fj.nno 
ogn'  anno,  e  il  concorso  grande 
che  vi  e  di  tutta  Spagna,  fanno  pur 
che  il  tutto  si  paga  piu  di  quel  che 
si  faria.*  *  *  *  *  La  feria  e  abondante 
certo  di  molte  cose,  ma  sopra  tutto 
di  speciarie  assai,  che  vengono  di 
Portogallo  ;  ma  le  maggior  faccen- 
de  che  se  vi  facciano  sono  cambij." 
Viaggio,  fol.  36. 

133        "  Quien  no  vi6  4  Senlla 
No  vio  marnvilla." 

The  proverb,  accordir  g  to  Zufii- 
ga,  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  Alonso 
XI.  Annales  de  Sevill  i,  p.  183- 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 


483 


which  shed  such  lustre  over  the  Spanish  school  at  CHAPTER 
the  close  of  the  century.134  A  still  more  decided  XXVL 
impulse  was  given  to  letters.  More  printing  presses 
were  probably  at  work  in  Spain  in  the  infancy  of 
the  art,  than  at  the  present  day.136  Ancient  semi- 
naries were  remodelled ;  new  ones  were  created. 
Barcelona,  Salamanca,  and  Alcala,  whose  cloistered 
solitudes  are  now  the  grave,  rather  than  the  nurse- 
ry of  science,  then  swarmed  with  thousands  of  dis- 
ciples, who,  under  the  generous  patronage  of  the 
government,  found  letters  the  surest  path  to  prefer- 
ment.136 Even  the  lighter  branches  of  literature 
felt  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  times,  and,  after 
yielding  the  last  fruits  of  the  ancient  system,  dis- 


134  The  most  eminent  sculptors" 
were,  for  the  most  part,  foreign- 
ers ;  —  as  Miguel  Florentin,  Pedro 
Torregiano,  Felipe  de  Borgofia, — 
chiefly   from  Italy,  where  the  art 
was  advancing  rapidly  to  perfection 
in  the  school  of  Michael  Angelo. 
The  most  successful  architectural 
achievement  was  the  cathedral  of 
Granada,  by  Diego  de  Siloe.     Pe- 
draza,  Antiguedad  de  Granada,  fol. 
82. —  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist., 
torn.  vi.  Ilust.  16. 

135  At  least  so  says  Clemencin, 
a  competent  judge.     "  Desde   los 
mismos   principios   de  su  estable- 
cimiento  fue  rnas  comun  la  impren- 
ta  en  Espafia  quo  lo  es  al  cabo  de 
trescientos  afios  dentro  ya  del  siglo 
decimortono."    Elo^io  de  Dona  Is- 
abel, Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist., 
torn.  vi. 

i3s  Ante,  Introduction,  Sect.  2; 
Part  I.,  Chapter  19;  Part  II.,  Chap- 
ter 21. —  The  "  Pragmaticas  del 
Reyno  "  comprises  various  ordi- 
nances, defining'  the  privileges  of 
Salamanca  and  Valladulid,  the 
manner  of  conferring  degrees,  and 


of  election  to  the  chairs  of  the  uni- 
versities, so  as  to  obviate  any  undue 
influence  or  corruption.  (Fol.  14  - 
21.)  "Porque,"  says  the  liberal 
language  of  the  last  law,  "  los 
estudios  generales  donde  las  cien- 
cias  se  leen  y  aprenden  effuer^an 
las  leyes  y  fazen  a  los  nuestros 
subditos  y  naturales  sabidores  y 
honrrados  y  acrecientan  virtudes  : 
y  porque  en  el  dar  y  assignarde  las 
catedras  salariadas  deue  auer  toda 
libertad  porque  sean  dadas  a  per- 
sonas  sabidores  y  cientes."  (Tara- 
$ona,  October  5th,  1495.)  If  one 
would  see  the  totally  different  prin- 
ciples on  which  such  elections  have 
been  conducted  in  modern  times, 
let  him  read  Doblado's  Letters  from 
Spain,  pp.  103-  107.  The  univer- 
sity of  Barcelona  was  suppressed 
in  the  beginning  of  the  last  centu- 
ry. Laborde  has  taken  a  brief  sur- 
vey of  the  present  dilapidated  con- 
dition of  the  others,  at  least  as  it 
was  in  1830,  since  which  it  can 
scarcely  have  mended.  Itineraire, 
torn.  vi.  p.  144,  et  seq. 


FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 


PART 
II. 


Augmen- 
tation of 

revenue. 


played  new  and  more  beautiful  varieties,  under  the 
influence  of  Italian  culture.  m 

With  this  moral  developement  of  the  nation,  the 
public  revenues,  the  sure  index,  when  unforced,  of 
public  prosperity,  went  on  augmenting  with  aston- 
ishing rapidity.  In  1474,  the  year  of  Isabella's 
accession,  the  ordinary  rents  of  the  Castilian  crown 
amounted  to  885,000  reals  ; m  in  1477,  to  2,390,078  ; 
in  1482,  after  the  resumption  of  the  royal  grants,  to 
12,711,591  ;  and  finally  in  1504,  when  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Granada189  and  the  domestic  tranquillity  of 
the  kingdom  had  encouraged  the  free  expansion  of 
all  its  resources,  to  26,283,334 ;  or  thirty  times  the 
amount  received  at  her  accession.140  All  this,  it 


137  See  the  concluding  note  to 
this  chapter. 

Erasmus,  in  a  lively  and  elegant 
epistle  to  his  friend,  Francis  Ver- 
gara,  Greek  professor  at  Alcala,  in 
1527,  lavishes  unbounded  panegyric 
on  the  science  and  literature  of 
Spain,  whose  palmy  state  he  attrib- 
utes to  Isabella's  patronage,  and 
the  cooperation  of  some  of  her  en- 
lightened subjects.  " Hispa- 

nia;  vestrae,  tanto  successu,  priscam 
eruditionis  gloriam  sibi  postliminio 
vindicanti.  Quae  quum  semper  et 
regionis  amcenitate  fertilitateque, 
semper  ingeniorum  eminentium 
ubere  proventu,  semper  bellica  lau- 
de  floruerit,  quid  desiderari  poterat 
ad  summam  felicitatem,  nisi  ut 
studiorum  et  religionis  adjungeret 
ornamenta,  quibus  aspirante  Deo 
sic  paucis  annis  effloruit  ut  caeteris 
regionibus  quamlibet  hoc  decorum 
genere  prfecellentibus  vel  invidise 
queat  esse  vel  exemplo.  ***** 
Vos  istam  felicitatem  secundum 
Deum  debetis  laudatissimce  Regi- 
narum  Elisabetae,  Francisco  Car- 
dinal! quondam,  Alonso  Fonsecse 


nunc  Archiepiscopo  Toletano,  et  si 
qui  sunt  horum  similes,  quorum 
autoritas  tuetur,  benignitas  alit  fo- 
vetque  bonas  artes."  Epislolas,  p. 
978. 

138  The  sums  in  the  text  express 
the  real  de  vellon ;  to  which  they 
have  been   reduced  by  Sefior  Cle- 
mencin,  from  the  original  amount 
in   maravedis,    which   varied    very 
materially  in  value  in  different  years. 
Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  Hist.,  tom. 
vi.  Ilust.  5. 

139  The  kingdom  of  Granada  ap- 
pears  to   have   contributed  rather 
less  than  one  eighth  of  the  whole 
tax. 

140  In  addition  to  the  last  men- 
tioned sum,  the  extraordinary  ser- 
vice voted  by  cortes,  for  the  dowry 
of  the  infantas,  and  other  matters, 
in   1504,  amounted  to  16,113,014 
reals  de  vellon ;  making  a  sum  total, 
for  that  year,  of  42,396,348  reals. 
The  bulk  of  the  crown  revenues 
was  derived  from  the  alcavalas,  and 
the   tercias,  or   two  ninths  of  the 
ecclesiastical  tithes.    These  impor- 
tant statements   were    transcribed 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  4K5 

will   be  remembered,  was  derived  from  the  custom-   CHAPTER 
ary  established  taxes,  without  the  imposition  of  a      **VL 
single  new  one.     Indeed,  the  improvements  in  the 
mode  of  collection  tended  materially  to  lighten  the 
burdens  on  the  people. 

The  accounts  of  the  population  at  this  earlv  pe-  in«-«"«of 

J     L  population 

riod  are,  for  the  most  part,  vague  and  unsatisfactory. 
Spain,  in  particular,  has  been  the  subject  of  the 
most  absurd,  though,  as  it  seems,  not  incredible  es- 
timates, sufficiently  evincing  the  paucity  of  authentic 
data.141  Fortunately,  however,  we  labor  under  no 
such  embarrassment  as  regards  Castile  in  Isabella's 
reign.  By  an  official  report  to  the  crown  on  the 
organization  of  the  militia,  in  1492,  it  appears 
that  the  population  of  the  kingdom  amounted  to 
1 ,500,000  vecinos  or  householders  ;  or,  allowing  four 
and  a  half  to  a  family  (a  moderate  estimate),  to 
6,750,000  souls. U2  This  census,  it  will  be  ob- 
served, was  limited  to  the  provinces  immediately 


from   the  books  of  the  escribanla  of  the  kingdom,  fully  expose  the 

mayor  de  rentas,  in  the  archives  of  extravagance    of    preceding    esti- 

Simancas.     Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  mates. 

141    The   pretended    amount   of         142  These  interesting  particulars 

population   has   been  generally  in  are  obtained  from  a  memorial,  pre- 

the  ratio  of  the  distance  of  the  pe-  pared   by  order  of  Ferdinand   and 

riod  taken,  and,  of  course,  of  the  Isabella,  by  their  contador,  Alonso 

difficulty  of  refutation.    A  few  ran-  de  Quintanilla,  on  the  mode  of  en- 

dom    remarks   of   ancient   writers  rolling  and  arming  the  militia,  in 

have  proved  the  basis  for  the  wild-  1492  ;    as   a    preliminary   step   to 

est   hypotheses,   raising    the   esti-  which,  he  procured  a  census  of  the 

mates  to  the  total  of  what  the  soil,  actual  population  of  the  kingdom, 

under  the  highest  possible  cultiva-  It  is  preserved  in  a  volume  entitled 

tion,  would  be  capable  of  support-  Relaciones  tocantes  a  la  junta  de  la 

ing.     Even  for  so  recent  a  period  Hermandad,  in   that  rich   national 

as   Isabella's    time,   the    estimate  repository,  the  archives  of  Siman- 

commonly   received   does   not   fall  cas.     See  a  copious  extract,  apud 

below  eighteen  or  twenty  millions.  Mem.  de  la  Acad.  de  HisU,  torn.  vi. 

The  official  returns,  cited   in  the  Apend.  12. 
text,  of  the  most  populous  portion 


486 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA 


PART 
i). 


composing  the  crown  of  Castile,  to  the  exclusion  of 
Granada,  Navarre,  and  the  Aragonese  dominions. 148 
It  was  taken,  moreover,  before  the  nation  had  time 
to  recruit  from  the  long  and  exhausting  struggle  of 
the  Moorish  war,  and  twenty-five  years  before  the 
close  of  the  reign,  when  the  population,  under  cir- 
cumstances peculiarly  favorable,  must  have  swelled 
to  a  much  larger  amount.  Thus  circumscribed, 
however,  it  was  probably  considerably  in  advance 
of  that  of  England  at  the  same  period. 144  How 
have  the  destinies  of  the  two  countries  since  been 
reversed  ! 


143  I  am  acquainted  with  no  suf- 
ficient and  authentic  data  for.  com- 
puting the  population,  at  this  time, 
of  the  crown  of  Aragon,  always 
greatly  below  that  of  the  sister 
kingdom.  I  find  as  little  to  be  re- 
lied on,  notwithstanding  the  nu- 
merous estimates,  in  one  form  or 
another,  vouchsafed  by  historians 
and  travellers,  of  the  population 
of  Granada.  Marineo  enumerates 
fourteen  cities  and  ninety-seven 
towns,  (omitting,  as  he  says,  many 
places  of  less  note,)  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest ;  a  statement  obvious- 
ly too  vague  for  statistical  pur- 
poses. (Cosas  Memorables,  fol. 
179.)  The  capital,  swelled  by  the 
influx  from  the  country,  contained, 
according  to  him,  200,000  souls  at 
the  same  period.  (Fol.  177.)  In 
1506,  at  the  time  of  the  forced  con- 
versions, we  find  the  numbers  in 
the  city  dwindled  to  fifty,  or  at 
most,  seventy  thousand.  (Conip. 
Bleda,  Coronica,  lib.  5,  cap.  23,  and 
Bernaldez,  Reyes  Catolicos,  MS., 
cap.  159.)  Loose  as  these  esti- 
mates necessarily  are,  we  have  no 
better  to  guide  us  in  calculating 
the  total  amount  of  the  population 
of  the  Moorish  kingdom,  or  of  the 


losses  sustained  by  the  copious  em- 
igrations during  the  first  fifteen 
years  after  the  conquest ,  although 
there  has  been  no  lack  of  confident 
assertion,  as  to  both,  in  later  wri- 
ters. The  desideratum,  in  regard 
to  Granada,  will  now  probably  not 
be  supplied  ;  the  public  offices  in 
the  kingdom  of  Aragon,  if  searched 
with  the  same  industry  as  those  in 
Castile,  would  doubtless  afford  the 
means  for  correcting  the  crude  esti- 
mates, so  current  respecting  that 
country. 

144  Hallam,  in  his  "  Constitu- 
tional History  of  England,"  esti- 
mates the  population  of  the  realm, 
in  1485,  at  3,000,000,  (vol.  i.  p. 
10.)  The  discrepancies,  however, 
of  the  best  historians  on  this  sub- 
ject, prove  the  difficulty  of  arriving 
at  even  a  probable  result.  Hume, 
on  the  authority  of  Sir  Edward 
Coke,  puts  the  population  of  Eng- 
land (including  people  of  all  sorts) 
a  century  later,  in  1588,  at  only 
900,000.  The  historian  cites  Lo- 
dovico  Guicciardini,  however,  for 
another  estimate,  as  high  as 
2,000,000,  for  the  same  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.  History  of  Eng- 
land, vol.  vi.  Append.  3. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  487 

The  te  •  iona.  limits  of  the  monarchy,  in  the  CHAPTER 
mean  time  went  on  expanding  keyorid  example  ; —  XXVL 
Castile  and  Leon,  brought  under  the  same  scep- 
tre with  Aragon  and  its  foreign  dependencies,  Sici- 
ly and  Sardinia;  with  the  kingdoms  of  Granada, 
Navarre,  and  Naples;  with  the  Canaries,  Oran,  and 
the  other  settlements  in  Africa;  and  with  the  isl- 
ands and  vast  continents  of  America.  To  these 
broad  domains,  the  comprehensive  schemes  of  the 
sovereigns  would  have  added  Portugal  ;  and  their 
arrangements  for  this,  although  defeated  for  the 
present,  opened  the  way  to  its  eventual  completion 
under  Philip  the  Second. 145 

The  petty  states,  which  had  before  swarmed  over  photic 

1          J  prmc.ple. 

the  Peninsula,  neutralizing  each  other's  operations, 
and  preventing  any  effective  movement  abroad, 
were  now  amalgamated  into  one  whole.  Sectional 
jealousies  and  antipathies,  indeed,  were  too  sturdily 
rooted  to  be  wholly  extinguished ;  but  they  gradu- 
ally subsided,  under  the  influence  of  a  common  gov- 
ernment, and  community  of  interests.  A  more  en- 
larged sentiment  was  infused  into  the  people,  who, 
in  their  foreign  relations,  at  least,  assumed  the  atti- 
tude of  one  great  nation.  The  names  of  Castilian 
and  Aragonese  were  merged  in  me  comprehensive 
one  of  Spaniard  ;  and  Spain,  with  an  empire  which 
stretched  over  three  quarters  of  the  globe,  and 
which  almost  realized  the  proud  boast  that  the  sun 
never  set  within  her  borders,  now  rose,  not  to  the 

145  Philip  II.  claimed  the  Portu-  nand  and  Isabella,  who,  as  the  read- 

guese  crown  in  right  of  his  mother,  er  may  remember,  married   King 

and  his  wife,  both  descended  from  Emanuel. 
Maria,    third   daughter    of  Ferdi- 


488  FERDINAND   AND  ISABELLA. 

PART      first  class  only,  but  to  the  first  place,  in  the  scale  of 

_       —  European  powers. 

The  extraordinary  circumstances  of  the  country 

$ritao?the  tended  naturally  to  nourish  the  lofty,  romantic  qual- 
ities, and  the  somewhat  exaggerated  tone  of  senti- 
ment, which  always  pervaded  the  national  character. 
The  age  of  chivalry  had  not  faded  away  in  Spain, 
as  in  most  other  lands.146  It  was  fostered,  in  time 
of  peace,*  by  the  tourneys,  jousts,  and  other  warlike 
pageants,  which  graced  the  court  of  Isabella. 147  It 
gleamed  out,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Italian  cam- 
paigns under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  and  shone  forth 
in  all  its  splendors  in  the  war  of  Granada.  "  This 
was  a  right  gentle  war,"  says  Navagiero,  in  a  pas- 
sage too  pertinent  to  be  omitted,  "  in  which,  as  fire- 
arms were  comparatively  little  used,  each  knight 
had  the  opportunity  of  showing  his  personal  prow- 
ess ;  and  rare  was  it,  that  a  day  passed  without 
some  feat  of  arms  and  valorous  exploit.  The 
nobility  and  chivalry  of  the  land  all  thronged  there 
to  gather  renown.  Queen  Isabel,  who  attended 


146  Old  Caxton  mourns  over  the  "Lo  tolsee  disse:   Accio  piu  non  istea 

littlp    honor   nairl    tn   trip    lisa  OPS  nf  Mai  cavalier  per  te  d'essere  ardito  ; 

little  honor  paid  to  the  usages  ot  N^  qimnto  n  buono  val)  maj  pi|i  gj  vant, 
chivalry  in  his  time  ;   and  It  IS  sum-  II  rio  per  te  valer,  qui  giu  rimanti." 
cient  evidence  of  its  decay  in  Eng-  Orlando  Furioso,  canto  9,  at.  90. 
land,  that  Richard  III.  thought  it  147  "  Quien  podra  contar,"  ex- 
necessary  to   issue   an   ordinance,  claims  the  old  Curate  of  Los  Pala.- 
requiring   those   possessed   of  the  cios,  "  la  grandeza,  el  concierto  de 
requisite   £40  a  year,  to  receive  su  corte,  la  cavalleria  de  los  INobles 
knighthood.     (Turner,  History  of  de  toda  Espafia,  Duques,  Maestres, 
England,  vol.  iii.   pp.  391,  392.)  Marqueses  e  Ricos  homes ;  los  Ga- 
The  use  of  artillery  was  fatal  to  lanes,  las  Damas,  las  Fiestas,  los 
chivalry  ;   a  consequence  well  un-  Torneos,  la  Moltitud  de  Poetas  £ 
derstood,  even  at  the  early  period  trovadores,"    &c.      Reyes  Catoli- 
3?  oar  History.     At  least,  so  we  cos,  MS.,  cap.  201 
Diav  infer  from  the  verses  of  Ari- 
osvo,  where  Orlando  throws  Cimos- 
co's  gun  into  the  sea. 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 


489 


XXVI. 


with  her  whole  court,  breathed  courage  into  every  CHAPTER 
heart.  There  was  scarce  a  cavalier,  who  was  not 
enamoured  of  some  one  or  other  of  her  ladies,  the 
witness  of  his  achievements,  and  who,  as  she 
presented  him  his  weapons,  or  some  token  of  her 
favor,  admonished  him  to  bear  himself  like  a  true 
knight,  and  show  the  strength  of  his  passion  by  his 
valiant  deeds. 148  What  knight  so  craven,  then," 
exclaims  the  chivalrous  Venetian,  "  that  he  would 
not  have  been  more  than  a  match  for  the  stoutest 
adversary  ;  or  who  would  not  sooner  have  lost  his 
life  a  thousand  times,  than  return  dishonored  to  the 
lady  of  his  love.  In  truth,"  he  concludes,  "  this 
conquest  may  be  said  to  have  been  achieved  by 
love,  rather  than  by  arms.1 


}?  149 


H8  Oviedo  notices  the  existence 
of  a  lady  love,  even  with  cavaliers 
\vho  had  passed  their  prime,  as  a 
thing  of  quite  as  imperative  neces- 
sitj ,  in  his  day,  as  it  was  after- 
wards regarded  by  the  gallant 
knight  of  La  Mancha.  "  Costum- 
bre  es  en  Espafia  entre  los  sefiores 
de  estado  que  venidos  a  la  corte, 
aunque  no  esten  enamorados  6  que 
pasen  de  la  mitad  de  la  edad  fingir 
que  arnan  por  servir  y  favorescer  a 
alguna  dama,  y  gastar  como  quien 
son  en  fiestas  v  otras  cosas  que  se 
ofrescen  de  tales  pasatiempos  y 
amores,  sin  que  les  de  pena  Cupi- 
do."  Quincuagenas,  MS.,  bat.  1, 
quinc.  1,  dial.  28. 

H9  Viagsio,  fol.  27. 

Andrea  Navagiero,  whose  itine- 
rary has  been  of  such  frequent  ref- 
erence in  these  pages,  was  a  noble 
Venetian,  born  in  1483.  He  be- 
came very  early  distinguished,  in 
his  cultivated  capital,  for  his  schol- 
arship, poetical  talents,  and  elo- 
quence, of  which  he  has  left  speci- 
mens, especially  in  Latin  verse,  in 


the  highest  repute  to  this  day  with 
his  countrymen.  He  was  not, 
however,  exclusively  devoted  to 
letters,  but  was  employed  in  several 
foreign  missions  by  the  republic. 
It  was  on  his  visit  to  Spain,  as 
minister  to  Charles  V.,  soon  after 
that  monarch's  accession,  that  he 
wrote  his  Travels  ;  and  he  filled  the 
same  office  at  the  court  of  Francis 
I.,  when  he  died,  at  the  premature 
age  of  forty-six,  in  1529.  (Tira- 
boschi,  Letteratura  Italiana,  torn, 
vii.  part.  3,  p.  228,  ed.  1785.)  His 
death  was  universally  lamented  by 
the  good  and  the  learned  of  his 
time,  and  is  commemorated  by  his 
friend.  Cardinal  Bembo,  in  two 
sonnets,  breathing  all  the  sensibili- 
ty of  that  tender  and  elegant  poet. 
(Rime,  Son.  109,  110.)  Nava- 
giero becomes  connected  with  Cas- 
tilian  literature  by  the  circumstance 
of  Boscan's  referring  to  his  sug- 
gestion the  innovation  he  so  suc- 
cessfully made  in  the  forms  of  the 
national  verse.  Obras,  fol.  20,  ed. 
1543. 


VOL.   III. 


62 


490  FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 

PART  The  Spaniard  was  a  knight-errant,  in  its  literal 
-  sense,  15°  roving  over  seas  on  which  no  bark  had 
ever  ventured,  among  islands  and  continents  where 
no  civilized  man  had  ever  trodden,  and  which  fancy 
peopled  with  all  the  marvels  and  drear  enchant- 
ments of  romance  ;  courting  danger  in  every  form, 
combating  everywhere,  and  everywhere  victorious. 
The  very  odds  presented  by  the  defenceless  natives 
among  whom  he  was  cast,  "  a  thousand  of  whom," 
to  quote  the  words  of  Columbus,  "  were  not  equal 
to  three  Spaniards,"  was  in  itself  typical  of  his  pro- 
fession ; 1S1  and  the  brilliant  destinies  to  which  the 
meanest  adventurer  was  often  called,  now  carving 
out  with  his  good  sword  some  "  El  Dorado  "  more 
splendid  than  fancy  had  dreamed  of,  and  now  over- 
turning some  old  barbaric  dynasty,  were  full  as  ex- 
traordinary as  the  wildest  chimeras  which  Ariosto 
ever  sang,  or  Cervantes  satirized. 

His  countrymen  who  remained  at  home,  feeding 
greedily  on  the  reports  of  his  adventures,  lived  al- 
most equally  in  an  atmosphere  of  romance.  A 
spirit  of  chivalrous  enthusiasm  penetrated  the  very 
depths  of  the  nation,  swelling  the  humblest  indi- 


150  Fernando   de   Pulgar,   after  Fijosdalgos  de  Castilla."     Claros 

enumerating  various   cavaliers   of  Varones,  tit.  17. 
his   acquaintance,   who   had  jour-         151  "  Son  todos,"  says  the  Ad- 

neyed  to  distant  climes  in  quest  of  miral,  "  de  ningun  ingenio  en  ha 

adventures  and  honorable  feats  of  armas,  y  muy  cobardes,  que  mil  no 

arms,  continues,   "E  oi  decir  de  aguadarian  tres  "  !     (Primer  Viage 

otros  Castellanos  que  con  animo  de  de  Colon.)     What  could  the  bard 

Caballeros  fueron  por  los  Reynos  of  chivalry  say  more  ? 

CStraiiOS    a    facer    armas   con   qual-  «  Ms  quel  ch'al  timer  non  diede  albergo, 

quier  Caballero  que  quisiere  facer-  Estima  i»  vil  turba  e  1'arme  tame 

ln«  cnn    pllns    e    nor   ellas   aanaron  Que' che  dentro  alia  mandra  all' aer  cupo, 

las  con    6110S,  e    por  t  nnumerl]eii>agne!leestinii  il  lupo." 

honra  para  si,  e  fama  de  valientes  Orlando  Furioso,  canto  12 

y  esforzados   Caballeros   para  los 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION.  491 

vidual  with  lofty  aspirations,  and  a  proud  conscious-  CHAPTER 
ness  of  the  dignity  of  his  nature.  "  The  princely  XXV1 
disposition  of  the  Spaniards,"  says  a  foreigner  of 
the  time,  "  delighteth  me  much,  as  well  as  the  gen- 
tle nurture  and  noble  conversation,  not  merely  of 
those  of  high  degree,  but  of  the  citizen,  peasant, 
and  common  laborer."152  What  wonder  that  such 
sentiments  should  be  found  incompatible  with  sober, 
methodical  habits  of  business,  or  that  the  nation  in- 
dulging them  should  be  seduced  from  the  humble 
paths  of  domestic  industry  to  a  brilliant  and  bolder 
career  of  adventure.  Such  consequences  became 
too  apparent  in  the  following  reign.153 

In  noticing  the  circumstances  that  conspired  to  spima 

bigotry. 

form  the  national  character,  it  would  be  unpardon- 
able to  omit  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition, 
which  contributed  so  largely  to  counterbalance  the 
benefits  resulting  from  Isabella's  government ;  an 
institution  which  has  done  more  than  any  other  to 
stay  the  proud  march  of  human  reason  ;  which,  by 
imposing  uniformity  of  creed,  has  proved  the  fruit- 
ful parent  of  hypocrisy  and  superstition;  which  has 
soured  the  sweet  charities  of  human  life,154  and,  set- 


152  L.  Marineo,  Cosas  Meraora-  thicken,  as  the  stream  of  history 

bles,  fol.  30.  descends.     See  several  collected  by 

153"!  Spagnoli,"  says  the  Ve-  Capmany  (Mem.de  Barcelona,  torn, 

netian  minister,  "  non  solo  in  que-  iii.  pp.  358  et  seq.),  who  certainly 

sto  paese  di  Granata,  ma  in  tutto  '1  cannot  be  charged  with  ministering 

restodellaSpagnamedesimamente,  to  the  vanity  of  his  countrymen, 
non    sono    molto    industriosi,    ne         154  One  may  trace  its  immediate 

piantano,  ne  lavorano  volontieri  la  influence  in  the  writings  of  a  man 

terra ;    ma    se   danno   ad  altro,  e  like  the  Curate  of  Los   Palacios, 

piu  volontieri  vanno  alia  guerra,  o  naturally,  as  it  would  seem,  of  an 

alle   Indie    ad   acquistarsi  faculta,  amiable,  humane   disposition ;  but 

che  per  tal  vie."  ( Viaggio,  fol.  25.)  who  complacently  remarks,  "  They 

Testimonies  to  the  same  purport  (Ferdinand   and   Isabella)   lighted 


492  FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 


PART  tling  like  a  foul  mist  on  the  goodly  promise  of  the 
-  land,  closed  up  the  fair  buds  of  science  and  civil- 
ization ere  they  were  fully  opened.  Alas  !  that 
such  a  blight  should  have  fallen  on  so  gallant  and 
generous  a  people  !  That  it  should  have  been 
brought  on  it  too  by  one  of  such  unblemished  pa- 
triotism and  purity  of  motive,  as  Isabella  !  How 
must  her  virtuous  spirit,  if  it  be  permitted  the  de- 
parted good  to  look  down  on  the  scene  of  their 
earthly  labors,  mourn  over  the  misery  and  moral 
degradation,  entailed  on  her  country  by  this  one 
act  !  So  true  is  it,  that  the  measures  of  this  great 
queen  have  had  a  permanent  influence,  whether  for 
good  or  for  evil,  on  the  destinies  of  her  country. 
nt  The  immediate  injury  inflicted  on  the  nation  by 
the  spirit  of  bigotry  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  although  greatly  exaggerated,155  was  doubt- 

up   the   fires  for  the   heretics,   in  victims.    According  to  him,  13,000 

which,  with  good  reason,  they  have  were  publicly  hurned  by  the  seve- 

burnt,  and  shall  continue  to  burn,  ral  tribunals  of  Castile  and  Aragon, 

so    long    as    a   soul   of    them  re-  and  191,413  suffered  other  punish- 

mains  "  !     (Reyes  Catolicos,  MS.,  ments,  between   1481,  the  date  of 

cap.   7.)      It  becomes   more   per-  the  commencement  of  the  modern 

ceptible   in   the  literature  of  later  institution,   and    1518.     (Hist,  de 

times,  and,  what  is  singular,  most  1'Inquisition,   torn.   iv.  chap.   46.) 

of  all  in  the   lighter  departments  Llorente  appears  to  have  come  to 

of  poetry  and  fiction,  which  seem  these  appalling  results  by  a  very 

naturally   devoted   to  purposes  of  plausible    process    of   calculation, 

pleasure.      No   one   can   estimate  and   without  any  design   to  exag- 

the  full  influence  of  the  Inquisition  gerate.      Nevertheless,    his    data 

in  perverting  moral  sense,  and  in-  are  exceedingly  imperfect,  and  he 

fusing  the  deadly  venom  of  misan-  has  himself,  on  a  revision,  consider- 

thropy  into  the  heart,  who  has  not  ably  reduced,  in  his  fourth  volume, 

perused   the  works   of   the   great  the  original  estimates  in  the  first. 

Castilian  poets,  of  Lope  de  Vega,  I  find   good   grounds  for  reducing 

Ercilla,  above  all  Calderon,  whose  them  still  further.     1.  He  quotes 

lips   seem    to  have    been  touched  Mariana^  for  the   fact,  that   2000 

with  fire  from  the  very  altars  of  suffered  martyrdom  at  Seville,  in 

this  accursed  tribunal.  1481,  and  makes  this  the  basis  of 

155  The  late  secretary  of  the  In-  his  calculations  for  the  other  tribu- 

quisition   has   made   an    elaborate  nals  of  the  kingdom.     Marineo,  a 

computation  of  the  number  of  its  contemporary,  on  the  other  hand, 


REVIEW   OF  THEIR  ADMINISTRATION. 


493 


less  serious  enough.  Under  the  otherwise  benefi- 
cent operation  of  their  government,  however,  the 
healthful  and  expansive  energies  of  the  state  were 
sufficient  to  heal  up  these  and  deeper  wounds,  and 
still  carry  it  onward  in  the  career  of  prosperity. 
With  this  impulse,  indeed,  the  nation  continued  to 
advance  higher  and  higher,  in  spite  of  the  system 
of  almost  unmingled  evil  pursued  in  the  following 
reigns.  The  glories  of  this  later  period,  of  the 
age  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  as  it.  is  called,  must  find 
their  true  source  in  the  measures  of  his  illustrious 
predecessors.  It  was  in  their  court,  that  Boscan, 


CHAPTER 
XXVI. 


states,  that  "  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years  they  burned  nearly  2000  her- 
etics :"  thus  not  only  diffusing  this 
amount  over  a  greater  period  of 
time,  but  embracing  all  the  tribu- 
nals then  existing  in  the  country. 
(Cosas  Memorables,  fol.  164.)  2. 
Bernaldez  states,  that  five-sixths  of 
the  Jews  resided  in  the  kingdom  of 
Castile.  (Reyes  Catolicos,  MS. 
cap.  110.)  Llorente,  however,  has 
assigned  an  equal  Amount  of  vic- 
tims to  each  of  the  five  tribunals  of 
Aragon,  with  those  of  the  sister 
kingdom,  excepting  only  Seville. 

One  might  reasonably  distrust 
Llorente's  tables,  from  the  facility, 
with  which  he  receives  the  most 
improbable  estimates  in  other  mat- 
ters, as,  for  example,  the  number 
of  banished  Jews,  which  he  puts 
at  800,000.  (Hist,  de  1'Inquisition, 
torn.  i.  p.  261.)  I  have  shown, 
from  contemporary  sources,  that 
this  number  did  not  probably  ex- 
ceed 160,000,  or,  at  most,  170,000. 
(Pait  1.,  Chapter  17.)  Indeed,  the 
cautious  Zurita,  borrowing,  proba- 
bly, from  the  same  authorities, 
cites  the  latter  number.  (Anales, 
torn.  v.  fol.  9.)  Mariana,  who 
owes  so  much  of  his  narrative  to 
the  Arugonese  historian,  convert- 
ing, as  it  would  appear,  these 


170,000  individuals  into  families, 
states  the  whole,  in  round  num- 
bers, at  800,000  souls.  (Hist,  de 
Espafia,  torn.  ii.  lib.  26,  cap.  1.) 
Llorente,  not  content  with  this, 
swells  the  amount  still  further,  by 
that  of  the  Moorish  exiles,  and  by 
emigrants  to  the  New  World,  (on 
what  authority  ?  )  to  2,000,000  ; 
and,  going  on  with  the  process, 
computes  that  this  loss  may  fairly 
infer  one  of  8,000,000  inhabitants 
to  Spain,  at  the  present  day! 
(Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  Thus  the  mis- 
chief imputed  to  the  Catholic  sov- 
ereigns goes  on  increasing  in  a  sort 
of  arithmetical  progression,  with 
the  duration  of  the  monarchy. 

Nothing  is  so  striking  to  the  im- 
agination as  numerical  estimates; 
they  speak  a  volume  in  themselves, 
saving  a  world  of  periphrasis  and 
argument ;  nothing  is  so  difficult  to 
form  with  exactness,  or  even  prob- 
ability, when  they  relate  to  an  early 
period  ;  and  nothing  more  careless- 
ly received,  and  confidently  circu- 
lated. The  enormous  statements 
of  the  Jewish  exiles,  and  the  base- 
less ones  of  the  Moorish,  are  not 
peculiar  to  Llorente,  but  have  been 
repeated ,  without  the  slightest  qual- 
ification or  distrust,  by  most  mod- 
ern historians  and  travellers. 


FERDINAND   AND   ISABELLA. 


PART 
It 


1520. 


1518, 


Garcilasso,  Mendoza,  and  the  other  master-spirits 
were  trained,  who  moulded  Castilian  literature  into 
the  new  and  more  classical  forms  of  later  times. ie* 
It  was  under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  that  Leyva, 
Pescara,  and  those  great  captains  with  their  in- 
vincible legions  were  formed,  who  enabled  Charles 
the  Fifth  to  dictate  laws  to  Europe  for  half  a  cen- 
tury. And  it  was  Columbus,  who  not  only  led  the 
way,  but  animated  the  Spanish  navigator  with  the 
spirit  of  discovery.  Scarcely  was  Ferdinand's  reign 
brought  to  a  close,  before  Magellan  completed,  what 
that  monarch  had  projected,  the  circumnavigation 
of  the  southern  continent ;  the  victorious  banners 


156  Tn  the  two  closing  Chapters 
ot  Part  I.  of  this  History,  I  have 
noticed  the  progress  of  letters  in 
this  reign  ;  the  last  which  display- 
ed the  antique  coloring  and  truly 
national  characteristics  of  Castilian 
poetry.  There  were  many  circum- 
stances, which  operated,  at  this 
period,  to  work  an  important  revo- 
lution, a.nd  subject  the  poetry  of  the 
Peninsula  to  a  foreign  influence. 
The  Italian  Muse,  after  her  long 
silence,  since  the  age  of  the  trecen- 
tisti,  had  again  revived,  and  poured 
forth  such  ravishing  strains,  as 
made  themselves  heard  and  felt  in 
every  corner  of  Europe.  Spain,  in 
particular,  was  open  to  their  influ- 
ence. Her  language  had  an  inti- 
mate affinity  with  the  Italian.  The 
improved  taste  and  culture  of  the 
period  led  to  a  diligent  study  of 
foreign  models.  Many  Spaniards, 
as  we  have  seen,  went  abroad  to 
perfect  themselves  in  the  schools 
of  Italy ;  while  Italian  teachers 
rilled  some  of  the  principal  chairs 
in  the  Spanish  universities.  Last- 
y,  the  acquisition  of  Naples,  the 
land  of  Sannazaro  and  of  a  host  of 
kindred  spirits,  opened  an  obvious 


communication  with  the  literature 
of  that  country.  With  the  nation 
thus  prepared,  it  was  not  difficult 
for  a  genius  like  that  of  Boscan, 
supported  by  the  tender  and  polish- 
ed Garcilasso,  and  by  Mendoza, 
whose  stern  spirit  found  relief  in 
images  of  pastoral  tranquillity  and 
ease,  to  recommend  the  more  fin- 
ished forms  of  Italian  versification 
to  their  countrymen.  These  poets 
were  all  born  in  Isabella's  reign. 
The  first  of  them,  the  principal 
means  of  effecting  this  literary  rev- 
olution, singularly  enough,  was  a 
Catalan ;  whose  compositions  in 
the  Castilian  prove  the  ascendency, 
which  this  dialect  had  already  ob- 
tained, as  the  language  of  litera- 
ture. The  second,  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  was  son  of  the  distinguished 
statesman  and  diplomatist  of  that 
name,  so  often  noticed  in  our  Histo- 
ry ;  and  Mendoza  was  a  younger 
son  of  the  amiable  count  of  1  endilla, 
the  governor  of  Granada,  whom  he 
resembled  in  nothing  but  his  gen- 
ius. Both  the  elder  Garcilasso  and 
Tendilla  had  represented  their  sov- 
ereigns at  the  papal  court,  where 
they  doubtless  became  tinctured 


REVIEW   OF   THEIR   ADMINISTRATION. 


495 


XXVI. 


1534. 


of  Cortes  had  already  penetrated  into  the  golden   CHAPTER 
realms  of  Montezuma ;    and    Pizarro,  a  very  few 
years  later,  following  up  the  lead  of  Balboa,  em- 
barked on  the  enterprise  which  ended  in  the  down- 
fall of  the  splendid  dynasty  of  the  Incas. 

Thus  it  is,  that  the  seed  sown  under  a  good  svs- 

*          ofnational 

tern  continues  to  yield  fruit  in  a  bad  one.  The  6lory- 
season  of  the  most  brilliant  results,  however,  is  not 
always  that  of  the  greatest  national  prosperity. 
The  splendors  of  foreign  conquest  in  the  boasted 
reign  of  Charles  the  Fifth  were  dearly  purchased 
by  the  decline  of  industry  at  home,  and  the  loss  of 
liberty.  The  patriot  will  see  little  to  cheer  him 


with  that  relish  for  the  Italian, 
which  produced  such  results  in  the 
education  of  their  children. 

The  new  revolution  penetrated 
far  below  the  superficial  forms  of 
versification  ;  and  the  Castilian  poet 
relinquished,  with  his  redondillas 
and  artless  asonantes,  the  homely, 
but  heartful  themes  of  the  olden 
time;  or,  if  hedweiton  them,  it  was 
with  an  air  of  studied  elegance  and 
precision,  very  remote  from  the 
Doric  simplicity  and  freshness  of 
the  romantic  minstrelsy.  If  he  as- 
pired to  some  bolder  theme,  it  was 
rarely  suggested  by  the  stirring 
and  patriotic  recollections  of  his 
nation's  history.  Thus,  nature 
and  the  rude  graces  of  a  primitive 
age  gave  way  to  superior  refine- 
ment and  lettered  elegance  ;  many 
popular  blemishes  were  softened 
down,  a  purer  and  nobler  standard 
was  attained,  but  the  national  char- 
acteristics were  effaced ;  beauty 
was  everywhere,  but  it  was  the 
beauty  of  art,  not  of  nature.  The 
change  itself  was  perfectly  natural. 
It  corresponded  with  the  external 
circumstances  of  the  nation,  and  its 
transition  from  an  insulated  position 


to  a  component  part  of  the  great 
European  commonwealth,  which 
subjected  it  to  other  influences  and 
principles  of  taste,  and  obliterated, 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  peculiar 
features  of  the  national  physiogno- 
my. 

How  far  the  poetic  literature 
of  Castile  was  benefited  bv  fbe 
change,  has  been  matter  or  long 
and  hot  debate  between  the  critt?s 
of  the  country,  in  which  1  shall  not 
involve  the  reader.  The  revolution, 
however,  was  the  growth  of  cir- 
cumstances, and  was  immediately 
effected  by  individuals,  belonging 
to  the  age  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella. As  such,  I  had  originally 
proposed  to  devote  a  separate  chap- 
ter to  its  illustration.  But  I  have 
been  deterred  from  it  by  the  unex- 
pected length,  to  which  the  work 
has  already  extended,  as  well  as 
by  the  consideration,  on  a  nearer 
view,  that  these  results,  though 
prepared  under  a  preceding  reign, 
properly  fall  under  the  domestic 
history  of  Charles  V. ;  a  history 
which  still  remains  to  be  writtej. 
But  who  will  attempt  a  pendant  to 
the  delineations  of  Robertsjii : 


496  FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 


II. 


PART  in  this  "  golden  age  "  of  the  nationa?  nl&tory,  whose 
outward  show  of  glory  will  seem  to  his  penetrating 
eye  only  the  hectic  brilliancy  of  decay.  He  will 
turn  to  an  earlier  period,  when  the  nation,  emerg- 
ing from  the  sloth  and  license  of  a  barbarous  age, 
seemed  to  renew  its  ancient  energies,  and  to  pre- 
pare like  a  giant  to  run  its  course ;  and  glancing 
over  the  long  interval  since  elapsed,  during  the 
first  half  of  which  the  nation  wasted  itself  on 
schemes  of  mad  ambition,  and  in  the  latter  has 
sunk  into  a  state  of  paralytic  torpor,  he  will  fix 
his  eye  on  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
as  the  most  glorious  epoch  in  the  annals  of  his 
country. 


INDEX, 


ABBOT,  ARIEL,  his  Letters  from  Cuba, 
in.  ~2\->,  note. 

Abdallah,  or  Boabdil,  proclaimed  Sultan 
of  Granada,  i.  349.  Son  of  Hacen,  301 . 
Marches  against  the  Christians,  373. 
Defeated  and  captured,  377.  Debates 
in  the  Spanish  council  respecting, 
379.  Treaty  with,  380.  His  inter- 
view with  Ferdinand,  3S1.  Seeks  the 
protection  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns, 
407.  Cuts  to  pieces  a  body  of  El 
Zagal's  cavalry,  and  receives  privi- 
leges from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  n. 
25.  Inactive  in  Granada,  59.  Sum- 
moned to  surrender  (Jranada,  81.  Ca- 
pitulates, 94.  His  life  endangered, 
95.  His  meeting  with  Ferdinand,  97. 
Takes  a  last  view  of  Granada,  99. 
His  fate,  99.  Irving's  remarks  on 
him,  100,  note. 

Abdallah,  or  "  The  Valiant,"  brother  of 
Hacen,  his  bravery  in  the  rout  of  the 
Axarquia,  t.  3(il.  His  advancement  to 
the  throne,  406.  Defeated  before  Ve- 
lez  M.ilaga,  11.  13.  Draws  the  duke 
of  Cadiz  into  an  ambuscade,  47 
Makes  forays  into  the  Christian  ter- 
ritories, 47.  Exlen*  of  his  domain, 
50.  Kept  in  check  at  Guadix,  5!). 
Trea'y  of  surrender  with,  70.  His 
interview  with  Ferdinand,  71.  Occu- 
pation of  his  domain,  72.  Equivalent 
assigned  to,  73.  Remarks  respecting 
him,  73. 

Adalid,  meaning  of,  i.  358,  note. 

Adelantado,  title  and  office  of,  i.  359, 
note. 

Adrian  of  Utrecht,  preceptor  of  Charles 
V.,  and  envoy  to  Ferdinand,  in  383. 
Opposes  Ximenes,  404. 

VOL.    III.  63 


Adventure,  spirit  of,  in  the  lime  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  in.  471. 

Africa,  Oran  in,  captured,  in.  306.  N*- 
vario's  conquests  in,  312. 

Agnadel,  battle  of,  in.  333. 

Agriculture,  in  Spain,  i.  281.  In  Gra- 
nada, 2!)0.  During  the  reign  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  in.  4t>0. 

Aguilar,  Alonso  de,  his  connexion  with 
the  expedition  to  Axarquia,  i.  :J59,  360. 
Brother  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  it. 
300.  Leader  of  the  expedition  against 
Sierra  Vermeja,  433.  His  income, 
in.  434,  note.  His  gallantry  and  death, 
4:17.  His  noble  character,  438. 

Albaycin,  revolt  of  the,  u.  416.  Insur- 
gents appeased  by  Talavera  418. 

Albigenses,  their  sufferings  from  tne 
Inquisition,  i  234,  235. 

Albion,  Juan  de,  sent  on  a  mission  to 
Charles  VI  H,ii.  2d5 

Albornoz,  sent  on  a  mission  to  Rome; 
treatment  of,  by  Ximenes,  n  391. 

Albret,  Jean  d',  his  marriage  with  Cath- 
arine of  Navarre,  n.  5,  in.  348.  Aban 
dons  his  capital,  352.  Takes  refuge 
in  France,  353.  His  character,  354. 
Accompanies  Longueville,  356.  Fur- 
ther remarks  respecting,  357,  note. 
Unjust  treatment  of,  364. 

Alcala  de  Henares,  literary  character  of, 
ii.  203.  Ximenes  returns  to,  from 
Africa,  with  valuable  Arabian  manu- 
scripts, in.  311. 

Alcala,  University  of,  in.  315  Its  mmgw 
nificence,  316.  Provisions  for  educa- 
tion  in,  317.  Professorships  in,  319, 
note.  Number  of  students,  320.  Via- 
ited  by  Ferdinand,  320  Bequest  to, 
by  Ximenes,  327  Its  reputation,  327. 
Ximenes  buried  there,  417. 

Alcantara,  military  order  of,  i.  213,  21*. 


498 


INDEX. 


Alcavala,  commutation  of  the  capricious 
tax  of,  in.  438.  Remarks  on  it,  449, 
note. 

Alexander  VI.,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella's 
application  to,  n.  172.  His  character, 
173,  261.  Famous  bulls  of,  173,  182. 
Takes  refuge  in  the  Castle  of  St.  An- 
gelo,  278.  His  solicitations,  and 
grants  to  Spain,  283.  Confers  the 
title  of  Catholic  on  the  Spanish  sove- 
reigns, 284.  Aided  by  Gonsalvo,  at 
Ostia,  332.  His  reception  of  Gonsal- 
vo,  333.  Empowers  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  to  receive  all  the  tithes  in  the 
colonial  dominions,  492.  Aids  Louis 
XII..  in.  4.  Remonstrance  to,  by  the 
Spanish  sovereigns,  7.  Confirms  the 
partition  of  Naples,  19.  His  purposes 
in  regard  to  France,  113,  117.  His 
death,  1]5.  Remarks  respecting  him, 
116.  Treatment  of  his  remains,  110. 
note.  The  election  of  his  successor,  117. 

Alfonso  X.,  of  Castile,  his  code,  i.  Ixvii. 

Alfonso,  of  Castile,  brother  of  Henry  IV.. 
demand  by  the  nobles  that  he  shall  be 
publicly  acknowledged  as  Henry's 
successor,  i.  76.  Crowned  after  the 
deposition  of  Henry  IV.,  78.  At  the 
battle  of  Oltnedo,  87.  His  death  and 
character,  90. 

Alfonso  V.,  of  Aragon,  succeeds  Ferdi- 
nand I.,  i.  30.  The  government  of 
his  kingdom  devolves  on  his  brother 
John,  30.  His  death,  3f>. 

Alfonso,  king  of  Portugal,  his  proposal 
rejected  by  Isabella,  i.  99.  Supports 
the  cause  of  Joanna,  14(>.  His  inva- 
sion of  Castile,  148.  Measures  for  a 
union  of,  with  Joanna,  149, 172  Chal- 
lenged by  Ferdinand  to  a  personal  j 
combat,  152.  His  position  before  Za- 
mora,  158.  Suddenly  decamps,  159. 
Overtaken  by  Ferdinand,  159.  His 
escape,  103.  Visits  France,  166.  His 
disappointment  as  to  succour,  167.  Re- 
turns to  Portugal,  1<">8.  Prince  John 
is  crowned,  but  resigns  in  favor  of. 
169.  His  death,  174. 

Alfonso  II.,  king  of  Naples,  flies  to  Sici- 
ly, and  abdicates  the  crown  in  favor  of 
Ferdinand  II ,  n  288. 


Alfonso,  a  physician,  employed  in  tne 
compilation  of  the  Complutensian  Po- 
lyglot, in.  323. 

Alhakem  II.,  his  encouragement  ot 
literature,  i.  284. 

Alhama,  description  of,  i.  3 19.  Spanish 
expedition  against,  319,  322.  Its  fall, 
327.  Besieged  by  the  Moors,  330. 
Distress  of  the  garrison  there,  331. 
Siege  raised,  334.  Again  besieged, 
and  abandoned,  336, 337.  Entered  by 
Ferdinand,  337.  Isabella  the  cause 
of  not  abandoning  it,  in.  1D7. 

Alharnbra,  The,  of  Granada,  i.  289.  TV 
ken  possession  of,  n.  96,  97.  Cross 
raised  on,  97.  Isabella  buried  there, 
in.  183.  Ferdinand's  burial-place, 
388. 

Allegre,  Ives  d',  throws  himself  into 
Gaeta,  in.  78,  119.  Secietly  supports 
a  faction,  133.  Despatched  to  hold 
the  enemy  in  check,  140,  141.  Ban- 
ished, 150.  His  recall  and  death,  151, 
158,  340. 

Almeria,  painful  march  of  the  Spanish 
army  to,  n.  71  Occupation  of,  72. 
Ferdinand's  policy  in  regard  to,  84. 

Aline}  da,  Edward  de,  his  desperate  he- 
roism, at  the  battle  of  Toro,  i  162. 

Alonso,  neir  of  the  Portuguese  monar- 
chy, his  union  with  the  infanta  Isa- 
bella, i.  172,  n.  79,  344  ;  public  fes- 
tivities thereupon,  80.  His  death,  96, 
346. 

Alps,  crossed  by  Charles  VIII.  n.  277; 
by  Louis  XII.  in.  333. 

Alpuxarras,  rising  of  the  Moors  in  the, 
n.  425.  New  insurrection  there,  431. 

Alva,  duke  of,  commander  of  the  expe- 
dition against  Guienne,  111.  350.  In- 
vades Navarre,  352.  His  retreat,  356. 
Opposes  Ximenes,  411. 

Alvaro,  son  of  the  duke  of  Braganza, 
assassinated,  n.  26. 

Alviano,  Barlolomeo  d',  the  head  of  the 
Orsini,  enlists  under  Gonsalvo,  m. 
137  ;  urges  him  to  attack  the  French, 
138.  Builds  a  bridge  and  crosses  the 
Garigliano,  138-140.  His  bravery 
near  Vicenza,  345.  His  death  and 
ourial,  346. 


INDEX. 


Amadis  de  Gaula,  remarks  on  the,  n. 
212. 

Amboise,  Cardinal  d',  his  pretensions  to 
the  papal  chair,  IIL  117.  Unsuccess- 
ful, 118. 

Ammunition,  the  kinds  of,  i.  336. 

Amposta,  reduction  of,  i.  52. 

Ancient  Inquisition,  origin  and  history 
of  the,  i.  231.  See  Modern  Inquisi- 
tiof. 

Andalusia,  the  theatre  of  savage  warfare 
between  the  Guzmans  and  Ponces  de 
Leon,  i.  118,  189.  Royal  progress 
through,  190.  Don  Pedro  Henriquez, 
adelanlado  of.  359.  Loss  of,  at  the 

.  rout  in  the  Axarquia,  370. 

Andrada,  in.  125.  The  rear  guard  left 
under,  140,  143.  Joins  Gonsalvo, 
143. 

Angevin  lords,  Gonsalvo's  treatment  of 
the,  HI.  148,  note.  Restoration  of  the, 
by  Ferdinand,  265. 

Arabs.     See  Moors. 

Aragon,  Alonso  de,  natural  son  of  Fer- 
dinand, in  398,  note. 

Aragon,  Juan  de,  proposition  for  the 
union  of,  with  Elvira,  in.  292. 

Aragon,  state  of,  in  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  i.  xxx.  Its  gradual 
expansion,  xxxii.  Its  union  with 
Catalonia,  Ixxxiii.;  with  Valencia, 
Ixxxiii.  Attention  given  to  the  navy 
of,  Ixxxiv.  Its  extensive  conquests, 
Ixxxv.  Origin  of  the  government  of, 
Ixxxvi.  Barons  of,  Ixxxvii.  Meas- 
ures for  reducing  the  authority  of 
the  nobles  of  xc.,  xciii.  Alfonso  III. 
approves  tne  Privileges  of  Union, 
xci.  Anarchy  in,  xcii.  Defeat  of 
the  arrny  of  the  Union  in,  xciii.  Full 
possession  of  constitutional  liberty  in, 
xciv.  The  cortes  of,  and  its  various 
branches,  xcv. ;  its  mode  of  conduct- 
ing business,  xcvii.  Fidelity  of  the 
officers  of  government  in,  xcix.  The 
General  Privilege,  xcix.  Influence  of 
the  free  institutions  of,  manifested  by 
writers  there,  cxxiii.,  note.  Condition 
of,  during  the  minority  of  Ferdinand, 
29.  Reign  of  John  II.,  31.  Treaty 
of  with  France,  50.  Termination 


of  the  civil  war  in,  61.  Union  of. 
with  Castile,  by  the  marriage  ol 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  102,  176. 
Troubles  there,  116.  Treaty  between, 
and  France,  123.  Introduction  of  the 
Ancient  Inquisition  into,  232.  Oppo- 
sition there,  to  the  introduction  of  the 
Inquisition  by  Ferdinand,  264.  Liber- 
ation of  Catalan  serfs  in,  u.  5.  Fur- 
ther particulars  respecting  the  Inqui- 
sition in,  6 ;  remonstrance  of  the 
Cortes,  7 ;  conspiracy,  8  ;  assassina- 
tion of  Arbues,  9.  Cruel  persecutions 
there,  10.  Visited  by  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  in  1487,  45.  The  hermandad 
adopted  there,  45.  Its  extensive  com- 
merce in  the  middle  ages,  111,  note. 
Treatment  of  the  Jews  in,  142.  Vis- 
ited by  the  sovereigns,  in  1492,  J55. 
Difficulties  in,  respecting  female  sue 
cession  to  the  crown,  360.  Ferdi- 
nand's conduct  in  regard  to  the  In- 
quisition in,  in.  393,  note;  his  treat- 
ment of  the  nobles  in,  433.  Population 
of,  486,  note.  Victims  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion in,  492,  note. 

Arbues,  Pedro,  inquisitor  in  Saragossa, 
u.  7.  Assassinated,  9.  Honored  as 
a  martyr,  10. 

Architecture  in  Spain,  in.  482,  483, 
note. 

Aristotle,  reverence  for,  among  the 
Spanish  Arabs,  i.  303.  Ximenes  pro- 
jects an  edition  of,  in.  324,  note. 

Army,  Castilian,  discipline  of  the,  at 
Malaga,  n.  29.  Numbers  of  the,  in 
1488,  46.  Houses  erected  for  it,  near 
Baza,  61.  Strict  discipline  of  the,  62. 
Their  painful  march  from  Baza.  70. 

Arrows,  poisoned  by  the  Moors,  i.  389. 

Ars,  Louis  d',  his  gallantry,  in.  157. 

Artillery,  early  knowledge  of,  in  Spain, 
i.  48,  note.  Remarks  respecting  the 
385.  Difficulty  of  transporting  it,  387. 
Comparison  of  the  French  and  the 
Italian,  u.  281. 

Astrolabe,  invention  of  the,  n.  111.  Ap- 
plication of  the,  to  navigation,  112 
note. 

Atar,  Ali,  the  defender  of  Loja,  i.  374 
Killed  at  the  battle  of  Lucena,  376. 


500 


INDEX. 


Alella,  Montpensier  besieged  in,  n.  318. 

Aubigny,  M.  d',  commander  of  the  forces 
in  Calabria,  u.  89S).  His  defeat,  309. 
Commander  of  the  land  forces  sent 
against  Naples,  in.  19.  Superseded, 
40.  Despatched  to  the  Calabrias,  45. 
Dt-feats  a  small  force  near  Terranova, 
51.  Is  defeated  near  Seminara,  81, 
161,  ttule.  Visited  by  Ferdinand,  280. 

Austria,  alliances  with  the  house  of,  n. 
3-ld.  See  Max imi Linn. 

Jiutos  ilafe,  account  of,  i.  200. 

Averroes,  his  commentary  on  Aristotle, 
i.  303. 

Axarquia,  expedition  to,  i.  357. 


B. 


Bacon,  Lord,  cited  respecting  the  fall  of 
Granada,  it.  101,  note. 

Baena,  Alphonso  de,  i.  20. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  crosses  the 
isthmus  of  Darien,  in.  472. 

Ballads  or  romances,  historical  value  of, 
i.  294,  note.  Early  cultivation  of,  in 
Spain,  21  li.  Their  resemblance  to  the 
English,  218.  Numerous  editions  of 
them,  224. 

Bancroft,  George,  remarks  on  his  His- 
tory, n.  4!  >7,  note. 

Bank,  the  first  in  Europe,  established  at 
Barcelona,  i.  cxii. 

Barbosa,  Arias,  an  eminent  scholar,  no- 
tice of,  n.  200. 

Barcelona,  its  early  civilization,  and  in- 
stitutions, i.  Ixxxiii.  Its  early  com- 
mercial prosperity,  cxi.  First  bank 
of  exchange  and  deposit  established 
at,  cxii.  Her  municipal  institutions 
and  various  objects  of  interest,  cxiii. 
Independent  conduct  of,  towards  Fer- 
dinand 1.,  cxvii.  The  consistory  of, 
established,  cxx. ;  its  influence,  cxxi. 
University  of,  founded,  cxxi.  Be- 
sieged by  John,  and  surrenders,  GO, 
120.  Rejoicings  at,  upon  the  recovery 
of  Ferdinand,  n.  159.  The  court  at, 
160.  Reception  of  Columbus  there, 
164.  The  treaty  of,  between  the 


Spanish  sovereigns  and  Charles  VIIT., 
270  ;  its  importance  to  Spain,  271. 
Suppression  of  the  university  of,  in. 
483,  note. 

Barleta,  Gonsalvo  retires  to,  in.  42. 
Distress  of  the  Spaniards  at,  49.  Con- 
stancy of  the  Spaniards  theie,  51. 
Arrival  of  supplies,  54.  Gonsalvo 
prepares  to  leave,  59,  71. 

Barons  of  Aragon,  i.  Ixxxvii.  Their 
small  number,  Ixxxvii.  Their  great 
power,  Ixxxix  Privileges  of  Union, 
xci.  Reduced  by  Peter  IV.,  xciii. 

Battles,  remarks  on  the  mode  of  con- 
ducting, in  Italy,  n.  279. 

Bayard,  Pierre  de,  in.  41.  At  the  siege 
of  Barleta,  44.  At  a  tournament,  46. 
Duel  between  him  and  Sotomayor,  47. 
Heroism  of,  135.  His  ardor  at  the 
bridge  of  Mola,  142. 

Baza,  reconnoitred  by  Ferdinand,  n.  46. 
Preparations  for  the  siege  of,  50.  The 
king  takes  command  of  the  army 
there,  51.  Position  and  strength  of, 
52.  Assault  on  the  garden  before,  52. 
Despondency  of  the  Spanish  chiefs 
before,  54.  The  queen  raises  the  spir- 
its of  her  troops,  5(i.  Gardens  there, 
cleared  of  their  timber,  57.  Closely 
invested,  58.  Despatches  sent  thither 
from  the  sultan  of  Egypt,  59.  Houses 
erected  there  for  the  army,  61.  Ef- 
fects of  a  heavy  tempest,  63.  Resolu- 
tion of  the  besieged  in,  65.  Isabella 
visits  the  camp  before,  66.  Suspen- 
sion of  arms,  67.  Its  surrender,  68  ; 
the  conditions,  68.  Occupation  of,  69. 
Treaty  of  surrender  with  El  Zngal,  69. 
Ferdinand's  policy  in  regard  to,  84. 

Beatrix.  Dona,  of  Portugal,  her  exertions 
to  bring  about  a  peace  with  Castile, 
i.  171. 

Beltraneja.     See  Joanna  Bclt^aneja. 

Benegas,  Reduan,  i.  362,  369 

Benemaquez,  fate  of  the  town  of,  I. 
390. 

Bernaldez,  Andres,  curato  of  Los  Pala- 
cios,  notice  of,  and  of  his  writings,  n. 
108. 

Bible,  Ximenes's  edition  of  the,  it.  201, 
note,  204,  in.  312.  Account  of  it,  321. 


INDEX. 


5<h 


Bigotry,  of  Isabella,  i.  240,  u.  '53.  Re- 
specting the  heathen,  4(i!).  Common 
to  the  age  of  Isabella,  in.  139  ;  and  to 
later  times,  I! HI. 

Blancas,  Jerome,  notice  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  i.  cxxiii. 

Blanche,  daughter  of  John  II.,  of  Ara- 
gon,  i  30.  Title  to  the  crown  of  Na- 
varre left  to,  43.  Her  tragical  story, 
45.  Her  death,  47.  Her  repudiation 
by  Henry  IV.,  66. 

Boabdil.     See  Abdullah, 

Board  of  Indian  arfairs  established,  n. 
1G8,  491. 

Bobadilla,  Francisco  de,  sent  out  to  His- 
paniola  with  extiaordinary  powers,  n. 
472,  47G.  His  treatment  of  Columbus, 
472.  Remarks  respecting  his  appoint- 
ment and  his  extraordinary  powers, 
475.  Ovando  is  ordered  to  send  him 
home  for  trial,  478.  His  fate,  484. 

Bobadilla,  Dona  Beatrix  Fernandez  de, 
the  intimate  friend  of  Isabella,  i.  85, 
note.  The  wife  of  Andres  de  Cabrera, 
127.  Mentioned  in  Isabe.la's  testa- 
ment, in.  177.  Present  at  her  death, 
108,  note.  Expelled  from  Segovia.  248. 
Reestablishes  herself  at  Segovia  27], 
note. 

Bologna,  taken  possession  of  by  the 
French,  in.  335.  Relieved  by  the 
duke  of  Nemours.  338. 

Books,  Isabella's  collection  of  n.  187 
Remarks  on  collections  of,  before  the 
introduction  of  printing,  187,  note. 
Destroyed  by  Ximenes,  413. 

Borgia,  Ccesar,  proposition  to  transfer, 
from  a  sacred  to  a  secular  dignity,  in 
7.  His  conduct  at  Capua,  22.  Gon- 
salvo's  treatment  of,  380. 

Bourbon,  Gilbert  de.     See  Montpensier. 

Boyl,  Bernaldo,  sent  to  negotiate  a  trea- 
ty with  France,  HI.  67,  68. 

Braganza,  duke  of,  anecdote  respecting, 
i.  169,  ncte. 

Brazil,  discovered  and  taken  possession 
of,  u.  5J6. 

Brescia,  captured   by   the   French,   in. 

"Hfl 

ooo. 

Bullfights,  Isabella's  views  of,  in.  198, 
note. 


C. 


Cabra,  Count  of,  i.  376.  Honors  con- 
ferred on  him,  394. 

Cabrera,  Andrea  de,  the  husband  oi 
Beatriz  de  Bobadilla,  his  exertions  to 
reconcile  Henry  IV.  and  Isabella,  i. 
127.  His  cooperation  in  favor  of  pro- 
claiming Isabella  as  queen,  141,  note. 
Marquis  of  Moya;  tumults  at  Segovia 
respecting,  J83.  Expelled  from  Sego- 
via, in.  248.  Survives  his  wife,  271, 
note. 

Cadiz,  Ponce  de  Leon,  marquis  of,  his 
opposition  to  the  Guzmans,  i.  189. 
See  l.r  i  in. 

Calabria,  the  duke  of,  atTarento,  in.  25. 
Guaranty  to,  30  Treatment  of,  31, 
390. 

Calabria,  invasion  of,  by  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova,  ill.  24.  D'Aubigny  de- 
spatched to,  45.  Reduced,  51. 

Calatrava,  grand  master  of.    See  Giron. 

Calatrava,  knights  of,  i.  212. 

Cambray,  League  of,  in.  282.  Partition 
of  the  continental  possessions  of  Venice 
thereby,  330.  Without  principle  or 
good  policy,  331.  Its  origin,  331. 

Canaries,  historical  notice  of  the,  n.  112, 
113,  note.  Ximenes  extends  the  In- 
quisition to  the,  in.  409. 

Cancionero.  General,  n.  226.  Its  lite- 
rary value,  227. 

Cancioneros,  publication  of,  11.  226. 

Canosa,  besieged,  in.  44.  French  sally 
out  of,  52 

Capmany,  Antonio,  notice  of,  and  of  hi* 
writings,  i. 

Capua,  fate  of,  HI.  22. 

Carbajal,  Lorenzo  Galindez  de,  notice 
of,  and  of  his  writings,  in.  426,  note, 
450,  note. 

Cardenas,  Alonso  de,  grand  master  of  St. 
James,  his  enterprise  in  the  district 
around  Malaga,  i.  358,  360,  362,  366. 
368.  Intrusted  with  the  assault  on 
Baza,  n.  53.  Escorts  the  infanta  Isa- 
bella to  Portugal,  81. 

Cardenas,  Gutierre  de,  of  the  household 
of  Isabella,  facts  respecting,  i.  105. 

Cardona,  Hugo  de,  commander  of  *h«" 


502 


INDEX. 


forces  raised  by  virtue  of  the  Holy 
League,  in.  337.  Lays  waste  Vene- 
tian territories,  345. 

Carillo,  Alfonso,  archbishop  of  Toledo, 
his  character  and  influence,  i.  70,  72. 
Disgraced,  74.  His  league  with  the 
marquis  of  Villena,  against  the  crown, 
75.  Assists  in  deposing  Henry  IV., 
of  Castile,  78.  At  the  battle  of  Ol- 
medo,  87  His  disposition  towards 
Isabella,  116.  Furnishes  a  body  of 
horse  to  Ferdinand,  122.  Accompa- 
nies Isabella  to  Segovia,  127.  His 
conduct  towards  Isabella,  146,  150. 
At  the  battle  of  Toro,  160,  162.  Pur- 
chases pardon,  166.  His  death,  351. 
His  imprisonment  of  Xirnenes,  n.  375. 

Carillo,  the  queen's  magnanimity  to- 
wards, in.  lt>7,  note. 

Carlos,  prince  of  Viana,  his  title  to  Na- 
varre, i  30.  Takes  arms  against  his 
father,  30.  Is  defeated,  33.  Re- 
leased from  captivity,  34.  Seeks  an 
asylum  with  Alfonso  V.,  at  Naples, 
35.  Urged  to  assert  his  title  to  the 
throne,  after  the  death  of  Alfonso  V., 
3">.  His  reception,  and  manner  of  life 
in  Sicily,  36.  His  reconciliation  with 
his  father,  37.  Negotiation  for  a  union 
of,  with  Isabella,  33.  Imprisoned,  39; 
the  consequences  thereof,  39.  Releas- 
ed, 41.  His  reception  by  the  people, 
41.  His  sudden  death,  42,  47.  His 
character,  43. 

Casa  de  Contratacion,  powers  intrusted 
to  (he,  11.  4!)1. 

Casas,  Las,  n.  170.  On  the  treatment 
of  the  Indians,  in.  171),  note.  473,  475, 
note.  His  memorial  on  the  best  means 
of  arresting  the  destruction  of  the 
aborigines,  476,  note.  His  appeal  to 
Ferdinand  in  their  behalf,  477. 

Castellaneto,  expedition  against,  by  the 
duke  of  Nemours,  HI.  55. 

Castile,  condition  of,  in  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  i.  xxx.  Character- 
istic traits  of  the  people  of,  before  the 
sixteenth  century,  xliv.  Its  liberal 
political  institutions,  xlv.  First  pop- 
ular representation  in,  xlviii.  Power 
granted  to  the  commons  of,  1,  Ixxiii. 


The  Hermandad  organized,  liii.  Op 
ulence  and  splendor  of  the  cities  of, 
liv.  Its  situation  favorable  to  the 
rights  of  the  aristocracy,  Iviii.  Privi- 
leges and  immunities  of  the  highei 
nobility  of,  lix.  Knighthood  regard- 
ed with  especial  favor  in,  Ixiv.  In- 
fluence of  the  ecclesiastics  in,  Ixvi. 
Sacrifices  in,  made  to  the  pope.  Ixvii. 
Effect  of  the  long  minorities  in,  Ixxiv. 
Dilapidated  condition  of  the  revenues, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  Ixxvii.  Comparative  power 
of  the  sovereign  and  people  in,  Ixxix. 
State  of,  at  the  birth  of  Isabella,  3. 
Accession  of  John  II.,  4.  Rise  of 
Alvaro  de  Luna,  5.  Jealousy  of  the 
nobles  ;  civil  discord,  7.  Oppression 
of  the  commons  in,  8 ;  its  conse- 
quences, 11.  Early  literature  of,  12. 
Encouragement  of  literature  there, 
under  John  II.,  13;  Henry,  marquis 
of  Villena,  14  ;  IFiigo  Lopez  de  Men- 
doza,  marquis  of  Santillana,  16  ;  John 
de  Mena,  18;  minor  luminaries,  20; 
epistolary  and  historical  composition 
at  this  period,  22.  Decline  of  Alvaro 
de  Luna,  23 ;  his  fall,  24 ;  his  death, 
25.  Accession  of  Henry  IV.,  63.  Op- 
pression of  the  people  in,  68.  Debase- 
ment of  the  coin  there,  69.  Sale  of 
papal  bulls  of  crusade  in,  69,  note. 
Juan  Pacheco  and  Alfonso  Carillo,  70. 
Interview  of  the  king  of,  with  Louis 
XL,  73  ;  the  consequences,  74.  League 
of  the  nobles,  75.  Deposition  of  Hen- 
ry IV.,  77,  91.  Alfonso  publicly  ac- 
knowledged and  crowned,  78;  conse- 
quent division  of  parties,  79.  Battle 
of  Olmedo,  86.  Civil  anarchy  in,  88. 
Death  of  Alfonso,  90.  Crown  of, 
offered  to  Isabella,  92.  Treaty  be- 
tween Henry  and  the  confederates  in. 
93.  Isabella  acknowledged  heir  to 
the  crown  of,  94.  Union  of,  with 
Aragon,  by  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  102.  Factions  there,  114. 
Civil  anarchy,  117.  War  of  the  suc- 
cession ;  Joanna's  and  Isabella's  title 
to  the  crown  of,  considered,  139.  Ac- 
cession of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  141 


INDEX. 


503 


Invasion  of,  by  Alfonso,  of  Portugal, 
148.  Disorderly  retreat  of  the  Cas- 
tilian  army,  152;  its  reorganization, 
154,  15G.  Battle  of  Toro,  160.  Sub- 
mission  of  the  whole  kingdom  of,  165. 
Termination  of  the  War  of  the  Suc- 
cession, 173.  Schemes  of  reform  there, 
introduced  after  the  accession  of  Isa- 
bella, 177.  Administration  of  justice 
in,  178,  188.  Tumult  at  Segovia,  183. 
Reorganization  of  tribunals  in,  192. 
Codification  of  the  laws  there,  196. 
Schemes  for  reducing  the  nobility  of, 
199;  revocation  of  the  royal  grants, 
201.  Military  orders  of,  209.  Mas- 
terships annexed  to  the  crown  of,  216. 
Ecclesiastical  usurpations  in,  resisted, 
218.  Regulation  of  trade  in,  223. 
Prosperity  of  the  kingdom  of,  225. 
Influence  of  the  royal  authority  in, 
226.  Organization  of  the  Inquisition  in, 
234,  244,  248.  State  of  the  Jews  there, 
at  the  accession  of  Isabella,  242  ;  their 
persecution,  244.  Papal  bull  author- 
izing the  Inquisition  in,  248.  Dread- 
ful slaughter  of  the  troops  of,  in  the 
Axarquia,  307.  Columbus's  applica- 
tion to  the  court  of,  n.  119.  Mental 
progress  of,  till  the  end  of  Isabella's 
reign,  185.  Classical  literature  in, 
198.  Edict  against  the  Moors  of, 
446.  Philip's  pretensions  to  the  su- 
premacy of,  in.  210.  Concord  of  Sal- 
amanca for  the  government  of,  220, 
224.  Sovereignty  of,  resigned  to  Philip 
and  Joanna,  230.  Provisional  govern- 
ment for,  after  the  death  of  Philip, 
259.  Disorderly  state  of,  271.  Dis- 
tress of  the  kingdom,  272.  Navarre 
united  with,  359.  Maximilian's  pre- 
tensions to  the  regency  of,  368.  Ad- 
ministration of,  intrusted  to  Ximencs, 
385,  336.  Charles  V.  proclaimed 
king  of,  405.  Public  discontents  in, 
412.  Population  there,  485.  Victims 
of  the  Inquisition  in,  492,  note.  See 
Castilian  literature,  Ferdinand,  and 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
Castilian  literature,  its  early  state,  i.  12. 
State  of,  during  the  reign  of  Ferdi- 


nand and  Isabella,  n.  184.  Isabella's 
collection  of  books,  187 ;  her  care  for 
the  education  of  her  children,  188;  of 
Prince  John,  189 ;  of  her  nobles,  191. 
Peter  Martyr,  192.  Lucio  Marineo 
Siculo,  193.  Scholarship  of  the  no- 
bles, 195.  Accomplished  ladies,  197. 
Classical  learning,  198;  Antonio  de 
Lebrija,  199 ;  Arias  Barbosa,  200. 
Merits  of  the  Spanish  scholars,  201. 
Universities,  202.  Sacred  studies,  204. 
Other  sciences,  205.  Printing  intro- 
duced, and  encouraged  by  the  queen, 
206 ;  its  rapid  diffusion,  207.  Actual 
progress  of  science,  209.  This  reign 
an  epoch  in  polite  letters,  211.  Ro- 
mances of  chivalry,  212.  Ballads  or 
romances,  216.  Lyric  poetry,  225. 
Publications  of  caneioncros,  226.  Low 
state  of  lyric  poetry,  229.  Rise  of  the 
Spanish  drama,  231.  Tragic  drama, 
245.  The  foundation  of,  laid  in  the 
court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in. 
493.  Further  remarks  respecting  Cas- 
tilian poetry ;  its  subsequent  develope- 
inent,  494,  note. 

Castilian  monarchy,  view  of  the,  before 
the  fifteenth  century,  i.  xxxi.  Elec- 
tion to  the  crown,  Ixxii ;  controlled, 
Ixxii. 

Castillo,  Enriquez  del,  notice  of,  I.  137. 
note. 

Castro,  Bartolomeo  de,  employed  in  the 
compilation  of  the  Complutensian  Po- 
lyglot, HI.  323,  note. 

Catalans,  insurrection  of  the,  i.  40.  Re- 
pulsed at  Getona,  49.  Reject  the 
conciliatory  advances  of  John,  GO. 
See  Catalonia. 

Catalina.     See  Catharine  of  dragon. 

Catalonia,  united  to  Aragon  i.  Ixxxiii. 
Success  of  the  navy  of,  Ixxxv.  Po- 
etical talent  in,  cxviii.  Insurrection 
in,  40.  Feelings  there  in  regard  to 
Carlos,  after  his  death,  47.  General 
revolt  in,  51.  Sovereignty  of,  offered 
to  Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  52.  Election 
of  Ren6  le  Bon,  of  Anjou,  to  the 
throne  of,  54.  Liberation  of  serii 
there,  n.  5.  The  court  transfers  its 


504 


INDEX. 


residence  to,  156.  Attempt  to  assas- 
sinate Ferdinand  in,  J5(j.  Loyalty  of 
the  people  of,  158.  See  Catalans. 

Catharine  of  Lancaster,  union  of  Hen- 
ry 111.  with,  i.  4. 

Catharine,  succeeds  Francis  Phoebus,  of 
Navarre,  i  354.  Proposition  for  the 
union  of,  with  John,  son  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  354.  Her  marriage  with 
Jean  d'Albret,  11.  5.  See  Jllbret. 

Catharine  of  Aragon,  her  birth,  n.  5, 
note,  343,  note.  Her  early  education, 
189,  note.  Her  union  with  the  house 
of  England,  348. 

Catholic,  the  title  of,  conferred  on  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  n.  284. 

Celestina,  the  tragi -comedy  of,  n.  233. 
Criticized,  234.  Opened  the  way  to 
dramatic  writing,  235.  Numerous  edi- 
tions of  it,  237. 

Oeli,  Medina,  Duke  of,  Colurnbus's  ap- 
plication to,  11.  123. 

Centurion,  Domingo,  sent  as  a  legate  by 
pope  Sixtus  IV.  to  the  court  of  Cas- 
tile, i.  221. 

Cerdagne,  pledged  to  the  king  of  France, 
i.  50.  Revolt  there,  120. 

Cerignola,  Gonsalvo  encamps  at,  in.  73. 
Battle  of,  7G,  113,  119.  Loss  at,  78. 

Charles  VUL,  of  France,  his  early  edu- 
cation, ii.  2(i5.  His  pretensions  to 
Naples,  266.  His  negotiations  respect- 
ing Roussillon,  268.  Counsellors  of,  in 
the  pay  of  Ferdinand,  269.  His  meas- 
ures for  invading  Italy,  272.  Sends 
an  envoy  to  the  Spanish  court,  274. 
Ferdinand's  special  mission  to  him, 
275.  His  dissatisfaction,  276.  Crosses 
the  Alps  with  a  formidable  army,  277. 
Enters  Rome,  278.  Second  mission 
to,  from  Ferdinand,  285.  His  dissat- 
isfaction, 286.  Enters  Naples,  289. 
General  hostility  to  him,  289.  His 
indiscretion  after  the  league  of  Ven- 
ice, 294.  His  general  conduct,  295. 
Plunders  works  of  art,  296.  Goes 
through  the  ceremony  of  coronation, 
297.  His  retreat,  297.  His  disregard 
for  Italy,  317.  His  death,  in.  3. 
Cause  of  his  failure  in  Italy,  158. 

Charles  V.,  (the  First  of  Spain,)  birth  of, 


in.  61.  Proposal  for  the  union  of, 
with  the  princess  Claude,  63.  Named 
king  by  Isabella,  176.  Made  to  as- 
sume the  title  of  king  of  Castile,  273. 
Regards  himself  as  excluded  by  Fer- 
dinand from  his  rightful  possession, 
369.  Adrian,  of  Utrecht,  preceptor  of 
and  envoy  to  Ferdinand,  383.  Erects 
a  marble  mausoleum  over  the  remains 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  389.  Pro- 
claimed king,  405.  Prepares  to  em- 
bark for  his  Spanish  dominions,  413. 
His  proposed  union  with  the  daughter 
of  Francis  I.,  413.  Lands  in  Spain, 
414.  His  ungrateful  letter  to  Ximenes, 
415  Indebted  to  the  reign  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  493. 

Charles  of  Bourbon,  his  generous  con- 
duct to  the  heirs  of  Giannone,  111.  469, 
note. 

Chivalry,  circumstances  favorable  to,  in 
Spain,  i.  xliii.  Romances  of,  212.  Con- 
tinuance of,  in  Spain,  in.  488.  See 
Military  orders. 

Christians,  sold  as  slaves,  r.  70,  357. 
Treatment  of,  by  the  Spanish  Arabs, 
274.  Liberation  of,  405.  Release  of, 
at  Malaga,  n.  37  ;  at  Oran,  in.  308. 

Church  of  Rome,  measures  for  prevent- 
ing usurpations  by  the,  i.  218.  Re. 
sisted  by  the  cortes  of  Castile,  219. 
Treatment  of  the,  by  the  sovereigns. 
in.  435.  See  Pope. 

Church  plate,  appropriation  of,  for  the 
support  of  the  royal  treasury,  i.  155. 

Cicero,  his  country-seat,  in.  120,  note. 

Cid,  remarks  on  the,  i   xli. 

Cifuentes,  Don  Juan  de  Silva,  count  of 
i.  359. 

Cisneros,  Francisco  Ximenez  de.  See 
Ximenes. 

Classical  literature,  in  Spain,  11.  198. 

Claude,  the  princess,  daughter  of  Louis 
XII.,  in  63. 

Clemencin,  Diego,  author  of  the  sixth 
volume  of  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Royai 
Spanish  Academy  of  History,"  i.  228, 
note. 

Clergy,  on  the  education  of  the,  in 
Spain,  11.  204.  Their  habits,  397. 
Their  opposition  to  Talavera's  mild 


INDEX. 


50.1 


policy  for  the  conversion  of  the  Moors, 
408.  The  queen's  measures  for  cir- 
cumscribing the  powers  of  the,  HI. 
435.  Their  wealth,  435,  note.  The 
queen's  care  of  their  morals,  437. 
See  Ecclesiastics. 

Coin,  debasement  of,  in  Castile,  i.  69, 
223.  Enactments  respecting,  224. 

Colonies,  careful  provision  made  for  the, 
II.  48(5.  Emigration  to  the,  encour- 
aged, 487.  License  for  private  voya- 
ges to  the,  488.  Spirit  of  the  legisla- 
tion of  the,  4i)3.  Trade  of,  confined  to 
Seville,  4!)5.  Articles  of  commerce  in 
the,  498.  Slavery  there,  in.  475.  Ad- 
ministration of  the  government  of  the, 
478.  See  Hispaniula  and  West  Indies. 

Colonna,  Prospero,  sent  to  harass  the 
French,  in.  141.  His  visit  to  Isabella, 
173,  note.  Successor  to  Gonsalvo,  at 
Naples,  278. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  early  history  of, 
n.  115.  His  belief  of  land  in  the  west, 
116,  118.  Applies  to  Portugal,  119; 
to  the  court  at  Castile,  119.  His  case 
referred  to  a  council,  121.  His  appli- 
cation rejected,  119.  His  application 
to  Medina  Sidonia  and  Medina  Celi, 
123.  Prepares  to  leave  Spain,  123. 
Interposition  in  his  behalf,  124.  Pres- 
ent at  the  surrender  of  Granada,  125. 
Urges  his  suit  before  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  125.  The  nature  of  his  de- 
mands, 126.  Isabella  favorable  to- 
wards, 127.  Final  arrangement  with, 
128.  Sails  on  his  first  voyage,  129. 
Indifference  to  his  enterprise,  131. 
His  tribute  to  Isabella,  133,  note.  Re- 
turns from  his  voyage,  ItiO.  Invited 
to  Barcelona,  ICO.  The  West  Indies 
discovered  by,  161.  His  visit  to  Por- 
tugal, 161.  His  reception  by  John 
II.,  1(51,  note.  His  reception  at  Palos, 
162.  His  progress  to  Barcelona,  164. 
His  reception  at  the  court,  164.  His 
interview  with  the  sovereigns,  165. 
Sensations  caused  by  his  discovery, 
166.  Royal  attentions  shown  to,  at 
Barcelona,  167.  Preparations  for  his 
second  voyage,  169,  171,  177.  In- 
structions to,  respecting  the  natives, 
VOL.  Ill  f>4 


170.  New  powers  granted  to,  17i. 
Sails  on  his  second  voyage,  I7d  Com- 
plaints against  him,  460.  His  second 
return,  461.  Reaction  of  public  feel- 
ing respecting  him,  462.  The  queen's 
confidence  in  him  unshaken,  462. 
Honors  conferred  on  him,  464.  Dif- 
ficulties as  to  his  third  voyage,  464. 
Sails,  465.  Discovers  tcjrajirma,  4G5. 
His  endeavours  to  quell  the  mutiny 
at  Hispaniola,  466.  Loud  complaints 
against  him,  467.  Superseded  in  his 
government,  and  sent  to  Spain  by 
Bobadilla,  473.  His  reception,  474. 
Ovando  commissioned  in  his  stead, 
477.  Remarks  respecting  the  delay 
to  send  him  out,  479.  Equipment  for 
his  fourth  and  last  voyage,  481.  Hig 
despondency,  482.  Last  letter  of  the 
sovereigns  to  him,  483.  Sails,  484. 
Forbidden  to  touch  at  Hispaniola, 
though  in  distress,  484.  Remarkable 
fate  of  his  enemies,  484  Dissatisfied 
with  the  license  for  private  voyages, 
490,  note.  Affected  by  the  death  of 
Isabella,  in.  187.  His  return  from  his 
last  voyage,  235.  Learns  Isabella's 
death,  236.  His  illness,  237.  Visits 
the  court,  238.  Unjust  treatment  of, 
by  Ferdinand,  239.  Declines  in  health 
and  spirits,  240.  His  death,  241.  His 
person  and  habits,  242.  His  enthu- 
siasm, 243.  His  lofty  character,  244. 
Remarks  respecting  the  family  of, 
245,  note. 

Columbus,  Diego,  son  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  in.  245,  note. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  his  History  of  the 
Admiral,  n.  507,  note.  Notice  of,  HI. 
245,  note. 

Comines,  minister  of  Charles  VIII.,  at 
Venice,  n.  290,  292. 

Commerce  of  Granada,  i.  290. 

Commons  of  Castile,  power  granted  to 
the,  i.  1.  Treatment  of,  by  John  L, 
Ivii.  Permanent  committee  of  tne, 
resides  at  court,  Ixxiii,  note.  Oppres- 

-  sion  of  the,  8;  its  consequences,  11. 
State  of  the,  under  the  reign  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  ill.  437.  Their 
consideration,  439. 


506 


INDEX. 


Complutonsian  Polyglot  Bible.  See  Pol- 
yglot. 

Concubinage,  practised  by  tbe  clergy  in 
Spain,  i.  Ixviii. 

Conde,  his  works  respecting  the  Moors, 
I.  313,  note. 

Condottieri,  mercenaries  in  Italy,  de- 
scribed, n.  278. 

Confiscation  decreed  against  heretics,  i. 
262. 

Coplas,  by  Don  Jorge  Manrique,  n.  230. 

Cordova,  Alonso  Hernandez  de.  See 
Jl/fuilar. 

Cordova,  Diego  Fernandez  de,  i.  375. 

Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  a  negotiator  of  a 
treaty  for  the  surrender  of  Granada,  n. 
93.  Land  forces  against  Charles  VIII. 
intrusted  to,  285.  His  early  life,  300. 
His  brilliant  qualities,  301.  His  gal- 
lantry to  the  queen,  303.  Raised  to 
the  Italian  command,  303.  Arrives  in 
Sicily,  304.  Lands  in  Calabria,  305. 
His  prudence  in  regard  to  the  battle 
of  Seminara,  307.  His  bravery,  310. 
His  retreat  to  Regcjio,  311.  His  move- 
ments in  southern  Calabria,  314.  His 
successes,  315.  Summoned  to  the  aid 
of  Ferdinand,  in  Atella,  318.  Surprises 
Laino,  319.  Arrives  before  Atella, 
320.  Receives  the  title  of  Great  Cap- 
tain, 321.  Beats  a  detachment  of 
Swiss,  322.  Succours  the  pope,  by 
storming  and  capturing  Ostia,  331. 
Enters  Rome,  333.  His  reception  by 
the  pope,  333;  by  Frederic,  at  Naples, 
334.  Returns  to  Spain,  334.  Marches 
against  Huejar,  426.  Fleet  fitted  out 
under,  in.  12.  Sails  against  the  Turks, 

16.  Storms  and  captures  St.  George, 

17.  Honors  paid  to,  18.     Conduct  of, 
towards  Frederic,  24.     Invades  Cala- 
bria,  24.     Invests   Tarento,   25.     His 
munificence.  27.     Punishes  a  mutiny, 
28.     Tarento  surrenders  to,  30.     His 
forces,  41.      Retires  to   Barleta,    42. 
His  spirit,  50.     Routs  the  French,  53. 
Captures  Ruvo,  56.     Returns  to  Bar- 
leta, 58.     His  treatment  of  the  prison- 
ers, 58.    Prepares  to  leave  Barleta,  59. 
Refuses  to  comply  with  the  conditions 
of  the  treaty  of  Lyons,  70.    Marches 


out  of  Barleta,  71.  Distress  of  the 
troops  under,  72.  Encamps  before 
Cerignola,  73.  His  forces,  75.  Routs 
the  French,  77.  Pursues  the  enemy, 
79.  His  entry  into  Naples,  82.  Hu 
movements  against  Gaeta,  83,  85. 
Concessions  to,  by  the  pope,  113 
Sends  a  detachment  near  to  the  city 
of  Rome,  117.  Repulsed  before  Gae- 
ta, 119.  Strength  of  his  forces,  120. 
Takes  post  at  San  Germano,  122. 
His  bloody  resistance  at  the  bridge  of 
Garigliano,  127.  Strengthens  his  po- 
sition, 128.  Great  distress  of  the  army 
of,  129.  His  remarkable  resolution, 
130.  Secures  the  alliance  of  the  Or- 
sini,  137.  Crosses  the  Garigliano,  and 
pursues  the  French.  141.  Routs  the 
enemy.  144.  His  treatment  of  the 
Angevin  lords,  148,  note.  His  cour- 
tesy to  the  vanquished,  149.  Takes 
possession  of  Gaeta,  151.  His  enthu- 
siastic reception,  152.  Extortions  and 
clamors  of  the  troops  under,  153.  His 
liberality  to  his  ofiicers,  154.  Review 
of  his  military  conduct,  160.  His  re- 
form of  the  military  service,  161.  His 
influence  over  the  army,  162.  Hia 
confidence  in  the  character  of  the 
Spaniards,  163.  His  politic  deport- 
ment to  the  Italians,  164.  Position  of 
his  army,  1C5.  Results  of  the  cam- 
paigns under,  166.  Memoirs  of,  166, 
note.  Affected  by  the  death  of  Isabel- 
la, 187.  Distrusted  by  Ferdinand,  251. 
Loyalty  of,  253.  His  reception  of 
Ferdinand, at  Naples, 264.  Ferdinand's 
confidence  in,  276.  Grief  of  the  Ne- 
apolitans at  his  departure.  278.  Com- 
pliments to,  by  Louis  XII.,  281.  His 
reception  in  Spain,  and  progress 
through  the  country,  290.  Ferdinand 
breaks  his  word  to,  291.  Propositions 
for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  292 
Withdraws  from  court,  293.  His  splen- 
did retirement,  294.  Ordered  to  Italy, 
369.  Zeal  to  enlist  under,  370.  Again 
distrusted  by  Ferdinand,  and  ordered 
to  disband  his  levies,  371.  Writes  to 
Ferdinand,  and  goes  into  retirement, 
372.  Prepares  to  embark  for  Flanders, 


INDEX 


507 


374.  His  illness  and  death,  375  ;  pub- 
lic grief,  375.  His  character,  377.  His 
private  virtues,  379.  His  want  of 
faith,  380.  His  loyalty,  381. 

Cordova,  Pedro  de,  marquis  of  Priego, 
Ferdinand's  severity  towards,  in.  288, 
Respect  shown  by,  to  the  remains  of 
Ferdinand,  388. 

Cordova,  persecutions  of,  i.  274,  note. 
Embellishment  of,  by  the  Arabs,  278. 
Great  mosque  of,  278.  Population  of, 
282.  Literature  and  education  in,  284. 
Dismemberment  of  the  empire  of,  286. 
Troubles  in,  from  the  Inquisition,  m. 
249. 

Coronation,  forms  of,  i.  142. 

Coronel,  Paulo,  employed  in  the  compi- 
lation of  the  Complutensian  Polyglot, 
ni.  323,  note. 

Corral,  John  de,  justice  inflicted  on,  i. 
357. 

Cortes  of  Aragon,  composed  of  four 
branches,  i.  xcv.  Their  several  priv- 
ileges and  powers,  xcv.,  xcviii.  Their 
manner  of  conducting  business,  xcvii. 
Judicial  functions  of,  ci.  Their  con- 
trol over  the  government,  cii.  Com- 
pared with  that  of  Castile,  ciii.  Re- 
monstrate against  the  Inquisition,  n. 
7.  Recognise  Philip  and  Joanna,  in. 
64. 

Cortes  of  Castile,  pass  acts  respecting 
the  nobility,  i.  204.  Resist  the  usur 
pations  of  the  church,  219  Pass  tots 
respecting  coin,  224.  Proceedings  of, 
respecting  the  succession,  after  the 
decease  of  Isabella  m.  207.  Convo- 
cation of,  aft.er  me  death  of  Philip,  259, 
261.  Meeting  of,  267. 

Council,  Royal,  reorganization  of  the, 
i.  192,  in.  451. 

Councils,  organization  of,  in.  450. 

CiPtensis,  Demetrius,  employed  in  the 
compilation  of  the  Complutensian  Pol- 
yglot, in.  323,  note. 

Cross,  the  standard  of  the,  i.  404. 

Crusades,  opened  the  way  to  the  Inquisi- 
tion, i.  232. 

Currency,  laws  establishing  uniformity 
in  the,  in.  455. 

Cuxar,  surrender  of,  u.  52. 


D. 

Darien,  isthmus  of,  crossed  by  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa,  in.  472. 

Daru,  Count,  his  "  Histoire  de  Venue," 
in.  346,  note. 

Deza,  Diego  de,  archbishop  of  Seville 
favors  the  project  of  Columbcs,  n.  122. 
Notice  of,  122,  note.  An  inquisitor,  in. 
250.  Succeeded  by  Ximenes,  297. 

Discoveries,  the  early,  made  by  the  Span- 
iards, n.  112.  Moral  consequences  of 
the  western,  503.  Progress  in,  in.  472. 

Dominican  friars,  punishment  of  heresy 
committed  to,  i.  232. 

Donzeles,  account  of  the,  i.  375,  not* 

Dorset,  marquis  of.     See  Grey. 

Drama,  Spanish,  rise  of  the,  n.  231. 
The  tragi-comedy  of  •' Celestina,"  233 
Juan  de  la  Encina,  237.  Torres  de 
Naharro,  240.  Low  condition  of  the 
stage,  244.  Tragic  drama,  245;  Fer- 
nan  Perez  de  Ohva,  245. 

Duelling,  prohibited,  i.  204  Practised, 
294. 

Duponcet,  his  "Hisloirp  •  !«•  (ionsa.ve  de 
Cordoue,"  in.  167  imu. 


E. 

fcar'y  literature  of  Castile,  i.  12.  See 
Castile. 

Ecclesiastics,  influence  of,  in  Castile,  I. 
Ixvi.  Their  licentiousness,  Ixviii.  Their 
great  wealth,  lxix.,lx\.,  note.  Chastise- 
ment of,  by  Isabella,  u.  4.  See  Clergy. 

Education,  under  Alhakem  II.,  I.  284. 
Provisions  for,  301 ;  the  results,  302. 
See  Moors. 

Egypt,  the  mission  from  the  sultan  of,  to 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  n.  59. 

Elizabeth,  of  England,  Isabella  compared 
with,  HI.  198. 

El  Zagal.     See  Mdalluh. 

Emanuel,  successor  of  John  II.,  of  Por- 
tugal, u.  346.  Union  of,  with  the  in- 
fanta Isabella.  346,  355.  Banishes  the 
Jews  from  Portugal,  356. 

Encina,  Juan  de  la,  notice  of,  U.  837. 
His  dramatic  eclogues,  233 


INDEX. 


Enriqiicz,  Fad  iqne,  admiral  of  Castile, 
commander  of  a  Spanish  armada  to 
carry  Joanna  to  Flanders,  n.  350. 

Epila,  Pedro  Arbues  de,  inquisitor  in 
Saragossa,  n.  7.  See  Arbues. 

Erasmus,  on  the  science  and  literature 
of  Spain,  under  Isabella,  in.  484, note. 

Europe,  slate  of,  at  the  close  of  the  fif- 
teenth century,  11.  254.  Character  of 
reigning  sovereigns  in,  255.  Improved 
political  and  moral  condition  of,  256. 
More  intimate  relations  between  states, 
256.  Foreign  relations  conducted  by 
the  sovereign,  258.  Italy  the  school 
of  politics,  259.  Alarmed  at  the  Fiench 
invasion  in  Italy,  272.  Effect  of  the 
administration  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella on,  in.  420. 

Exports  from  Spain,  in  the  reign  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  HI.  458. 

Eymerich,  his  instructions  relative  lo 
inquisitions,  i.  233.  Cited,  233,  note. 


Ferdinand  I.,  of  Aragon,  his  application 
to  the  city  of  Barcelona,  i.  xcvi.  Short 
reign  of,  29.  Succeeded  by  Alfonso 
V.,  30. 

Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  his  birth,  i.  33. 
Sworn  heir  to  the  crown,  47.  Renun- 
ciation of  allegiance  to,  by  the  Catalans, 
51.  His  junction  with  Joan,  before 
Gerona ;  the  consequences,  56.  His 
narrow  escape,  56.  Negotiations  for 
his  marriage,  58,  97,  100 ;  articles  of 
marriage,  102.  Enters  Castile,  106. 
His  private  interview  with  Isabella, 
108.  His  personal  appearance,  109. 
His  n. -image,  110.  Raises  the  siege 
before  Perpignan,  122.  His  reception 
by  Henry  IV.,  at  Segovia,  127.  Sum- 
moned to  the  assistance  of  his  father 
in  Aragon,  128,  131.  His  summary 
execution  of  justice,  in  the  case  of 
Gordo,  131.  Marches  against  Alfonso, 
king  of  Portugal,  151  ;  challenges 
him  to  personal  combat,  152.  Retreats, 
153.  Reorganizes  the  army,  and  pro- 
weds  to  Zamora,  156.  Overtakes  Al- 


fonso on  the  retreat,  159.  Engages  in 
the  battle  of  Toro,  161.  His  human- 
ity, 164.  His  visit  to  his  father,  J69, 
170,  note.  Marches  towards  Albania. 
329,  334,  335.  Raises  the  second 
siege,  337.  His  unsuccessful  attempt 
on  Loja,  340,  342.  The  first  monarch 
to  send  embassies  to  foreign  powers, 
352.  His  first  interference  in  the  pol- 
itics of  Italy,  352.  His  treatment  of 
Abdallah,  379,  381.  His  terms  to  the 
vanquished  Moors,  389.  His  body- 
guard, 395.  His  meeting  with  the 
queen  in  the  camp,  before  Moclm,401. 
His  costume,  402.  His  conduct  in  re- 
lation to  the  Inquisition,  in  Aragon,  H. 
6.  Inquisition  throughout  his  domin- 
ions, 11.  His  expedition  to  Velez 
Malaga,  13.  Narrow  escape  of,  14. 
His  haughty  demeanor  to  the  embassy 
from  besieged  Malaga,  33.  His  wary 
device  respecting  the  plate,  40.  As- 
sumes the  command  of  the  army  at 
Murcia,  46.  Makes  inroads  into  Gra- 
nada, 46.  His  measures  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  Baza,  50.  Takes  command  of 
the  army,  51.  Names  of  the  distin- 
guished cavaliers  who  usually  atten- 
ded, 51,  note.  His  treatment  of  the 
people  of  Baza,  68.  His  interview 
with  El  Zagal,  71  ;  occupation  of  his 
domain,  72.  Devastates  Granada,  82, 
83.  Confers  knighthood  on  his  son, 
Prince  John,  82.  His  policy  in  regard 
to  Guadix,  and  other  cities,  83.  Mus- 
ters his  forces,  in  1491,  for  the  closing 
campaign  against  Granada,  85.  En- 
camps in  the  Vega,  86.  Disapproves 
the  stipulations  demanded  by  Colum- 
bus, 126.  Attempt  on  the  life  of,  156. 
His  slow  recovery,  158.  Punishment 
of  the  assassin,  159.  Early  education 
of,  neglected,  185.  Foreign  politics 
directed  by,  253.  His  determination 
respecting  the  crown  of  Naples,  274. 
Sends  an  envoy  to  the  French  court, 
275.  His  conduct  in  relation  to  the 
expedition  of  Charles  VIII.,  282,  284. 
Makes  naval  preparations,  284.  His 
second  mission  to  Charles  VIII.,  285. 
Bold  conduct  of  his  envoys,  2S7.  His 


INDEX. 


509 


views  respecting  Naples,  336  His 
fame,  acquired  by  the  war,  333.  Med- 
iates a  peace  between  Henry  VII. 
•nd  the  king  of  Scots,  349,  note.  Takes 
the  field,  and  marches  toward,  the 
mountains  of  Granada,  428.  The  rebels 
submit  to,  441.  His  negotiations  with 
Venice,  in.  8;  with  the  emperor 
Maximilian,  S.  His  views  and  meas- 
ures in  regard  to  the  French  invasion 
of  Italy,  10.  His  partition  of  Naples 
with  Louis  XII.,  11,  13.  Ground  of 
his  claim  to  Naples,  14.  His  rupture 
with  France,  34.  His  instructions  to 
Philip  to  tmke  a  treaty  with  Lous  XH., 
67,  68.  Rejects  the  treaty,  88.  His 
policy  examined,  89.  His  measures 
in  regard  to  the  French  invasion,  99. 
His  successes,  101.  Suffers  from 
speculative  writers,  107,  note.  His 
treaty  with  Louis  XII.,  150.  Named 
regent  of  Castile  in  the  testament  of 
Isabella,  176.  The  queen's  provision 
for,  177.  Resigns  the  crown  of  Cns- 
tile  to  Philip,  200.  Assumes  the  title 
of  administrator  of  Castile,  207,  21)8. 
Unpopular.  21 1 ,  23(>.  His  perplexities, 
213.  Proposals  for  his  second  mar- 
riage, 215.  His  marriajre  with  the 
princess  Germaine,  217,  223.  His  im- 
politic treaty  with  France,  218.  Has 
an  interview  with  Philip,  227.  His 
courteous  deportment,  223.  His  re- 
signation of  the  regency,  230.  His 
second  interview  with  Philip,  232. 
His  departure,  233.  His  disposition 
towards  Columbus,  23(5;  his  unjust 
treatment  of  him,  239.  The  purpose 
of  perverting  his  pension,  21*.  His 
distrust  of  Gonsalvo,  251.  Sails  for 
Naples,  2T)2.  His  deportment  towards 
Gonsalvo,  253,  275.  His  reception, 
£50.  His  entry  into  Naples,  2f>3.  Sum- 
mono  a  parliament  and  restores  the 
Angcvins,  2G5.  His  politic  behaviour 
respecting  Castile.  273.  Allegiance 
to,  274.  Leaves  Naples,  274.  His 
brilliant  interview  with  Louis  XII., 
278.  Reception  of,  in  Castile,  232.  His 
interview  with  Joanna, 283.  Irregular- 
ity of  his  proceedings,  284.  Grants  a 


general  amnesty,  286.  Establishes  a 
guard,  280.  His  excessive  severity 
288.  His  treatment  of  (ionaalvo,  291. 
Policy  of  his  severity,  2!  0.  Ximenes's 
distrust  of,  309.  His  visit  to  the  uni- 
versity of  Alcala,  320.  Spoil  assigned 
to,  by  the  league  of  Camt>ray,  330. 
Remonstrates  with  Louis  XII.  against 
his  aggressions  on  the  church,  335. 
The  pope  grants  him  the  investiture 
of  Naples,  and  other  favors,  330.  lie- 
comes  a  party  in  the  H»\y  League,  337. 
His  distrust  of  Navarre.  348.  Demands 
a  passage  for  his  army  through  Na- 
varre, 350,  362.  Effects  a  truce  with 
Louis  XII.,  357.  Settles  his  conquests, 
359.  Unites  Navarre  with  Castile, 
359.  Examination  of  his  conduct  re- 
specting Navarre,  360.  His  aversion 
for  his  grandson  Charles  V..  309.  Or- 
ders Gonsalvo  to  Italy,  30!) ;  distrusts 
him,  and  orders  him  to  disband  his 
levies,  371.  Gonsalvo's  complaint  to, 
372.  His  desire  for  children,  372. 
Decline  of  his  health,  373.  Perplexed 
by  Gonsalvo's  movements,  374.  His 
conduct  on  occasion  of  Consalvo's 
death,  376.  His  illness  increases,  382. 
Insensible  to  his  situation.  383  Jeal- 
ous of  Adrian,  of  Utrecht,  his  grand 
son's  envoy,  383  His  last  hours,  384. 
His  wills,  384.  His  disposition  of  the 
regency,  334.  His  death  and  testa- 
ment, 38(5.  Intrusts  the  administration 
of  Castile  to  Ximenes,  385,  380.  His 
death,  387.  His  reign,  387.  His  re- 
mains transported  to  Granada,  388. 
His  person  and  character;  389.  His 
education,  390.  His  ten  UK- ranee  and 
economy,  390.  Dies  poor,  392.  Hi* 
bigotiy,  392.  Accused  of  hypocrisy, 
393.  Conduct  of,  in  regard  to  the  In- 
quisition in  Aragon,  393.  Charged 
with  perfidy,  "Vl4.  His  shrewd  policj, 
395.  His  insensibility,  3i  7.  Contrast- 
ed with  Isabella,  398.  Natural  chil- 
dren  of,  398.  nnte.  Gloomy  close  of 
his  life,  3!I9.  His  kindly  qualities, 

400.  Judgment  of  h:s  contemporaries, 

401.  Arbitrary  measures  of,  443.  Alain- 
tains  slavery  in  the  New  World,  476. 


510 


INDEX. 


Ferdinand  II.,  of  Naples,  succeeds  Al- 
fonso II.,  n.  288.  Makes  a  descent 
on  the  southern  extremity  of  Cala- 
bria, 300.  Commences  operations,  304. 
Marches  on  Seminara,  306.  His 
conduct  in  regard  to  the  battle  near 
Scminara,  308.  Defeated,  309.  His 
perilous  situation,  310.  Recovers  Na- 
ples, 312.  Besieges  Montpensier,  in 
Atella,  318.  His  death,  326. 

Ferdinand,  son  of  Philip  and  Joanna, 
born,  in.  93.  Government  of  Castile 
and  Aragon  to  be  committed  to,  384. 
His  grandfather's  anxiety  respecting, 
385.  Grants  to,  386. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  genealogy  of,  i. 
cxxvi.  Their  marriage  disconcerts  the 
operations  of  the  marquis  of  Villena, 
114.  Their  poverty  and  perplexities,!  16. 
Negotiations  for  the  marriage  of  their 
daughter,  Isabella,  with  the  dauphin 
of  France,  129.  Their  accession,  142. 
Comparative  powers  and  rights  of, 
143.  Their  exertions  and  measures 
for  reorganizing  the  Castilian  army, 
154.  Submission  of  the  whole  king- 
dom of  Castile  to,  165.  Their  scheme 
of  reform  for  the  government  of  Cas- 
tile, 177.  Their  progress  through 
Andalusia,  190.  Their  reorganization 
of  the  tribunals,  192.  Preside  in  courts 
of  justice,  195.  Their  difference  with 
pope  Sixtus  IV. ,220;  their  treatment 
of  his  legate,  221.  Their  regula- 
tion of  trade,  223.  Preeminence  of 
their  authority,  226.  Their  conduct 
after  the  fall  of  Albania,  329.  Their 
resources,  355.  Anecdote  illustrative 
of  their  regard  to  justice,  356.  Take 
measures  to  procure  artillery,  385. 
Their  policy  towards  the  nobles,  393. 
Composition  of  their  army,  395:  Swiss 
mercenaries,  396 ;  the  English  lord 
Scales,  397.  Disapprove  the  magnifi- 
cence displayed,  399.  Their  meeting 
in  the  camp  before  Moclin,  401.  Their 
devout  demeanor,  403.  Slidell's  re- 
marks on  the  armour  of,  403,  note. 
Their  ceremonies  on  the  occupation 
of  a  new  city,  404.  Their  standard  of 
the  cross,  404.  Their  liberation  of 


Christian  captives,  405.  Their  poncy 
in  fomenting  the  Moorish  factions, 
405.  An  attempt  to  assassinate,  11. 
26.  Their  entrance  into  Malaga,  37. 
Their  measures  for  repeopling  Mala- 
ga, 43.  Return  to  Cordova,  44.  Visit 
Aragon,  in  1487,  45.  Occupied  with 
the  interior  government  of  Castile,  47. 
Their  reception  of  an  embassy  from 
Maximilian,  48.  Their  resources,  49, 
note.  Embassy  to,  from  the  sultan  of 
Egypt,  59.  Their  return  to  Jaen,  74. 
Summon  Abdallah  to  surrender  the 
capital  of  Granada,  81.  Their  survey 
of  the  city  of  Granada,  89 ;  their  en 
trance  into  it,  98.  Their  early  inter- 
est in  navigation  and  commerce,  113. 
Columbus  applies  to,  119,  125.  Their 
final  arrangement  with  Columbus,  128. 
Awed  by  Torquemada's  violent  con- 
duct respecting  the  Jews,  138.  Their 
edict  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews, 
139,  150.  Visit  Aragon,  155.  Invite 
Columbus  to  Barcelona,  160.  Their 
reception  of  him,  164.  Their  inter- 
view with  him,  165.  Make  prepara- 
tion for  his  second  voyao-e,  169,  177. 
Their  exertions  for  the  conversion  of 
the  natives,  170 ;  their  instructions 
respecting  them,  170.  Their  applica- 
tion to  the  court  of  Rome,  172.  Their 
wury  diplomacy  in  sending  an  ambas- 
sador to  Lisbon,  176.  Inform  John 
II.  that  Columbus  has  sailed  on  his 
second  voyage,  179.  Adjustment  of 
their  difficulty  with  John  II.,  by  the 
treaty  of  Tordesillas,  181.  Operation 
of  their  administration  on  the  intel- 
lectual, literary,  and  scientific  charac- 
ter of  the  nation,  184.  Their  reign  an 
epoch  in  polite  letters,  211.  National 
spirit  of  the  literature  of  this  epoch, 
247.  Their  treaty  with  Charles  VIII., 
270.  The  title  of  Catholic  conferred 
on  them  by  the  pope,  284.  Their 
family,  343.  Their  temperate  sway 
in  regard  to  ihe  conversion  of  the 
Moors,  408.  Displeased  on  occasion 
of  the  revolt  *f  the  Albaycin,  420 
Their  edict  against  the  Moors  of  Ca» 
tile  446.  Loud  complaints  to,  against 


INDEX. 


Columbus,  467.  Their  reception  of 
Columbus  when  sent  home  by  Boba- 
dilla,  474.  Vindication  of  them,  475. 
Their  last  letter  to  Columbus,  483. 
Make  careful  provision  for  the  colo- 
nies, 486;  liberal  grants,  487.  Their 
independent  attitude  in  regard  to  the 
pope,  493.  Spirit  of  the  colonial 
legislation  under,  493.  Alarmed  by 
the  French  conquests  in  Italy,  HI.  6. 
Their  remonstrance  to  the  pope,  7. 
Solicit  Philip  and  Joanna  to  visit 
Spain,  62,  64.  Seized  with  fever, 
171.  Their  burial-place,  183.  Marble 
mausoleum  erected  over  their  remains, 
by  Charles  V.,  389.  Their  characters 
contrasted,  398.  General  review  of 
the  administration  of,  429.  Their 
policy  at  their  accession,  430.  Their 
depression  of  the  nobles,  431.  Raise 
men  of  humble  station  to  offices  of 
the  highest  trust,  432.  State  of  the 
commons  under,  437.  The  pro- 
mulgation of  pragmdtecas,  or  royal 
ordinances  by,  439,  441,  note.  Ad- 
vancement of  prerogative  under,  445. 
Legal  compilations,  447.  Organization 
of  councils,  450.  Legal  profession  ad- 
vanced by,  452.  Character  of  the 
laws,  453.  Erroneous  principles  of 
their  legislation,  456.  Economical 
policy  under,  463.  Internal  improve- 
ments under,  465.  Increase  of  em- 
pire, 466.  Their  government  of  Na- 
ples, 468.  Their  revenues  from  the 
Indies.  469,  477.  Spirit  of  adventure 
in  their  reign,  471.  Progress  of  dis- 
covery. 472.  Their  colonial  adminis- 
tration, 478.  General  prosperity  under, 
479.  Chivalrous  spirit  of  the  people 
under,  488.  Their  reign  the  period 
of  national  glory,  4(J5.  See  Castile, 
Fcrdituind,  l.ttil/clla,  and  Spain. 

Ferrier,  St.  Vincent,  his  miracles  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Jews,  i.  240. 

Feudal  institutions,  decay  of,  ri.  254. 

Florida,  discovered,  in.  472. 

Foix,  Gaston  tie,  duke  of  Nemours,  and 
brother  of  the  queen  of  Aragon,  com- 
mander of  the  French  army  in  Italy, 
III.  338.  His  death,  340.  His  char- 


acter, 341.  Effects  of  his  death  on 
the  French  army,  343. 

Foix.  Jean  de,  the  daughter  of,  married 
to  Ferdinand,  in.  217. 

Fonseca,  Antonio  de,  sent  on  a  mission 
to  Charles  V1IL,  11.  285.  His  bold 
conduct,  287.  His  hostility  to  Colum- 
bus, 464.  Proprietor  of  slaves,  HI. 
475,  note. 

Foreigners,  encouraged  to  settle  in 
Spain,  in.  465. 

France,  treaties  between  and  Aragon,  i. 
50, 123.  Visited  by  Alfonso  of  Portu- 
gal, 166.  Makes  peace  with  Castile, 
169.  Rupture  of,  with  Spain,  HI.  34. 
Her  control  over  Italy,  112.  Effects 
of  the  rout  of  the  Garigliano  on,  149. 
Treaty  with,  217;  its  impolicy,  218. 
See  Charles,  and  Louis. 

Frederic  II.,  of  Prussia,  his  treatment 
of  the  Jews,  n.  152,  note. 

Frederic  II.,  of  Naples,  successor  of  Fer- 
dinand II.,  n.  326.  His  acts,  327.  Hi« 
reception  of  Gonsalvo^334.  Threat- 
ened by  Louis  XII.,  in.  9.  His  ap- 
plications for  aid,  10.  His  attempts  at 
self-defence,  21.  His  fate,  22.  Re- 
marks respecting  him,  23,  104.  Me- 
diator of  a  truce  between  France  and 
Spain,  103. 

French  army.     See  Mantua. 

French  chronicles,  notices  of,  HI.  167, 
note. 

Funerals,  Isabella's  preamble  respecting, 
in.  175,  193,  note.  Laws  respecting, 
457 


G. 

Gaeta,  Gonsalvo's  movements  against, 
in.  83,  85.  Relief  sent  to,  by  Louis 
XII.,  115,  119.  Gonsalvo  repulsed 
before,  119.  The  French  retreat  to, 
141, 145.  Capitulation  of,  147.  The 
Spaniards  occupy,  151. 

Gardens  before  Baza,  n.  52.  Cleared 
of  their  timber,  57. 

Garigliano,  armies  on  the,  in.  109.  The 
French  encamp  there,  123.  Bloody 
passage  of  the  bridge  of,  125.  Dis- 


512 


INDEX. 


tresses  of  the  Spanish  army  on  the, 
12:> ;  of  the  French  army  there,  132. 
Crossed  by  the  Spaniards,  140.  Rout 
of  the,  144  ;  its  effects  on  France,  149. 

oebalfaro,  n.  17.     Surrender  of,  38. 

Selves,  discomfiture  of  Navarro  in  the 
island  of,  in.  313.  Cause  of  the  dis- 
aster in,  313,  note. 

Genealogy  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
i.  cxxvi. 

General  Privilege,  the  Magna  Charta  of 
Aragon.  i.  xcix. 

Germaine,  the  princess,  married  to  Fer- 
dinand, in.  217,  223.  Facts  respect- 
ing, 217.  Her  coolness  towards  Gon- 
salvo, 2D2.  Delivered  of  a  son,  373. 
Ferdinand's  bequests  to,  38G.  Her  sub- 
sequent, marriages,  38(1,  note. 

Gerona,  Queen  Joan  seeks  refuge  there 
from  the  Catalans,  i.  48.  The  duke  of 
Lorraine  compelled  to  abandon  the 
siege  of,  56. 

Giannnne,  Charles's  generous  conduct 
to  the  heirs  0>f,  in.  469,  note. 

Giovio,  Paolo,  remarks  on,  n.  327,  note. 
His  Life  of  (Jonsalvo  de  Cordova,  in. 
166.  note. 

Giron,  Pedro,  proposition  for  the  mar- 
riage of,  with  Isabella,  i.  82,  84.  His 
character,  81.  His  death,  86. 

Giron,  Pedro  de.  opposes  royal  officers, 
in.  411. 

Gold,  in  the  West  Indies,  n.  499,  in,  4G9. 

Gomez,  Alvaro,  notice  of,  and  of  his 
works,  n.  398,  note.  His  tribute  to 
Carbajal,  in  428,  note. 

Gonsalvo.     See  Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de. 

Gordo,  Ximenes,  of  Saragossa,  Ferdi- 
nand's summary  execution  of,  i.  131. 

Goths.     See  I'isigotlts. 

Grahame,  remarks  on  his  History,  n. 
497,  note. 

Grain,  scarcity  of,  n.  50,  note. 

Gratia,  Spanish  minister  at  the  court  of 
Paris,  instructions  to,  in  relation  to  the 
partition  of  Naples,  in  11. 

Granada,  the  kingdom  of,  in  the  middle 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  i.  xxx.  De- 
scription of,  288.  Agriculture  and  com- 
merce of,  290.  Etymologies  of  the 
w  ^rd,  290,  note.  Resources  of  the 


crown  of,  291.  Luxurious  charactei 
of  the  people  of,  292.  Her  successful 
resistance  against  the  Christians,  297. 
The  war  of,  316.  Isabella's  measures 
for  carrying  on  the  war  of,  336,  339. 
Unsuccessful  attempt  on  Loja,  340. 
Revolution  in,  348.  Measures  for 
carrying  on  the  war  there,  in  1483, 
355.  Expedition  (o  the  Axarquia,  357. 
Battle  of  Lucena  and  capture  of  Ab- 
dallah,  376.  General  policy  of  the 
war  of,  382.  Further  preparations  for 
the  war  with,  384,390;  composition 
of  the  Spanish  army,  395;  its  magnifi- 
cent appearance,  398.  Christian  con- 
quests, 408.  Authorities  for  the  war 
of,  409,  note.  Expedition  to  Velez, 
n.  12;  to  Malaga,  17  Fate  of,  deci- 
ded, 42.  Inroads  into,  4G.  Border 
war  in,  47.  Measures  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  Baza  in,  50;  its  surrender,  68, 
Occupation  o*°  El  Zagal's  domain.  72. 
Difficulties  of  the  campaign  in,  74. 
Abdallah  summoned  to  surrender  the 
capital  of,  81.  Ferdinand  ravages,  82, 
83.  Preparations  for  the  closing  cam- 
paign against,  85.  Position  of  the 
capital  of,  86;  its  capitulation,  93. 
Termination  of  the  war  of,  102;  its 
results,  102.  Moral  influence  of  the 
war  of,  103;  its  military  influence, 
104.  Authorities  in  relation  to  the 
war  of;  Bernaldez,  108,  note;  Irving, 
109,  note.  Effects  of  the  war  of,  on 
Spain,  339.  Tranquil  stale  of,  till 
1499,  404.  Measures  for  converting 
the  Moors  in,  406,  421,  453.  Rising 
of  the  Moors,  at  the  Alpuxarras,  426. 
Huejar  sacked,  427.  Lanjaron  cap- 
tured, 429.  Revolt  of  the  Sierra  Ver- 
meja,  431.  Tranquillity  restored  to, 
444.  Evasion  of  the  treaty  of,  by  the 
Christians,  452.  Its  union  with  Cas- 
tile, in.  467.  Chivalrous  spiiit  in  the 
war  of,  488. 

Granada,  city  of,  described,  i.  288.  Sum- 
moned to  surrender,  11.  81.  Its  position, 
86.  Numrrous  combats  near, 87.  Sur 
veyed  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  89. 
Skirmish  before,  89.  Conflagration  of 
the  Christian  camp  before,  90  City 


INDEX. 


513 


of  Santa  Fe  built  near,  92.  Proposi- 
tions by  Abdallah  for  the  surrender  of, 
93.  Its  capitulation,  93;  the  condi- 
tions, 94.  Commotions  in,  95.  Prep- 
arations for  occupying,  96.  Effects  of 
the  fall  of,  throughout  Christendom, 
100.  Revolt  of  the  Alba  vein.  4IG. 
Conversion  of  Moors  at,  421.  The 
burial-place  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
in.  183.  388.  Population  of,  485,  note. 

Greek  manuscripts,  furnished  to  Ximenes 
by  the  pope,  in.  322. 

Grey,  Thomas,  marquis  of  Dorset;  his 
cooperation  with  Ferdinand,  in.  350. 
His  discontent  and  return  to  England, 
336. 

Guadix,  in  the  domain  of  E!  Zagal, 
ii.  50.  Guarded  by  Cidi  Yahye,  52. 
El  Zagal  at,  67.  Occupation  of,  72. 
Ferdinand's  policy  in  regard  to,  83. 

Guicciardini,  remarks  on,  11.  327,  note. 

Guienne,  the  duke  of,  Joanna  affianced 
to,  i.  114.  115.  His  death,  125. 

Guienne,  expedition  against,  MI.  349. 

Guzman,  Henrique  de.     See  Sidonia. 

Guzman,  Nunez  de,  a  distinguished 
scholar,  n.  201,  note. 

Guzmans,  their  factions  with  the  family 
o''  Ponce  de  Leon,  i.  118,  189. 


II. 


Hacen,  Muley  Ahul,  surprises  Zahara, 
I.  317.  Besieges  Alhama,  330.  Ex- 
pelled from  (iranada,  34!).  His  oppo- 
sition to  the  Christians  in  their  expe- 
dition to  the  Axarquia,  301.  His  death, 
407. 

Hdllam,  Henry,  notice  of,  i.  cxxiv,  note. 
His  remarks  on  the  Epistles  of  Peter 
Martyr,  u.  78.  Cited  respecting  penal 
statutes  against  the  Catholics  under 
Elizibeth,  in.  190,  note  His  character 
of  Elizabeth, 201,  note. 

H.-at hen,  bigoted  views  in  relation  to 
the,  u.  4<>9.  Hee  Indians. 

Henriquez,  Frederic,  punishment  of,  I. 
206. 

Henriquez,  Pedro,  aids  in  the  expedition 
against  Alhama,  i.  322.  Adelantado 
VOL.  III.  6& 


of  Andalusia  :  his  connexion  with  the 
expedition  to  the  Axarquia,  359,  360. 
His  escape,  368. 

Henry  III.,  of  Castile,  his  device  for  the 
recovery  of  his  estates,  i.  Ixxv.  Union 
of,  with  Catharine  of  Lancaster,  i.  4. 
His  death,  4. 

Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  his  accession  and 
popularity,  i.  63.  DisappoinU  ex- 
pectations, 65.  His  dissolute  habits, 
GO.  His  repudiation  of  Blanche  of  Ar- 
agon,  66.  His  marriage  with  Joanna, 
67.  Controlled  by  favorites  of  humble 
origin,  70.  His  interview  with  Louis 
XI.  on  the  banks  of  the  Bidasso;i,  73  ; 
the  consequences,  74.  Nobles  league 
against,  75.  His  breach  of  faith  with 
the  confederates.  77.  Deposed  near 
the  city  of  Avila,  77.  Has  recourse 
to  negotiation,  80  Disbands  his  for- 
ces, 81.  Not  present  in  person  at  the 
action  of  Olmedo,  87.  Treaty  of,  with 
the  confederates,  93  Threatens  Isa- 
bella with  imprisonment,  101).  His 
approbation  of  the  marriage  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  solicited.  103.  113, 
115.  Opposes  the  pretensions  of  Jo- 
anna to  those  of  Isabella,  114,  141 
Meets  French  ambassadors,  115.  Hit 
interview  with  Isabella,  at  Segovia 
12(5.  His  illness  and  death,  134,  141 
Influence  of  his  reign.  137,  179. 

Henry  VII.,  of  England,  his  reception 
and  entertainment  of  Philip  and  Jo- 
anna, in. 221. 

Heresy,  punishment  of,  i.  231, 234,  note 
in   491,  note. 

Hermandad,  or  Holy  Brotherhood,  an 
association  in  Castile,  i.  liii.  A  con- 
federacy, 89.  Establishment  of  the 
179.  Code  of  the,  18J.  Opposed  by 
the  nobility,  181.  Remonstrance 
against  it,  205.  Sanctioned  in  Aragon, 
u.  45.  Leyes  de  la,  in.  449. 

Herrera,  Antonio  de,  notice  of  him,  and 
his  works,  u.  508,  note. 

Hispaniola,  misconduct  of  the  colonist! 
at,  u  459.  Mutiny  there,  466.  Op- 
pression of  the  natives,  406.  Colum- 
bus forbidden  to  enter  the  harbour  at, 
484.  Progress  of  the  settlement  there, 


514 


INDEX. 


4r7  Liberal  grants  for  emigration  to, 
4b7.  Persons  prohibited  from  going 
to.  488.  License  for  private  voyages 
to.  488.  Ximenes  sends  a  commission 
to,  in.  409.  Gold  drawn  from,  46!). 
Introduction  of  sugar-cane  into,  470. 
See  Colonies  and  West  Indies. 

Holy  Brotherhood.     See  Hcrmandad. 

Holy  League,  between  Julius  II.,  Ferdi- 
nand, and  Venice,  in.  337. 

Horses,  laws  respecting,  in.  458. 

Hospitals,  Isabella  said  to  be  the  first  to 
institute  camp,  in.  198. 

House  cf  Trade,  n.  492. 

Hue'ar,  sacked,  n.  427. 

Humboldt,  his  "  Histoire  de  la  Geogra- 
phic du  Nouveau  Continent,"  n.  117, 
not" 

1. 

Illescas,  heroism  of,  in.  125. 

India  House,  origin  of  the,  n    168. 

Indian  Affairs,  Board  of  established,  n. 
168,  4'JO. 

Indians,  accompany  Columbus  to  Spain, 
ii.  163.  Measures  for  the  conversion 
of,  165,  170,496.  Accompany  Colum- 
bus on  his  second  return  to  Spain,  461. 
Bigoted  views  in  regard  to,  469  De- 
clared free,  478.  Isabella's  zeal  for 
converting  them,  496.  Their  diminu- 
tion, 498,  in.  179,  note.  Isabella's  care 
for  them,  473.  Subsequent  treatment 
of  them,  473. 

Indies,  Council  of  the,  in.  452  Revenues 
from  the,  469. 

Indulgences,  sale  of  papal,  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  Moorish  war,  i.  68. 

Infantado,  duke  of,  his  style  of  living  de- 
scribed by  Navagiero,  in.  434.  note. 

Inglis,  his  "  Spain  in  1830,"  cited,  in. 
461,  note. 

Inquisition,  establishment  of  the,  i.  230. 
See  Ancient  Inquisition  and  Modern 
Inquisition. 

Internal  Improvements  in  Spain,  in. 
465. 

Intolerance,  remarks  on,  n.  448,  in.  189. 
See  Toleration. 

Irving,  Washington,  his  description  of 


Abdallah,  n.  100.  Hie  "  Chronicle  oi 
the  Conquest  of  Granada,"  109.  His 
"  History  of  Columbus,"  508,  note. 

Isabella,  the  grand-daughter  of  John  1. 
of  Portugal,  her  marriage  with  John 
II.  of  Castile,  i.  24.  Her  death,  11. 
351. 

Isabella,  the  Catholic,  her  birth,  i.  28, 
63.  Negotiation  for  her  union  with 
Carlos,  38, 84.  Further  negotiations  for 
her  marriage,  59,  note,  82, 83,  84.  Her 
projected  union  with  the  grand  mas- 
ter of  Calatrava,  82,  84.  Her  educa- 
tion, 83.  Crown  of  Castile  offered  to, 
92  ;  declined,  93.  Acknowledged  heir 
to  the  crown,  94.  Suitors  to,  95,  99 
Her  marriage  with  Ferdinand,  97,  100 

102,  108,  110.     Menaced  with  impris 
onment,  100.     Her  critical    situation 

103.  Her  private  interview  with  Fer 
dinand,  108.     Personal  appearance  of, 
109.    Her  pretensions  opposed  to  those 
of  Joanna,  114.     Her  reliance  on  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  116.     The  party 
of,  gains  strength,  124.   Has  an  inter- 
view with  Henry  IV.,  at  Segovia,  126. 
Basis  of  he*  title  to  the  crown,   139. 
Proclaimed  queen,  141.    Her  exertions 
and  success  in  raising  an  army  to  op- 
pose Alfonso  of  Portugal,  151.     Her 
thanksgiving  for  the  victory  at  Toro, 
164.     Takes  active    measures  for  the 
defence  of  the  western  borders,   170 
Her  schemes  of  reform,  178.  See  Cas- 
tile.    Her   presence  of  mind  and  sup- 
pression of  the  tumults  at  Segovia,  183. 
Her  visit  to  Seville,  187.     Her  execu- 
tion of  justice,  188,  191.     Endeavours 
to  reconcile   the  families   of  Guzman 
and   Ponce  de   Leon,  189.     Her  prog- 
ress through  Andalusia,  in   1478,  Ji'O 
Her   conduct   in    the   case    of  Alvaro 
Yaiiez  de  Lugo,  191 ;  of  Frederic  Hen- 
riquez,  206.     See   Ferdinand  find  Isa- 
bella.    Makes  her  court  a  nursery  of 
virtue   and    generous    ambition,   227. 
Tendency  of  her  administration,  229. 
State  of  the  Jews  at  her  accession,  242. 
Influenced  by  the  bigotry  of  the  age  • 
anecdote,  246.    Character  of  her  con- 
fessor, Torquemada,  247.      Solicits  a 


INDEX. 


515 


papal  bull  for  the  introduction  of  the 
Inquisition  into  Castile,  248  ;  resorts  to 
milder  measures,  249.  Enforces  the 
papal  bull,  250.  Her  vigorous  meas- 
ures in  regard  to  the  sieges  of  Alba- 
nia, 33G,  339.  Removal  of,  to  Logro- 
5o,354.  Her  care  of  troops,  391.  Her 
perseverance,  392.  Her  policy  towards 
the  nobles,  393.  Her  courtesy  to  the 
English  lord  Scales,  398.  Visits  the 
camp,  400.  Her  royal  costume,  401. 
Enforces  the  laws,  n.  3.  Chastises 
certain  ecclesiastics,  4.  Visits  the 
camp  before  Malaga,  23.  Establishes 
her  residence  at  Jaen,  50.  Her  en- 
couragement of  her  troops  before  Ba- 
za, 5(5.  Her  reception  of  the  embassy 
from  the  sultan  of  Egypt,  59.  Her 
communication  with  the  army  inter- 
rupted, 63.  Energy  and  patriotic  sac- 
rifices of,  64.  Visits  the  carnp,  66.  Her 
popularity  and  influence,  75.  De- 
poses the  judges  of  chancery,  84.  Ani- 
mates the  troops  before  Granada,  88. 
Surveys  the  city  of  Granada,  89.  In 
danger,  from  the  conflagration  of  the 
Christian  camp,  90.  Her  favorable 
disposition  towards  Columbus,  127. 
Acknowledgments  due  to,  for  aiding 
Columbus,  133  Finally  consents  to 
the  proscription  of  the  Jews,  139.  Her 
mistaken  piety,  153.  Alarmed  at  the 
attempt  made  on  Ferdinand's  life,  157. 
Her  early  education,  185.  Her  collec- 
tion of  books,  187.  188,  note.  Her  so- 
licitude for  the  instruction  of  her  chil- 
dren, 188  ;  of  her  son,  Prince  John, 
189;  of  the  nobles,  191.  Dissatisfied 
with  the  proceedings  respecting  the 
succession  of  females  to  the  crown,  362. 
Her  affliction  at  thf  loss  of  her  daugh- 
ter, 364.  Mendoza's  executor,  372.  Xi- 
menes  her  confessor,  380.  Her  at- 
tempts to  reform  the  religious  estab- 
lishments, 383.  Offers  the  see  of 
Toledo  to  Xirnenes,  38(5.  Insulted  by 
the  general  of  the  Franciscans.  393. 
Consents  to  the  reform  by  Ximenes, 
395.  Her  confidence  in  Columbus, 
162,  4(58.  Sends  back  Indian  slaves, 
471.  Sends  out  the  comm.ssioner, 


Bobadilla,  471.  Declares  the  Indiana 
free,  478,  497 ;  her  zeal  for  their  con- 
version, 4S)6.  Sanctions  negro  slavery, 
496.  Her  benevolent  purposes  in  re- 
gard to  the  Indians  defeated,  497 
Takes  no  part  in  the  Italian  wan,  in. 
50.  Her  ill-health,  50,  92,  96,  99.  Her 
prediction  respecting  Charles  V.,  61. 
Her  visit  to  Joanna,  94.  Her  distress, 
95.  Her  illness,  and  fortitude,  96,  99, 
170.  Her  exertions  fbr  opposing  the 
French  invasion,  100.  Decline  of  her 
health.  169, 173,  180.  Retains  her  en 
ergies,  172.  Alarm  of  the  nation,  174. 
Particulars  of  her  testament,  174.  Set- 
tles the  succession,  175.  Ferdinand 
named  regent  by  her,  176.  Her  codicil, 

178.  Her  appointment  of  a  commis- 
sion for  the  codification  of  the  laws, 

179.  Her  zeal  for  the  conversion  of 
the  Indians,  179.  Her  signature  to  the 
codicil,    180.      Her    resignation    and 
death,   181,   194,  note.    Her  remains 
transported  to  Granada,   182;  laid  in 
the   Alhambra,  183.     The   person   of, 
184.     Her  manners,  184.     Her    mag- 
nanimity, 186.     Her  piety,  187.     Her 
bigotry,   188,  2C2.    Her  strength  of 
principle,  191.     Her   practical    sense, 
192.     Unwearied  activity  of,  193.  Her 
courage,  195.     Her  sensibility   to   her 
family    and    friends,    197.     Compared 
with  Elizabeth  of  England,  199.    Uni- 
versal homage  to  her  virtues,  204.    Ef- 
fect of  her  death  on   Columbus,  236. 
Her  treatment  of  the  church, 435.  Her 
care  of  the  morals  of  the  clergy,  437. 

Isabella,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, measures  for  her  union  with  the 
dauphin  of  France,  i.  129 ;  with  Al- 
onso,  son  of  the  prince  of  Portugal, 
172.  Accompanies  her  mother  to  the 
camp,  401.  Affianced  to  Alonso,  heir 
of  the  Portuguese  monarchy,  n.  79, 344 
Escorted  to  Portugal,  80.  Her  attach 
ment  to  her  husband's  memory,  346 
347,  note.  Her  union  with  Emanuel 
of  Portugal,  346,  355.  Her  premature 
death,  3(53. 

Isabella  of  Aragon,  illustrious  and  ni»- 
fortunate,  in.  43,  note. 


516 


INDEX. 


Italian  military  tactics,  n.  278. 

Italy,  the  school  of  politics  at  the  close 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  u.  259.  Her 
most  powerful  stales,  260.  Character 
of  the  politics  of,  203.  Its  internal 
prosperity,  204.  Intrigues  of  Sforza 
in,  204.  Alarmed  at  the  invasion  of 
Charles  VIII.,  272.  Military  tactics 
in,  278.  Effects  of  the  news  of  the 
league  of  Venice  on,  201.  Influence 
of  the  war  there,  on  Spain,  339.  Louis 
XII. 's  designs  on,  in.  4.  politics  of,4. 
Conquests  in,  5.  Astonishment  of,  at  the 
partition  of  Naples,  20.  Wars  there,  be- 
tween the  French  and  Spaniaids,  37. 
Favors  the  Spaniards,  38.  Chivalrous 
character  of  the  war  there,  45.  Melan- 
choly condition  of,  108.  Views  of  the 
states  of,  112.  Anxious  expectation 
of,  during  the  battle  of  the  Gariglia- 
no,  127.  Invaded  by  Louis  XII.,  333. 
Abandoned  by  the  French,  344. 


J. 


Jealousy,  the  cause  of  the  revolution  in 
Granada,  i  348. 

Jews,  retrospective  view  of,  in  Spain,  i. 
235.  Condition  of,  under  the  Arabs, 
230;  under  the  Castilians,  238.  Per- 
secution of,  239,  240,  251.  Legis- 
lative enactments  respecting,  241. 
Their  state  at  the  accession  of  Is- 
abella, 24^.  Charges  brought  against 
them,  243.  Proofs  admitted  against, 
251.  Excitement  against  them,  n. 

135.  Clergy  foment  the  excitement, 

136.  Various  offences  urged  against, 

137.  Torquemada's   violent   conduct 
respecting,    137.      Isabella's    feelings 
towards   them,   139.      Edict  for   their 
expulsion,  139,  150;  its  severe  opera- 
tion, 140.  Their  constancy,  142.  Their 
departure,  143.     Treatment  of   them 
in  Portugal,  144.    Their  sufferings  in 
Africa,  144  ;  in  Italy,  146.     Eminent 
and   learned    men  amon»  the  exiled, 

147,  note.     Whole  number  of  exiled, 

148.  Disastrous  results  of  their  expul- 
sion, 149.    Motives  of  the  edict,  150. 


Contemporary  judgments  on  them  else 
where,  101.  Banished  from  Portugal 
356.  Prohibited  from  going  to  thi 
New  World,  483. 

J,>;.n,  her  marriage  with  John  of  Arngon 
i.  31.  Her  deportment  towards  Carlos 

32,  38.      Is   besieged  at    Estella,    33 
Gives  birth  to  Ferdinand  the  Catholic, 

33.  Fotbidderi  to  enter  Barcelona,  41. 
Seeks  refuge  in  Gerona,  48.     Besieges 
Rosas,  and  joins  Prince  Ferdinand,  be- 
fore Gerona,  50.     Her  death,  57. 

Joanna,  a  Portuguese  princess,  sister  of 
Alfonso  V.,  married  to  Henry  IV.,  of 
Castile,  i.  07.  Her  gayetj  ;  the  conse- 
quent suspicions,  07,  139,  note..  The 
mother  of  Joanna,  commonly  called 
Beltraneja,  75.  To  be  divorced,  94. 
Her  death ;  remarks  on  her  character, 
140,  note. 

Joanna  Beltraneja,  daughter  of  Joanna, 
wife  of  Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  i.  75. 
Supported  by  a  fraction  of  the  royal 
party,  08.  Affianced  to  the  duke  of 
Guienne,  115  Guienne  dies,  and  other 
negotiations  take  place,  125.  Foun- 
dation of  the  popular  belief  of  her  ille- 
gitimacy, 139,  note.  Her  pretensions 
to  the  crown,  considered,  140.  Parti- 
sans of,  145.  Suppoited  by  Alfonso 
of  Portugal,  14G;  measures  in  regard 
to  her  marrying  him,  149.  The  veil 
taken  by  her,  172,  173.  Her  proposed 
marriage  with  Francis  Phoebus,  353. 
Further  remarks  respecting  her,  n. 
344.  Her  death,  345,  note.  The  re- 
port respecting  Ferdinand's  proposed 
union  with,  in.  215,  note. 

Joanna,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  laa- 
bella,  and  mother  of  Charles  V.,  i.  354. 
Proposition  for  the  marriage  of,  with 
Francis  Phoebus,  king  of  Navarre  354. 
Her  birth,  n.  343.  Her  marriage  into 
the  family  of  Austria,  348,  352.  Her 
embarkation,  350.  Her  arrival  in 
Flanders,  352.  Her  nuptials  celebrated 
with  uncommon  pomp,  352.  Charles 
V.,  son  of,  in.  61.  Her  despondency, 
92.  Birth  of  her  second  son,  !)3.  In- 
sane, 94,  170.  Visited  by  Isabella,  94. 
Her  mad  conduct,  171.  Her  incaoa- 


INDEX. 


617 


cily,  2fl8  Favors  the  government  by 
her  father,  212.  Rigorously  confined, 
212  Her  condition  at  the  death  of 
her  husband,  2(50.  Her  conduct  in 
regard  to  her  husband's  remains,  2f>8. 
Changes  her  ministers,  270.  Her  in- 
terview with  Ferdinand,  283.  Her 
death,  284.  See  Philip ,  and  Plulip 
and  Joanna. 

John  II.,  of  Castile,  accession  of,  i.  4. 
His  kingdom  governed  by  favorites, 
5.  His  partiality  to  Alvaro  de  Luna, 
5,  7.  His  oppression  of  the  com- 
mons, 8  His  encouragement  of  lit- 
erature, 13.  His  marriage  with  the 
princess  Isabella,  24.  His  death,  28. 

John  II.,  of  Aragon,  governs  Aragon 
during  the  absence  of  Alfonso  V.,  i. 
30.  Title  of  his  son  Carlos  to  Navarre, 
30.  His  marriage  with  Joan  Henri- 
quez,  31  ;  her  deportment  towaids 
Carlos,  32.  Defeats  Carlos,  33.  Suc- 
ceeds to  the  crown  of  Aragon.  37. 
His  hypocritical  reconciliation  with 
Carlos,  37 ;  his  perfidious  treatment 
and  imprisonment  of  him,  3!).  His 
escape  from  the  fury  of  the  Catalans, 
40.  Releases  his  son  Carlos  from 
prison,  41.  His  treaty  wilh  Louis 
XL,  of  France,  50.  Allegiance  to, 
renounced  by  the  Catalans,  51.  His 
successes,  52.  His  distresses,  embar- 
rassments, and  calamities,  55.  Death 
of  the  wife  of,  57.  Improvement  in 
his  affairs,  58  Restoration  of  his 
eyesight,  58.  Besieges  and  subdues 
Barcelona,  60.  His  embarrassments  at 
the  time  of  Ferdinand's  entrance  into 
Castile,  lOfi.  Writes  to  Ferdinand  re- 
specting the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  117. 
Takes  part  with  Roussillon  and  Cer- 
dagne "against  Louis  XL,  120.  Throws 
himself  into  Perpignan,  121  His  ani- 
mating conduct,  J22.  Relieved  by 
Ferdinand,  122.  Louis  detains  his 
ambassadors,  120.  His  interview  with 
Ferdinand,  subsequently  to  the  battle 
of  Toio,  170,  note.  His  death  and 
character,  175.  His  z?al  against  here- 
tics, 234. 

John,  duke  of  Calabria  and  Lorraine,  in- 


trusted with  the  government  of  Cata- 
lonia, i.  54.  Abandons  the  siege  of 
Gerona,  5C.  His  popularity,  and  suo- 
cesses,  56.  His  death,  59. 

John,  Prince,  son  of  Alfonso  of  Portugal, 
i.  147.  '  Marches  to  the  aid  of  hit 
father,  at  Zamora,  157.  Takes  part 
in  the  battle  of  Toro,  I(K),  161.  Crown- 
ed, 168.  Resigns  the  crown  to  liis 
father,  169.  Proposition  for  the  union 
of  Alfonso,  son  of,  with  Isabella  of 
Castile,  172.  Discoveries  in  the  reign 
of,  u.  112.  Columbus  applies  to,  119. 
His  conduct  towards  the  exiled  Jews, 
144.  His  reception  of  Columbus,  on 
his  return  from  his  first  voyage,  161, 
note,  175.  Endeavours  to  check  the 
career  of  Spanish  discovery,  175. 
Sends  an  ambassador  to  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  176.  His  wary  diplo- 
macy in  regard  to  tneir  embassy  to 
him,  176.  Advised  of  Columbus '• 
having  sailed  on  his  second  voyage, 
179.  His  disgust,  180.  Adjustment 
of  the  misunderstanding,  by  the  treaty 
of  Tordesillas,  181.  Dies,  and  the 
crown  devolves  on  Emanuel,  346. 

John,  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
proposition  for  the  union  of,  with 
Catharine  of  Navarre,  i.  354.  Meas- 
ures for  the  recognition  of,  n.  45. 
Honor  of  knighthood  conferred  on,  82. 
His  birth  and  early  education,  189, 343, 
note.  His  attainments,  191.  Prince 
of  the  Asturias,  343,  nott.  Union  of, 
with  Margaret,  248,  353.  His  sudden 
illness,  356.  His  death,  357.  His 
amiable  character,  358. 

John  of  Navarre.     See  Albret. 

Joshua,  bis  miracle  of  the  sun  standing 
still,  said  to  be  repeated  at  Oran,  in 
307,  note. 

Judges,  abridgment  of  the  commission  of 
the,  i.  194,  note. 

Juglar,  Fray  Gaspard,  inquisitor  over 
the  diocese  of  Saragossa,  u.  7. 

Julius  II.,  his  bull  of  July  28th,  1508,  u. 
492.  His  election  as  pope,  HI.  118. 
Furnishes  Ximenes  with  Greek  manu- 
scripts, 322.  Ratifies  the  treaty  of 
Cambray,  330.  His  opposition  t  \lto 


518 


INDEX. 


French,  335.  Grants  Ferdinand  the 
investiture  of  Naples,  and  other  favora, 
336.  Becomes  a  party  in  the  Holy 
League,  337.  His  bull,  excommuni- 
cating the  sovereigns  of  Navarre,  360. 

Jurisprudence,  reform  of  the.  i.  196. 
Study  of,  in  Spain,  205.  See  Laws. 

Justice,  administration  of,  in  Castile,  i. 
131,  178,  188,  194,  206.  King  and 
queen  preside  in  courts  of,  195.  Meas- 
ures for  the  administration  of,  11.  48. 
Marineo  cited  respecting,  in.  438. 

Justice  of  Aragon,  his  court,  i.  Ixxxvi. 
Causes  referred  to,  xciv.  Institution  of 
the  office  of,  cv.  Important  functions 
of,  cv.  Examples  of  independent  con- 
duct of.  cvii.  His  great  consideration, 
cxix. 

K. 

King  of  Aragon,  extent  of  his  authority, 
i.  Ixxxv. 

King  of  Castile,  his  power  and  the  peo- 
ple's compared,  i.  Ivii. 

Knighthood,  favored  by  the  law  of  Cas- 
tile, i.  Ixiv. 

Knights,  civilities  between  the  Moorish 
and  Christian,  i.  293.  See  Chivalry. 

Koran,  the,  exacts  military  service  of  all 
persons,  i.  271,  note. 


L. 


Ladies,  literary,  in  Spain,  11.  196. 

Laino,  surprised  by  Gonsalvo,  n.  319. 

Lance,  complement  of  a,  i.  51,  note. 

Lanjaron,  captured,  n.  428. 

Laws,  codification  of  the,  i.  196  Com- 
pilation of,  in.  447.  Character  of  the, 
453. 

Lebrija,  Antonio  de,  notices  of,  and  of 
his  writings,  i.  410,  note,  n.  199.  Em- 
ployed in  the  compilation  of  the  Com- 
plutensian  Polyglot,  in.  323,  note. 

Leo  X.,  his  brief  to  Ximenes,  in.  423. 

Leon,  Ponce  de,  discovers  Florida,  in. 
472. 

Leon,  Rodrigo  Ponce  de,  facts  respect- 
ing, i.  118,  320.  His  opposition  to  the 


duke   of  Medina   Sidonia,   189,  32J 
Made  marquis  of  Cadiz,  321.    His  ex 
pedition   against  Alhama,  322.     Hie 
indomitable  spirit  there,  332.  His  con- 
nexion with  the  expedition  to  the  Ax- 
arquia,  359,  360,  366.      His  escape, 
369.     Rewarded,  394.     Rescues  Fer- 
dinand, n.   15.      Danger    of,    before 
Malaga,  24.     Takes  possession  of  the 
citadel,  36.    Drawn  into  an  ambuscade 
near  Baza,  47.     Clears  the  gardens  of 
their  timber,  57.     Death  and   heroic 
character   of,    106.      His  descendants 
and  titles,  108,  note. 
Leonora,  i.  353,  in.  217. 
Libraries,  remarks  on,  before  the  intro- 
duction of  printing,  n.  187,  note. 
License  for  private  voyages  to  the  New 

World,  n.  488. 

Literature,  early  state  of,  in  Castile,  i. 
12.  Its  encouragement  under  John 
II.,  13,  21 ;  Marquis  of  Villena.  14 ; 
Marquis  of  Santillana,  16;  John  de 
Mena,  18  ;  minor  luminaries,  20  ;  epis- 
tolary and  historical  composition  at 
this  period,  22.  Encouragement  of, 
by  Alhakem  II.,  284.  State  of,  among 
the  Spanish  Arabs,  299;  circumstan- 
ces favorable  to  it,  300.  Palmy  state 
of,  during  the  reign  of  the  sovereigns 
in.  484,  note.  Further  observations 
respecting  it,  494,  note.  See  Castilian 
literature. 

Llorente,  his  computations  respecting 
the  victims  of  the  Inquisition,  i.  265. 
Notice  of  his  History  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion, 268,  note.  Computations  respect- 
ing the  Inquisition,  taken  from,  in 
492,  note. 

Loja,  Ferdinand's  unsuccessful   attempt 
on,  i.  340.     Ali  Atar,  the  defender  of, 
374.     Lord  Scales  distinguishes  him- 
self at,  397. 
Lombardy,  conquered  by  the  French,  ill. 

b. 
Longfellow,  Henry  W.,   his  version  of 

Manrique's  Coplas,  n.  231,  note. 
Longueville,  strengthened  by  Palice,and 

pursues  the  duke  of  Alva,  in.  356 
Lorraine,  duke  of.     See  John. 
Louis   XL,  of  France,  his   treaty    with 


INDEX. 


519 


John  II.  of  Aragon,  i.  50.  His  inter- 
view with  Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Bidassoa,  73;  the 
consequences,  74.  His  proposition  re- 
specting the  union  of  his  brother  and 
Joanna,  114.  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne 
revolt  from,  120.  Treaty  of,  with  the 
king  of  Aragon,  123.  Detains  am- 
bassadors of  John  II.,  129.  The  first 
monarch  to  extend  an  interest  to  Eu- 
ropean politics,  351.  His  standing  in 
regard  to  Navarre,  353,  354.  Suc- 
ceeded by  Charles  VIII.,  11.  265. 

Louis  XII.,  his  designs  on  Italy,  in.  4. 
His  negotiations  with  various  Eu- 
ropean powers,  5.  Openly  menaces 
Naples,  9,  19.  His  rupture  with  Fer- 
dinand, 34.  Crosses  the  Alps,  40. 
Negotiates  a  treaty  with  Philip,  at 
Lyons,  68.  Demands  an  explanation 
of  the  archduke,  87.  His  indignation, 
and  measures  for  invading  Spain,  97. 
His  great  preparations  against  Italy, 
114.  His  chagrin  after  the  rout  of 
Garigliano,  149.  His  treatment  of  the 
garrison  of  Gaeta,  150.  His  appre- 
hensions for  the  fate  of  his  possessions 
in  the  north  of  Italy,  155.  His  treaty 
with  Ferdinand,  156.  Causes  of  his 
failure  in  Italy,  159.  Memoirs  of  the 
period  of,  168,  note.  His  policy  re- 
specting the  misunderstanding  be- 
tween Ferdinand  and  Philip,  216.  His 
brilliant  interview  with  Ferdinand  at 
Savona,  278.  His  compliments  to 
Gonsalvo,  281.  His  projects  against 
Venice,  330.  His  partition  of*the  con- 
tinental possessions  of  Venice  with 
Maximilian,  330.  Crosses  the  Alps 
and  invades  Italy,  333.  His  aggres- 
sions on  the  church,  335.  His  treaty 
with  Navarre,  351.  His  truce  with 
Ferdinand,  357. 

Lucena,  battle  of,  i.  376. 

'..ucero,  an  inquisitor,  in.  249,  note. 

wugo,  Alvarez  Yanez  de,  justice  execu- 
ted on,  i.  191.  Isabella  refuses  to  par- 
don, in.  191 ,  note. 

Luna,  Alvaro  de,  rise  and  character  of, 
i.  5.  A  favorite  of  John  II.,  of  Cas- 
tile 6,  7.  Viewed  with  jealousy  by 


the  nobles,  7.  His  influence  in  the  op- 
pression of  the  commons,  8.  His  de- 
cline, 23.  The  "  Chronicle  "  of,  523,  note. 
His  influence  in  relation  to  the  mar- 
riage of  John  II.,  and  its  consequen- 
ces, 24.  His  fall,  24.  His  death,  25. 
Lamented  by  John,  27. 

Lyons,  the  treaty  of,  in.  68  ;  rejected  by 
Ferdinand,  88.  Treaty  of,  in  1504, 
157. 

Lyric  poetry,  low  state  of,  in  Castile,  n 
229. 

M. 

Machiavelli,  Florentine  minister  at  the 
papal  court,  in.  128. 

Madrid,  becomes  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, i.  250,  in.  406.  Account  of  the 
environs  of,  461,  note. 

Magnet,  discovery  of  the  polarity  of  the, 
n.  Ill,  112,  note. 

Mahometanism,  remarks  on,  i.  270. 

Malaga,  descent  on  the  environs  of,  i. 
358.  Description  of,  n.  16.  Expedi- 
tion against,  17.  Sharp  rencontre  be- 
fore, 19.  Invested  by  sea  and  land, 
20  ;  the  brilliant  spectacle  of,  21.  Sum- 
moned to  surrender,  24.  Distresses 
in,  28,  32.  General  sally  from,  30. 
Outworks  carried,  32.  Proposals  for 
surrendering,  33.  Surrenders,  35. 
Taken  possession  of,  35,  37.  Purifi- 
cation of,  36.  Release  of  Christian 
captives  at,  37.  Lament  of  the  inhab- 
itants of,  38 ;  sentence  passed  on  them 
40.  Wary  device  of  Ferdinand  re- 
specting the  plate  found  there,  40 
Cruel  policy  of  the  victors,  41.  Meas- 
ures for  repeopling,  43. 

Manrique,  Jorge,  his  "  Coplas,"  n.  230 
Translated  by  Longfellow,  231,  note 

Mantua,  marquis  of,  appointed  comman- 
der of  the  French  army,  in.  119.  His 
attack  on  Rocca  Secca,  122.  Builds 
a  bridge  across  the  Garigliano,  and 
passes  over,  124.  Resumes  his  quar- 
ters, 127.  Situation  of  the  army  un- 
der 132;  their  insubordination,  J33 
His  resignation,  133.  Succeeded  by 
Saluzzo  133. 


520 


INDEX. 


Manuel,  Juan,  ambassador  at  the  court 
of  Maximilian,  in.  209.  His  charac- 
ter, 310.  His  ascendency  over  Philip, 
224.  Estates  and  honors  lavished  on, 
248.  His  flight  to  the  court  of  Maxi- 
milian, 287. 

Manufactures  in  Spain,  i.  281.  Laws 
respecting,  in.  457.  Extent  of  the 
finer,  459. 

Manuscripts,  Greek,  furnished  to  Xime- 
nes  by  the  pope,  in.  322.  Their  value, 
and  destruction,  325. 

Marchena.     See  Perez. 

Margaret,  daughter  of  Maximilian,  her 
union  with  Prince  John,  n.  348,  352, 
353.  Incidents  in  the  early  life  of,  352. 
Her  voyage  to  Spain,  and  reception 
there,  353. 

Maria,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, her  birth,  n.  343,  note. 

Marina,  notice  of  his  works,  i.  Ixxix  ,  note. 

Marineo,  Lucio,  an  eminent  scholar  in 
Spain,  ii.  193.  Notice  of  his  writings, 
194.  Cited  respecting  the  administra- 
tion of  justice,  in.  438. 

Martel,  Jerome,  public  historiographer, 
I.  cxxiii.,  note. 

Martyr,  Peter,  d' Anghiera,  notice  of  him, 
and  his  works,  n.  74,  note,  507,  note. 
His  allusions  to  Columbus,  132,  166. 
Invited  to  the  court  to  open  a  school 
for  the  young  nobility,  192.  His  la- 
bors, 193.  Cited  respecting  Isabella's 
sickness  and  death,  in.  172,  173,  182. 

Masterships,  grand, annexed  to  the  crown, 
1.216,218. 

Maximilian,  his  embassy  to  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  n.  48.  Negotiations  of 
the  Spanish  court  with,  in.  8.  His 
truce  with  the  king  of  Naples,  9. 
Partial  to  Spain,  114.  Tampers  with 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  212.  Shares  the 
possession  of  Venice  with  Louis  XII., 
330.  , 

Mazarquivir,  captured,  in.  299.  Xime- 
nes's  expedition  arrives  at,  301. 

Mechlin,  treaty  of,  in.  358,  note. 

Medina,  commercial  importance  of,  in. 
482. 

Mena,  John  de,  a  distinguished  poet  in 


the  reign  of  John  II.,  i.  18.     His  in- 
fluence on  Castilian  poetry,  19. 

Mendana,  Pedro  de,  his  grievous  devas- 
tations, i.  179. 

Mendoza,  Diego  Hurtado  de,  facts  re 
specting,  i.  79,  note.  Marquis  of 
Santillana,  118.  Addresses  a  remon- 
strance to  the  king  and  queen  respect- 
ing the  hermandad,  205.  His  magnif 
icent  train,  400.  His  bravery,  400. 
Opposed  toXimenes,  in.  411. 

Mendoza,  Diego  de,  his  rout  of  the 
French  rearguard,  near  Barleta,  in.  53. 

Mendoza,  Inigo  Lopez  de,  marquis  of 
Santillana,  an  illustrious  wit  of  the 
reign  of  John  II.,  i.  16.  His  death, 
18. 

Mendoza  Inigo  Lopez  de.     See  Tendilla. 

Mendoza,  Pedro  Gonzales  de,  archbishop 
of  Seville  and  cardinal  of  Spain,  fa- 
vors Isabella,  i.  126.  His  bravery  at 
the  battle  of  Toro,  162.  Accompanies 
Isabella,  to  suppress  the  tumults  at 
Segovia,  184.  Prevails  on  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  to  open  negotiations  with 
the  court  of  Rome,  222.  Favors  the 
Jews,  249.  The  successor  of  Carillo 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  357.  Sent  for- 
xward  to  take  possession  of  the  Alham- 
bra,  at  the  capitulation  of  Granada, 
n.  96,  97.  Favors  the  project  of  Co- 
lumbus, 122.  His  death,  368.  His 
early  life,  369.  His  character,  370 
His  amours,  370.  The  queen  his  ex- 
ecutor, 372.  Names  Ximenes  as  his 
successor,  373. 

Mendoza*  Salazar  de,  justifies  Ferdi- 
nand's treatment  of  Navarre,  in.  360, 
note. 

Merlo,  Diego  de,  his  expedition  against 
Alhama,  i.  319,  322. 

Metals,  erroneous  policy  in  regard  to,  i 
225.  In  the  West  Indies,  n.  499,  in. 
477. 

Miguel,  son  of  Emanuel  of  Portugal 
and  Isabella,  his  birth,  n.  364.  His 
recognition  as  heir  to  the  throne,  365 
His  death,  366. 

Milan,  conquered  by  the  French,  in.  5 
112. 


1  INDEX. 


521 


Military  Orders  of  Castile,  i.  209.  Or- 
der of  St.  Jago,  or  St.  James,  of;  Coin- 
postella,  210  ,  of  Calatrava,  '-21'J,  215; 
of  Alcantara,  S.J.3,  215.  Their  refor- 
mation, 217. 

Military  service,  exacted  by  the  Koran, 
i.  271.  Remarks  on,  in.  160.  Gon- 
salvo  9  reform  of  the,  101. 

Military  tactics  in  Italy,  11.  278. 

Militia,  discipline  of  the,  i.  395.  Organi- 
zation of,  11.  340. 

Mineral  wealth  of  Spain,  i.  281. 

Ministers,  resident,  first  maintained  at 
foreign  courts  by  Ferdinand  the  Cath- 
olic, i.  352. 

Minturnaa,  the  ancient  city  of,  HI.  123, 
note. 

Miracle  of  the  sun  standing  still,  at  the 
storming  of  Oran,  in.  307,  note. 

Moclin,  meeting  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella in  the  camp  before,  i.  401. 

Modern  Inquisition,  turned  against  the 
Jews,  i.  244.  Authorized  in  Castile, 

248.  Put  into  operation   at  Seville, 
250.      Its   sanguinary  character,   252. 
Its  final  organization,  255.     Forms  of 
trial  by    the,  255;  torture,  357.     Its 
injustice,  259.     The  autos  da  fe,  260. 
Convictions  under  Torquemada,  264. 
Particulars  respecting  its  introduction 
iuto  Aragon,   n.  6;  remonstrance  of 
the  cortes,  7;    conspiracy,  8 ;  assassi- 
nation of  Arbues,  9;   cruel  persecu- 
tions,    10.      Established     throughout 
Ferdinand's  dominions,  11.     Remarks 
on  its  establishment  in  Spain,  in.  190, 

491.  Subsequent   troubles   from    the, 

249.  Ferdinand's  conduct  in  regard 
to  the,  in  Aragon,  393,  note.     Effects 
of  the,  492.   Number  of  victims  of  the, 

492,  note.     See  Ancient  Inquisition. 
Mula  di  Gaeta,  action  at  the  bridge  of, 

in.  142. 
Moldenhauer,  professor,  his  visit  to  Al- 

cala,  respecting  the  manuscripts  used 

in    the    Complutensian   Polyglot,   HI. 

325,  note. 
rlolur.ua    Islands,    congress    respecting 

the,  a.  182,  note. 
Monasteries,  their  corrupt  state,  11.  382. 

Attempts  at  reform  in,  383,  392. 
VOL.    III.  66 


Monastic  orders,  Ximenes  attempt*  to 
reform  the,  u.  392.  Great  excitement 
among  them,  392. 

Montalvo,  Alfonso  Diaz  de,  his  work, 
entitled  "  Ordenan^as  Reales,''  i.  198. 
Author  of  other  works,  in.  450,  note. 

Montilla,  demolition  of  the  castle  of,  in. 
289. 

Montpensier,  duke  of,  left  as  viceroy  of 
Charles  XI L.  at  Naples,  u.  299;  his 
disasters  there,  3J2.  Besieged  at 
Alella,  317.  His  capitulation,  323. 
His  death,  325. 

Moorish  minstrelsy,  u.  218.  Its  date, 
221.  Its  high  repute,  222. 

Moors,  religious  toleration  of  the,  i. 
xxxiii.  Their  refinements  and  attain- 
ments, xli.  Crusade  against,  under 
Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  65.  Papal  in- 
dulgences for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  against  them,  69.  Their  deport- 
ment toward  the  Jews,  236.  Their 
conquest  of  Spain,  272.  Their  policy 
towards  the  conquered,  273.  Their 
intermarriages,  274.  Checked  by  the 
defeat  at  Tours,  275.  Their  form  of 
government,  275.  Character  and  edu- 
cation of  their  sovereigns,  27G.  Their 
military  establishment,  277.  Sumptu- 
ous public  works  of  the,  277.  Hus- 
bandry and  manufactures  among  them, 
281  Their  high  civilization  and  pros- 
perity, 283.  Their  literature  under 
Alhakem  II.,  284.  Intellectual  devel- 
opement  among  them,  285.  Contrac- 
tion of  their  dominion,  287.  Recipro- 
cal civilities  between  them  and  the 
Spaniards,  293.  Their  gallantry,  294 
Their  ballads  or  romances,  294,  306. 
Their  chivalrous  character,  295.  Their 
successful  resistance  in  Granada,  297. 
Literature  of  the,  299.  Their  histori- 
cal merits,  304.  Their  useful  discov- 
eries, 305.  Impulse  given  by  them  to 
Europe,  306.  Their  elegant  literature, 
306.  Poetical  character  of  the,  308. 
Their  influence  on  Castilian  litera- 
ture, 310.  Circumstances  prejudicial 
to  their  literary  reputation,  311.  Sur- 
prise Zaha.a,  317.  Their  reception 
of  the  Spanish  at  Alhama,  324.  Be- 


5-22 


INDEX. 


siege  Alhama,  330,  336.  Withdraw, 
334,  337.  Skirmish  with  the  Span- 
iards before  Loja,  342.  Internal  dis- 
sensions among  the,  in  Granada,  349. 
Their  opposition  to  the  Christians  in 
the  expedition  to  the  Axarquia,  361. 
Thoir  losses  at  the  battle  of  Lucena, 
378.  Strength  of  their  fortresses,  384, 
388.  Their  modes  of  defence,  388. 
Terms  to  the  vanquished,  389.  Policy 
in  fomenting  the  factions  among  them, 
405.  Success  and  advancement  of 
the  Christians  against,  408.  Their 
civil  feuds  at  the  siege  of  Malaga,  u. 
25.  G*  neral  sally  of  the,  30.  Ter- 
mination of  their  empire  in  the  Pen- 
insula, 102.  Their  destiny,  105.  Tala- 
vera's  mild  policy  for  the  conversion 
of,  406.  Books  of  the,  burnt,  413. 
Revolt  in  the  Albaycin,  416.  Con- 
version of,  at  Granada,  422.  Called 
Moriscoes,  422.  Rising  of  the,  in  the 
Alpuxarras,  426.  Their  punishment, 
429.  Measures  for  introducing  Chris- 
tianity among  them,  430,  453.  Trans- 
ported to  the  Barbary  coast,  442 
Edict  against  those  in  Castile,  446. 
Termination  of  their  history,  during 
the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
455.  Prohibited  from  going  to  the 
New  World,  488.  Expedition  against, 
in  Africa,  under  Ximenes,  in.  299. 
Their  loss  at  Oran,  306.  See  Granada. 

Moral  energy,  remarks  on,  n.  401. 

Moratin,  his  "  Origenes  del  Teatro  Es- 
panol,1'  n.  249,  note.  His  dramatic 
criticism,  in.  249,  note. 

Moriscoes,  the  Moors  so  called,  n.  422. 
Gonsalvo's  kindness  to  them,  in.  294. 

Moya,  marchioness  of.     See  Bobadilla. 

Munoz,  Juan  Bautista,  notice  of  him,  and 
his  writings,  n.  508,  note. 


N. 


Naharro,  Bartholomeo  Torres  de,  notice 
of  him,  n.  240.  His  comedies,  241. 

Najara,  duke  of,  dissatisfied  with  the 
queen's  settlement  of  the  regency,  in. 


209.      Surrenders,  287.      Arrives   at 
Pampelona  with  reinforcements,  356. 
Names,  Arabian   mode  of  selecting,  i 

349,  note. 

Naples,  dissatisfactions  respecting  the 
crown  of,  n.  274.  Threatened  by 
Louis  XII.,  in.  9.  Partition  of,  be- 
tween France  and  Spain,  11,  13,  20 
Ground  of  Ferdinand's  claim  to,  14 
Astonishment  of  Italy,  at  the  partition 
of,  20.  French  forces  there,  40.  Sub- 
mission of,  to  the  Spanish,  81.  Gon- 
salvo's triumphant  entry  into,  82 
Princes  of,  82,  note.  Reduction  of 
the  fortresses  of,  84.  Enthusiasm  foi 
Gonsalvo  at,  152.  Extortions  of  the 
Spanish  troops  there,  153.  Treaty  re- 
specting, 217.  Enthusiastic  reception 
of  Ferdinand  at,  262.  Dissatisfactions 
there,  266.  Ferdinand's  acts  there, 
275.  Gonsalvo  leaves,  278.  The  pope 
grants  the  investiture  of,  to  Ferdinand, 
336  Government  of,  468.  Regard 
there  for  Ferdinand,  469.  See  Charles 
VIII.,  and  Garigliano. 

Navagiero,  Andrea,  his  account  of  the 
revenues  of  the  nobles  in  Castile,  in. 
434,  note.  Cited  respecting  chivalry 
in  the  war  of  Granada,  488.  Notice 
of  him  and  his  works,  489,  note. 

Navarre,  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  i.  xxx.  Title  of  Carlos  to, 
30.  Factions  of  the  Beaumonts  and 
Agramonts,  32.  Defeat  of  Carlos,  33. 
Influence  of  Louis  XI.  in  the  councils 
of;  crown  of,  devolves  on  Francis 
Phcebus,  353.  Marriage  of  Catharine 
of,  n.  5.  Sovereigns  of,  in.  347.  Fer- 
dinand's distrust  of,  348.  Negotiations 
of,  with  France,  349.  Ferdinand  de- 
mands a  passage  through,  for  his  army, 

350,  362.     Embarrassing  situation  of 
the  princes  of,  351.     Allied  to  France, 

351.  Invaded  by  the  duke  of  Alva 

352.  Abandoned  by  John,  352.    Con- 
quered,  354.      United    with    Castile, 
359, 466.    Examination  of  Ferdinand's 
conduct  respecting  the  treatment  of 
359.     Excommunication  of  the  sove- 
reigns of,  by  Julius  II.,  360.     Impru- 
dence of,  in  not  granting  Ferdinand's 


INDEX 


523 


request,  364;  authorizes  war,  364. 
Gross  abuse  of  the  victory  over,  364. 
Authorities  respecting,  366,  note. 
French  defeated  by  a  force  sent  there 
by  Ximenes,  408. 

.Vavarrete,  Martin  Fernandez  de,  his  re- 
searches in  the  public  archives  of 
Spain,  n.  133,  507,  note. 

Navarro,  Pedro,  his  celebrity,  in.  17. 
Defends  Canosa,  44.  His  services  at 
Naples,  84.  Joins  Gonsalvo,  120. 
Commander  of  the  expedition  against 
Oran,  300,  303.  Sends  for  the  cardi- 
nal to  take  possession  of  Oran,  307. 
His  opposition  to  Ximenes,  308.  His 
African  conquests,  312.  His  fate,  314, 
note.  His  conduct  at  the  battle  of 
Ravenna,  339. 

Navigation,  historical  remarks  respect- 
ing, ii.  110. 

Negroes,  slavery  of  the,  sanctioned,  n. 
496.  See  Indians. 

Nemours,  duke  of,  supersedes  D'Aubi- 
gny,  HI.  40.  Invests  Barleta,  43.  De- 
fies the  Spaniards,  52.  Discomfited, 
53.  His  expedition  to  Castellaneta,  55. 
Fights  the  Spanish  at  Cerignola,  74. 
His  forces,  75.  His  death,  76.  Rout 
of  the  French,  77,  79.  His  burial,  79. 
See  Foix. 

New  World,  historians  of  the,  n.  506, 
note.  Inquisition  extended  to  the,  in. 
409. 

Nobles  of  Castile,  privileges  and  immu- 
nities of  the,  i.  Iviii.  Their  jealousy 
of  Alvaro  de  Luna,  7.  Their  league 
against  Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  75.  Op- 
pose the  Santa  Hermandad,  181.  Plans 
for  reducing,  199.  Policy  of  the  sove- 
reigns towards  the,  393.  Magnificence 
of  the,  393.  Their  gallantry,  399.  The 
queen's  care  for  the  education  of  the 
u.  191.  Their  scholarship,  195.  Ac- 
complished women,  196.  Dissatisfied 
with  the  queen's  settlement  of  the  re- 
gency, in.  209.  Their  disgust  with 
Ferdinand's  severity,  in  the  case  of  the 
marquis  of  Priego,290.  Their  feelings 
at  the  death  of  Feidinand,  387.  Xi- 
menes replies  to,  41)7.  Depression  of, 
by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  at  their  ac- 


cession, 431.    Their  great  power,  433 

Their  immense  revenues,  434. 
Northmen,  lemarks  on  the  discoveries 

by  the,  n.  119,  note,  131,  note. 
Norton,  Andrews,  his  "  Evidences  of  the 

Genuineness  of  the   Gospels,"  com* 

mended,  in.  325,  note. 
Novara,  battle  of,  in.  345. 
Noyon,  treaty  of,  in.  413. 
Nunez,  employed  on  the  compilation  of 

the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  HI.  323 

note. 

O. 

01iva,Fernan  Perez  de,  notice  of,  li.  245 
His  classical  imitations,  246.  No* 
popular,  247. 

Olmedo,  battles  of,  i.  7,  86. 

Omeyades,  dynasty  of  the,  i.  275,  276 
Sumptuous  public  works  by  the,  277 
Their  revenues,  280.  Their  decay 
286,  292,  300. 

Oran,  description  of,  HI.  299.  Warlike 
preparations  against,  300.  Battle  be- 
fore, 304.  The  city  of,  stormed,  305 
Entered  by  the  army,  306.  Moorish 
loss  at,  306.  Enterad  by  Ximenes 
307.  Miracle  «.aid  to  have  been  per- 
formed there,  307,  note.  Ximenes  said 
to  continue  to  watch  over,  315,  note. 
Earthquake  at,  in  1790,  and  abandon- 
ed, 315,  note. 

Ordenanqas  Reales,  the  work  of  Montal- 
vo,  i.  198,  HI.  44a 

Orders.     See  Military  Orders. 

Ortega,  John  de,  scales  the  battlement* 
of  Alhama,  i.  323. 

Orthes,  treaty  of,  HI.  357. 

Oslia,  the  storming  and  capture  of,  n 
332. 

Ovando,  Nicholas  de,  sent  out  to  His- 
paniola,  n.  477.  Instructions  to.  478. 
Refuses  Columbus  admittance  to  His 
paniola,  484.  Sends  Bobadilla  and 
others  to  Spain,  484. 

Oviedo  y  V'aldez,  Gonzalo  Fernande*  de, 
author  of  the  "  Quincuagenas,"  facl« 
respecting,  i.  112,  note.  Character  of 
his  work,  113. 


524 


INDEX 


P. 


Pacheco,  Juan,  marquis  of  Villena.  See 
VUlena. 

Ftcinc  Ocean,  its  discovery,  and  the  ef- 
fect thereof  on  Spam,  in.  472. 

PaYjicia,  repurchases  its  ancient  right 
oF representation,  i.  10. 

Palencia,  Alonso  de,  notice  of,  i.  136. 

Palice,  Sire  de  la,  in.  41.  At  Canosa, 
44.  His  brave  defence  of  Ruvd,  56. 
Made  prisoner,  57.  Treatment  of,  58. 
Commands  the  French  retreat  from 
Italy,  344.  Strengthens  Longueville, 
356. 

Palos,  Columbus  sails  from,  n.  129.  Re- 
ception of  Columbus  at,  on  his  return 
from  his  first  voyage,  162. 

Pampelona,  the  duke  of  Alva  retreats  to, 
HI.  356.  Besieged,  356. 

Papal  indulgences.     See  Indulgences. 

Paredes,  Diego  de,  heroism  of,  in.  135. 

Pearl  fisheries,  returns  from  the,  iu.469, 
470,  note. 

Pedro,  constable  of  Portugal,  crown  of 
Catalonia  offered  to,  i.  52.  His  death, 
53. 

Pena  de  los  Enamorados,  origin  of  its 
name,  i.  347. 

Perez,  Fray  Juan  de  Marchena,  guardian 
of  the  convent  of  La  Rabida,  his  inter- 
est and  exertions  in  behalf  of  Colum- 
bus, n.  120,  124. 

Perpignan,  gallant  defence  of,  i.  122. 
Siege  and  reduction  of,  by  the  French, 
133. 

Pesaro,  a  Venetian  admiral,  storms  St. 
George,  in.  17. 

Peschiera,  Louis  XII.,  hangs  the  gover- 
nor of,  and  his  son,  in.  3b3. 

Peter  IV.,  prepares  laws  for  the  disci- 
pline of  the  navy,  i.  Ixxxiv.  Defeats 
the  army  of  the  Union,  at  Epila,  xciii. 
His  magnanimous  policy,  xciv. 

Philip,  archduke,  son  of  Maximilian, 
union  of,  with  Joanna,  n.  348,  352. 
His  claims  to  the  crown  of  Castile, 
after  the  death  of  Prince  John,  359. 
Charles  V.,  son  of,  in.  61.  His  visit 
to  Spam  with  Joanna,  62.  Reception 
of,  at  the  French  court,  62,  68;  in 


Spain,  63.  Recognised  by  the  cor- 
tes,  64.  His  discontent,  65.  Leaves 
Spain  for  France,  67.  Negotiates  a 
treaty  with  Louis  XII.,  68.  Louis 
XII.  demands  an  explanation  of  him, 
87.  His  treatment  of  Joanna,  171, 
246.  His  pretensions  to  supremacy  in 
Castile,  210.  Increase  of  his  party, 
211.  Tampers  with  Gonsalvo,  212, 
Lands  at  Coruna,  and  is  joined  by  the 
nobles,  223.  Martyr's  account  of  his 
character, 225.  Avoids  Ferdinand. 225 
His  interviews  with  Ferdinand,  227 
232.  His  arbitrary  government,  247 
Refers  the  affairs  of  the  Inquisition  to 
the  royal  council,  250.  His  death,  255. 
His  character,  256.  His  remains  mov- 
ed to  Granada,  268,  283,  284,  note. 

Philip  II.,  claims  the  Portuguese  crown 
in.  487,  note. 

Philip  and  Joanna,  tne  accession  of,  in 
207.  Embark  for  Spain,  and  arrive  in 
England,  221.  Arrive  at  Coruna,  222 
Sovereignty  of  Castile  surrendered  to, 
230.  Proceed  to  Valladolid,  246.  Style 
of  living  at  the  court  of,  248. 

Phoebus,  Francis,  the  crown  of  Navarre 
devolves  on,  353.  Proposition  for  the 
union  of,  with  Joanna,  the  daughter 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  354.  His 
sudden  death,  354,  in.  347. 

Pinciano.     See  Nunez. 

Pisa,  France  and  Spain  withdraw  their 
protection  from,  in.  332. 

Pius  III.,  elected  pope,  in.  118.  His 
death,  118. 

Plague,  its  ravages  in  Castile,  i.  223;  at 
Seville,  253. 

Poetry,  Castilian,  1. 12.  Premium  for,  at 
Seville,  21.  Hebrew,  237.  Moorish, 
307,  n.  216\  Subsequent  Castiiian, 
216.  Developement  of  the  Castilian, 
and  further  remarks  respecting  it,  HI 
494,  note. 

Poison,  put  upon  arrows  by  the  Moors,  i 
3rt,' 

Polygamy,  the  cause  of  the  revolution  in 
Granada,  i.  348. 

Polyglot  Bible,  Ximenes's  edition  cf  the 
ii.  201,  note,  204,  HI.  312.  Account 
ofit,321.  Difficulties  of  the  task,  323 


INDEX. 


525 


Scholars  employed  in  its  compilation, 
323,  note.  Its  merits,  325.  Destruc- 
tion of  the  manuscripts  which  formed 
the  basis  of  it,  325. 

Pope,  difference  of  the  ciown  with  the,  i. 
220.  Makes  a  grant  to  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  350.  See  Alexander  VI.,  Ju- 
lius 11.,  Leo  X.,  Pius  III.,  and  Sixtus 
IV. 

Population,  augmentation  of,  in  Spain, 
in.  485.  Census  of,  in  Castile,  485, 
note.  Mode  of  estimating  it,  485,  notr.. 

Portugal,  treaty  of  pea^e  with,  i.  171. 
Application  of  Columbus  to  the  king 
of,  ii.  119.  Treatment  of  Jews  in, 
144,  152,  note.  Jews  banished  from, 
355.  King  and  queen  of,  visit  Spain, 
359.  Philip  II. 's  claim  to  the  crown 

•   of,  in.  487,  note.    See  Alfonso. 

Portuguese,  maritime  etterprise  of  the, 
ii.  112.  Jealous  of  the  Spanish  mari- 
time enterprise,  175. 

PragmtUicas,  issued,  i.  8,  in.  435.  Fre- 
quency of,  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  441,  note.  Collected  and 
published,  448. 

Press,  censorship  of  the,  established,  n. 
208. 

Priego.     See  Cordova,  Pedro  At. 

Printing,  introduction  of,  into  Spain,  n. 
20G.  The  queen  encourages  it,  20G. 
Its  rapid  diffusion,  2U7.  Frequency  of 
presses  for,  in.  483. 

Provencal  literature,  revives  in  Aragon, 
I.  cxix.  Flourishes  in  Valencia,  cxxiii; 
writers  there,  cxxii.  Abandoned,  cxxiv. 

Pulci,  the  Florentine  poet,  cited  respect- 
ing the  existence  of  land  in  the  west, 
ii.  117. 

Pulgar,  Fernando  del,  his  account  of  the 
Swiss  mercenaries,  i.  3(JG.  Remaiks 
respecting  him,  409,  note. 

Purgatory,  exemption  from,  by  papal 
bulls,  i.  (ii),  note. 


Quiricua<rpnas,  account  of  this  curious 

manuscript,  i.  1 13,  note. 
Quintanilla,  his  life  of  Ximenes,  n.  390. 


Rank,  not  a  passport  to  honor,  i.  200. 

Ravenna,  battle  of,  in.  339;  its  effect! 
342. 

Ravenstein,  Philip,  in.  19,  22.  Ship 
wrecked,  27. 

Redondilla,  remark  on  the,  n.  220,  nctt 

Reduan,  i.  302,  3<>9. 

Reform,  of  the  monasteries,  n.  383.  In 
the  diocese  of  Ximenes,  390.  Of  the 
monastic  orders,  392 ;  great  excitement 
caused  by  it,  392 ;  visit  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan general,  who  insults  the  queen, 
393.  The  pope's  interference,  and  the 
queen's  consent  to  a  reform,  395.  It* 
operation  and  effects,  39G. 

Rene  le  Bon,  of  Anjou,  crown  of  Cata- 
lonia offered  to,  i  54. 

Repartimientos,  the  system  of,  in.  473. 

Revenues,  derived  from  the  West  Indies. 
in.  4G9, 481.  Augmentation  of  the,  484. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  his  declaration  on 
his  death-bed,  in.  410  Parallel  between 
him  and  Ximenes,  420. 

Riol,  Santiago  Agustin,  on  the  various 
tribunals,  under  Ferdinand  and  Isabel- 
la, in.  452,  note. 

Rivers,  earl  of,  from  Britain.  See  Scales 

Robertson,  William,  i  Ixxvii.  note.  Off 
the  genuineness  of  Isabella's  testa- 
ment, in.  210,  note.  On  Ferdinand's 
intention  to  oppose  Philip's  landing, 
214,  note.  On  Ferdinnnd's  proposed 
union  with  Joanna  Bt-llranoja,  214, 
note.  On  the  queen's  exaction  of  an 
oath  from  Ferdinand  that  he  would  not 
marry  a  second  time,  223,  note.  His 
bias  respecting  Ferdinand's  transac- 
tions with  Philip,  234,  note.  On  Xime- 
nes's  objection  to  slavery,  409,  not*. 

Roderic,  king  of  the  Goths,  fatal  battle 
of,  i.  273. 

Roger,  Ponce,  a  reconciled  heretic,  hit 
punishment,  i.  234.  note. 

Roman  Catholic.     See  Chvrrh. 

Romances  of  chivalry,  n.  2J2.  Their 
evil  effects,  215. 

Rome,  perfidious  policy  of,  in  regard  to 
dispensations,  i.  2U7.  See  Ckurch,&nd 
Pope. 


526 


INDEX. 


Ronda,  prisoners  taken  at,  liberated,  i. 
405.  Harriet  Zeli,  the  defender  of,  n. 
17.  Rendezvous  at,  432,  441. 

Roussillon,  pledged  to  the  French  king, 
i.  50.  Revolt  there,  120.  Second 
French  invasion  of,  130.  Siege  and 
reduction  of;  perfidy  of  Louis  XL, 
133.  Negotiations  respecting,  11.  268. 
Restored  to  Aragon,  271.  Invaded  by 
the  French,  in.  98. 

Ruvo,  captured,  in.  56 ;  the  important 
consequences,  59. 


S. 


fit.  Angel,  Louis  de,  intercedes  with  Is- 
abella for  Columbus,  n.  127. 

St.  Dominic,  remarks  on,  i.  232,  note. 
Act  of,  for  a  penitent  heretic,  234,  note. 

St.  George,  the  storming  of,  in.  17. 

St.  James,  grand  master  of,  i.  114.  Mil- 
itary order  of,  210.  See  Cardenas  and 
Villena. 

Salamanca,  literary  character  of,  n.  203. 
The  concord  of,  in.  220,  224.  Univer- 
sity of,  327,  483. 

Salsas,  siege  of,  in.  99. 

Saluzzo,  marquis  of,  sent  to  the  relief  of 
Gaeta,  in.  115,  119.  Succeeds  the 
marquis  of  Mantua  as  commander  of 
the  French  army  in  Italy,  133.  His 
retreat  to  Gaeta,  141.  Routed,  144. 
Fate  of  the  army  under,  150.  His 
death,  151. 

Sail  Germano,  Gonsalvo  takes  post  at, 
in.  122. 

Santa  Fe,  history  of  the  origin  of,  11.  92. 

Santa  Hermancad,  establishment  of  the, 
I.  179.  Sec  Hcrmandad. 

Santillana,  Ifiigo  Lopez  de  Mendoza, 
marquis  of,  an  illustrious  wit  of  the 
reign  of  John  II.,  i.  16.  His  death, 
18,  79.  Cited,  27,  note. 

Saracen  invasion  of  Spain,  i.  xxix, 
xxxvii. 

Saragossa,  Jliilos  da  fe  celebrated  at,  n. 
8.  Visited  by  the  sovereigns,  45. 

Savona,  brilliant  interview  of  Ferdinand 
and  Louis  XII.  at,  in.  278. 

Scales,  Lord,  aids  the  Spanish  sovereigns, 


i.  397.  Tne  queen  s  courtesy  to,  398 
His  costume  at  the  meeting  of  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella  before  Moclin,  402. 
Loses  his  life,  n.  49,  note. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  his  representation  of 
Rene's  character,  i.  54,  note ;  of  Re- 
becca and  Isaac,  239,  note. 

Sculptors  in  Spain,  in.  483. 

Segovia,  interview  there,  between  Hen- 
ry IV.  and  Isabella,  i.  127.  Isabella 
proclaimed  queen  there,  141.  Tumult 
at,  suppressed  by  Isabella,  183. 

Seminara,  the  march  against,  n.  306. 
Battle  of,  308. 

Sempere,  critical  notice  of,  i.  Ixxix. 

Seville,  the  corporation  of,  offer  pre- 
miums for  poetry,  i.  21.  Reception 
of  Isabella  there,  187.  Inquisition  at, 
250.  Prevalence  of  the  plague  at,  253. 
Reception  of  Columbus  at,  n.  164 
Colonial  trade  confined  to,  495.  Here- 
tics burned  there,  in.  491,  note.  See 
Mendoza. 

Sforza,  Lodovico,  intrigues  of,  n.  264 
His  proposal  to  the  king  of  France 
265.  Jealous  of  the  French,  282,  289 
Unpopularity  of,  in.  4.  His  fate,  5. 

Sheep,  in  Castile,  i.  Iv. 

Sidonia,  Medina,  the  duke  of,  head  of 
the  Guzmans,  i.  119.  A  supporter  of 
Isabella,  189.  Marches  to  relieve  Al 
hama,  333  ;  to  Malaga,  n.  29.  Death 
of,  107,  note.  Application  made  to,  by 
Columbus,  123.  His  income,  in.  434, 
note. 

Sierra  Vermeja,  revolt  of  the,  n.  431. 
Expedition  into  the,  433.  Spaniards 
routed  there,  439.  Submission  of,  441 
Fate  of  the  inhabitants  of,  441.  Bal- 
lads thereon,  442.  Melancholy  reminis- 
cences respecting,  444. 

Silva,  Alonso  de,  sent  by  Ferdinand  to 
the  French  court,  n.  275.  Charles's 
dissatisfaction  with  him,  276.  Open* 
a  correspondence  with  Sforza,  282. 

Silva,  Juan  de,  count  of  Cifuentes,  his 
connexion  with  the  expedition  to  Ax- 
arquia,  i.  359,  360. 

Silveira,  Fernando  de,  representative  ol 
the  prince  of  Portugal,  at  the  affianc- 
ing with  the  infanta  Isabella,  n.  80 


INDEX. 


527 


Sismondi,  remarks  on  the  writing!  }f,  11. 
328,  note. 

Sixtus  IV.,  the  sovereigns  of  Castile  dif- 
fer with,  i.  220.  Sends  a  legate  to  the 
court  of  Castile,  221.  Grants  a  bull, 
authorizing  the  Inquisition  in  Castile, 
243.  His  conduct,  254.  His  present 
of  a  cross  to  the  sovereigns  for  a  stan- 
dard, 404. 

Slaves,  condition  of  the  Visigothic,  i. 
xz XT.  Regular  exchange  of,  recom- 
mended by  Columbus,  n.  470.  Isa- 
bella's proceedings  in  regard  to,  470, 
496.  Sent  back,  471.  Introduction 
of,  into  the  New  World,  496.  In  the 
colonies,  475. 

Slid«>ll,  his  remarks  on  the  armour  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  i.  403,  note.  His 
description  of  Toledo,  HI.  481,  note. 

Soils,  invited  to  court,  HI.  470.  His  dis- 
coveries, 472. 

Sos,  in  Aragon,  the  birth-place  of  Ferdi- 
nand the  Catholic,  i.  34. 

Soto,  Ferdinand  de,  his  discoveries  and 
death,  in.  472,  note. 

Sotomayor,  Alonso  de,  his  duel  with  Ba- 
yard, in.  47. 

Sousa,  first  gains  the  summit  of  the 
walls  of  Oran.  in.  305. 

South  Sea,  effect  of  its  discovery  on 
Spain,  i!i.  472. 

Southey,  Robert,  his  History  of  the  Span- 
ish Arabs,  i.  315,  note. 

Spain,  i.  xxix.  Consolidation  of  the  va- 
rious states  of,  xxix.  Number  of  states 
in,  reduced  to  four,  xxx.  Influence  of 
the  Visigoths  on,  xxxii ;  of  the  Saracen 
invasion  on,  xxxiv;  of  the  ecclesias- 
tics there,  xxxix.  Slate  of  the  Jews 
in,  at  the  accession  of  Isabella,  242. 
Early  successes  of  Mahometanism  and 
the  Arabs  in,  i.  270.  Conquest  of, 
273.  Treatment  of  Christians  in, 274. 
Mineral  wealth  of,  281.  Civilities  be- 
tween the  people  of,  and  the  Spanish 
Arabs.  203.  Merits  of  the  scholars  of, 
It.  201.  Universities  of,  202.  Intro- 
duction of  printing  into,  206  ;  encour- 
ages b\  the  queen,  206;  its  rapid  dif- 
fusion, 207.  Importance  of  the  tieaty 
of  Barcelona  to,  271.  Alarmed  at  the 


expedition  of  Charles  VIII.  into  Italy 
272.  Peace  of,  with  France,  335 
Influence  of  the  Italian  wars  on,33y 
Moral  consequences  of  her  discove- 
ries in  the  west,  503.  Her  geograph- 
ical extent,  505.  Neutrality  of,  secur- 
ed in  relation  to  France  and  Italy,  in 
5.  Alarmed  by  the  French  conquests 
in  Italy,  6.  Rupture  of,  with  France 
34.  Invasion  of,  by  Louis  XII.,  97. 
Effects  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  on,  429.  Policy  of  the  crown 
at  their  accession,  430.  Depression  of 
the  nobles  in,  431.  Treatment  of  the 
church  in,  435.  Morals  there,  437. 
State  of  the  commons  in.  437.  Royal 
ordinances  for,  441.  Advancement  of 
prerogative  in,  445.  Legal  compila- 
tions there,  447.  Organization  of 
councils  in,  450.  Legal  profession  in, 
advanced,  452.  Character  of  the  laws 
during  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Is- 
abella, 453.  Erroneous  principles  of 
legislation  in,  456.  Principal  export* 
from,  458.  Manufactures,  459.  Ag- 
riculture, 460.  Economical  policy  in, 
463.  Internal  improvements  in,  465. 
Increase  of  the  empire  of,  466.  Its 
government  of  Naples,  468.  Its  rev- 
enues from  the  Indies,  469.  Spirit  of 
adventure  in,  471.  Progress  of  dis- 
covery, 472.  Effect  produced  there, 
by  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea, 
473.  Slavery  in  its  colonies,  475. 
Administration  of  laws  in  the  colonies 
of,  478.  Its  general  prosperity,  479. 
Opulence  of  the  towns  of,  461.  Public 
embellishments  in,  4^2.  Augmenta- 
tion of  its  revenue,  484  ;  of  its  pop- 
ulation, 485.  Patriotic  principle  in, 
487.  Chivalrous  spirit,  4wJ.  Spirit  of 
bigotry  in,  4!U.  Beneficent  impulse 
there,  492.  The  period  of  its  national 
glory,  495.  See  Castile. 
Spaniards,  their  gradual  encroachment 
on  the  Saracens,  i.  xxxvii.  Dissen- 
sions among  them,  xxxvii.  Extend 
their  conquests  to  the  Douro  and  1  a- 
gus,  xxxviii.  Their  religious  fervor  and 
fanaticism,  xxxviii.  Their  traditional 
minstrelsy,  xl.  Their  respect  for  the 


528 


INDEX. 


Mahometans,  xlii.  Early  discoveries 
by  the,  n.  112.  Their  progress  in 
discovery,  in.  472.  Their  excesses, 
473.  Their  patriotic  principle,  487. 
Their  chivalrous  spirit,  488.  See  Cas- 
tile. 

Spanish  Arabs.     See  Moors. 

Spanish  fleet,  fitted  out  under  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova,  in.  12. 

Stage,  low  condition  of  the,  n.  244 

Sugar-cane,  introduced  into  Hispaniola 
from  the  Canaries,  in.  470. 

Swiss  mercenaries,  IVilgar's  account  of 
the,  i.  3!>G.  Employment  of,  n.  105. 
Their  value  in  the  expedition  of  Charles 
V11L,  2«0.  Their  organization,  280. 


T. 

Talavera,  Fray  Fernando  de,  anecdote 
respecting  him  and  Isabella,  i.  24G. 
Regards  Columlms's  theory  as  vision- 
ary, ii.  120.  Opposes  the  demands  of 
Columbus,  120.  Archbishop  of  Gra- 
nada, 404.  Remarks  respecting,  405, 
406.  His  mild  policy,  40G;  the  cler- 
gy dissatisfied  with  it,  408.  Appeases 
the  insurgents  of  the  Albaycin,  418. 
Commends  Ximenes,  424.  The  queen's 
correspondence  with,  in.  189,  note.  A 
victim  of  the  Inquisition,  24!),  note. 

Tarento,  invested  by  Gonsalvo  de  Cor- 
dova, in.  20.  Surrenders,  30. 

Tendilla,  Itiigo  Lopez  de  Mendoza,  count 
of,  remarks  respecting,  n.  404.  His 
conduct  at  the  Albaycin,  418.  His 
income,  in.  4:14,  note. 

Thiene,  his"Lttteresulla  Storia  de'  Mali 
Venerei,"  in.  50'?,  note. 

Ticknor,  George,  his  essay  on  the  early 
progress  of  the  dramatic  and  the  his- 
trionic art  in  Spain,  n.  249,  note. 

Time,  economy  of,  by  Ximenes,  in.  424. 

Toledo,  account  of  the  environs  of,  HI. 
401,  note. 

Toledo,  wealth  and  grandeur  of  the  arch- 
bishop of,  i.  Ixix.,  in.  434,  note.  See 
Carillo,  Mendoza,  and  Ximenes. 


Toledo,  Fadrique  de.     See  ,1\c,; 

Toledo,  Garcia  de,  commander  oi  the 
expedition  against  Gelves,  loses  his  life, 
in.  313,  note. 

Toleration,  among  the  Moors,  i.  xxxiii. 
Remarks  on  the  want  of,  n.  448.  See 
Intolerance. 

Tordesillas,  treaty  of  n.  181. 

Toro,  battle  of,  i.  ICO.  Meeting  of  the 
assembly  at,  in  1505,  in.  207. 

Toro,  Leyes  de,  HI.  448. 

Torquemada,  Thomas  de,  the  confessor 
of  Isabella,  facts  respecting,  i.  "47. 
Inquisitor-general  of  Castile  and  Ara- 
gon,255.  Convictions  under, 204.  His 
last  days  and  death,  207.  His  fanati- 
cism, 208.  His  violent  conduct  at  a 
Jewish  negotiation  with  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  n.  137.  Forbids  the  Jews 
receiving  assistance,  143. 

Torture,  by  the  Inquisition,  i.  237. 

Tournament,  near  Trani,  in.  4G. 

Trade,  various  regulations  of,  i.  223,  in 
45S; 

Trani,  tournament  near,  HI.  46. 

Trastamara,  revolution  of,  i.  3.  Termi- 
nation of  the  male  line  of  the  house 
of,  13C. 

Tribunals  of  Castile,  reorganization  of 
the,  i.  192. 

Tripoli,  captured,  in.  313. 

Truxillo,  punishment  of  certain  eccle- 
siastics there,  n.  4. 

Turks,  Frederic's  application  to,  for  aid, 
HI.  10.  Gonsalvo's expedition  against 
them,  16.  Their  defence  of  Si 
George,  17. 


U. 


Universities,  Spanish,  n.  202,   HI.  315 

327,  483. 
Urefla,  count  of,  n.  433.     His  conduct  at 

the    Sierra    Vermeja,   437,  439,   443. 

Goes  out  to  meet  Gonsalvo,  in.  291 

Comes  into  collision   with  Ximenes 

411. 


INDEX. 


529 


V. 


Valdata,  her  intellectual  character,  i. 
286,  note. 

Valencia,  conquered  by  Aragon,  i. 
Ixxxiii.  Loans  by  the  city  of,  n.  65. 
Printing  press  at,  in  1474,  207. 

Vega,  Garcilasso  de  la,  rescues  Ferdi- 
nand, n.  15.  Notice  of,  18,  note.  Min- 
ister of  Ferdinand,  282.  Aids  Gon- 
salvo  at  the  storming  of  Ostia,  332. 
His  boldness  towards  the  pope,  HI.  7. 
Ferdinand's  deportment  towards  him, 
228,273. 

Vega,  Lorenzo  Suarez  de  la,  his  negotia- 
tions at  Venice,  HI.  8.  His  ability, 
112,  note. 

Velasco,  Bernardino  de,  grand  constable, 
III.  2(JO.  Proposed  union  of,  with  El- 
vira, 292.  Facts  respecting,  292,  note. 
His  income,  434,  note. 

Velez  Malaga,  position  of,  n.  12.  Its 
surrender,  15. 

Velilla,  prophetic  tintinnabulations  of  the 
miraculous  bell  of,  in.  382,  note. 

Venereal  disease,  origin  of  the,  11.  501. 

Venice,  the  celebrated  league  of,  n.290. 
Aids  France  against  Milan,  HI.  5. 
Ferdinand's  negotiations  with,  8.  Her 
distrust  of  France,  112.  Projects 
against,  330.  Partition  of,  by  the 
treaty  of  Cambray,  330.  Power  of, 
broken  by  the  battle  of  Agnadel,  333. 
Continental  provinces  of,  released  from 
their  allegiance,  334.  Becomes  a  party 
in  the  Holy  League,  337.  Disgusted, 
344.  Her  definitive  treaty  with  France, 
for  their  mutual  defence,  344.  Laid 
waste  by  Cardona,  345.  Daru's  History 
of,  346,  note. 

Vergara,  Juan  de,  employed  in  the  com- 
pilation of  the  Complutensian  Poly- 
glot, in.  323,  note.  His  epitaph  on 
Ximenes,  418,  note. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  11,  482,  note.  Gives 
the  name  to  the  western  continent,  HI. 
470. 

Viana,  prince  of.     See  Carlos. 

Vicenza,  cruelties  at  the  capture  of,  HI. 
342,  note. 


Villafrata,  destroyed  by  Ximenes,  in 
411. 

Villena,  Henry,  marquis  of,  his  literary 
character,  i.  14.  Fate  of  his  library, 
16,  266,  note. 

Villena,  Juan  Pacheco,  marquis  of,  char- 
acter and  influence  of,  i.  70.  Dis 
graced,  74.  His  league  with  the  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  against  the  crown, 
75.  Assists  in  deposing  Henry  IV., 
78.  His  intrigues  to  prevent  a  recon- 
ciliation of  parties,  80.  Supports  Jo- 
anna Beltraneja,  98,  165.  Threatens 
Isabella  with  imprisonment,  100.  His 
endeavours  to  prevent  the  union  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  104.  Appoint- 
ed grand  master  of  St.  James,  114. 
His  avarice,  116, note.  Incenses  Hen- 
ry IV.  against  Isabella,  128.  Hit 
death,  134.  Dissatisfied  with  the  set- 
tlement of  the  queen's  regency,  in. 
209.  Favors  Ferdinand,  273.  His  in 
come,  434,  note. 

Visigoths,  overrun  Spain,  i.  xxxii.  Char- 
acter of  their  laws,  xxxii.  Spain  taken 
from  them,  xxxiii.  Condition  of  slave* 
among  them,  xxxv. 


W. 

War  of  the  Succession,  i.  139. 

Weights  and  measures,  laws  respecting, 
HI.  466. 

West,  belief  of  land  in  the,  n.  116. 

West  Indies,  discovery  of  the,  n.  161. 
Why  so  called,  167.  Regulations  of 
trade  with,  168.  Preparations  for  a 
second  voyage  to,  169.  See  Coloniet, 
Hispaniola,  and  Indies. 

Western  Caliphate,  the,  275. 

Wool,  in  Spain,  HI.  459. 


Ximenes,  Cardinal,  his  famous  Polyglot 
Bible,  ii.  201,  note,  204.  His  birth, 
373.  Visits  Rome,  374.  His  return, 
and  imprisonment,  375.  Established 


VOL.    III. 


67 


530 


INDEX. 


at  Siguenza,  370  Enters  the  Francis- 
can order,  37(i.  His  severe  penance, 
377.  His  ascetic  life,  378.  Made 
guardian  of  Sal/eda,  3~9.  Introduced 
to  the  queen,  and  made  her  confessor, 
380.  Elet'.ed  provincial,  381.  His 
attempts  at  reform,  383.  The  see  of 
Toledo  offe-ed  to  him,  386.  He  re- 
luctantly accepts,  387.  Anecdotes  of, 
388.  His  austere  life,  389.  Reform 
in  his  diocese,  3!)0.  Example  of  his  se- 
verity, 3!) I.  Authorities  on  whom  his 
life  mainly  rests,  398,  note..  His  moral 
energy,  403.  Goes  to  Granada,  401). 
His  violent  measures  for  converting 
the  Moors,  410.  Destroys  Arabic 
books,  413.  Besieged  in  his  palace, 
417.  His  communications  to  the  sove- 
reigns respecting  the  revolt  of  the 
Albaycin,  420.  Hastens  to  court, 
421.  General  approbation  of  his  meas- 
ures, 424.  His  rebuke  of  Vianelli,  in. 
173,  note.  Sustained  by  the  queen, 
187.  Remonstrates  with  Philip  on  the 
recklessness  of  his  measures,  243. 
His  influence,  258.  His  conduct  upon 
the  death  of  Philip,  259,  273,  note. 
Honors  conferred  ;  his  enthusiasm, 
297.  His  designs  against  Oran,  299. 
His  warlike  preparations,  300.  His 
perseverance,  301.  Sends  an  army  to 
Africa,  301.  Addresses  the  troops, 
302.  Relinquishes  the  command  to 
Navarro,  303.  His  entry  into  Oran, 

307.  Opposition  to  him,  by  Navarro, 

308.  His  distrust  of  Ferdinand,  309. 
Gives  counsel  to  Navarro,  and  returns 
to  Spain,  310.    Refuses  public  honors, 
311.    His  return  to  Alcala,  311.     His 
general  deportment,  311.     Visits  the 
families  of  his  diocese,  312.  Busily  oc- 
cupied with  his  university  at  Alcala, 
J15.     Said  to  continue  to  watch  orer 
Oran  alter  his  death,  315,  note.     His 
reception  of  Ferdinand  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Acala,  316.     Account  of  his 
Polyglot  Bible,  321 ;  difficulties  of  the 
task,  323;  persons  employed  about  it, 
323,  note.     His  gratitude  on  its  com- 
pletion, 324.      His  projected  edition 
of  Aristotle,  324,  note.   Grand  projects 


of,  326.  His  bequest  to  the  univer- 
sity of  Alcala,  327.  The  administra- 
tion of  Castile  left  to,  385,  386.  Meets 
with  opposition  respecting  the  regen- 
cy, 404.  Opposes  the  desire  of  Charles 
to  be  proclaimed  king,  405.  Replies 
to  the  Castiiian  aristocracy,  407.  His 
military  ordinance,  407.  His  domes- 
tic policy,  408.  His  foreign  policy 
408.  Sends  a  commission  to  His- 
paniola,  to  ameliorate  the  condition  ol 
the  natives,  409,  477.  Extends  the 
Inquisition,  409.  Assumes  the  sole 
pow«r,  410.  Intimidates  the  nobles, 
411.  Burns  Villafrata,  411.  Public 
discontents  under,  412.  His  reception 
of  Charles,  414.  Charles's  ungrateful 
letter  to,  415.  His  last  illness,  415  Hia 
death,  416.  Celebration  of  his  ob- 
sequiee,  417.  Vergara's  epitaph  on. 

418,  note.     His   character,   418.     His 
versatility  of  talent,  418.    His  bigotry, 

419.  His  despotic   government,  419. 
His  moral  principle,  420.     His  disin- 
terestedness, 421.   His  self-confidence 
422.     His  chastity,  422.     His  monas 
tic  austerity,  423.     Anecdote  in  rela- 
tion  to   his   dress,    423.     Quintanilla 
cited  respecting,  424,  note.     His  econ- 
my  of  time,  424.     Description  of  his 
person,  425.  Examination  of  his  skull, 
425,  note.     Parallel  between  him  and 
Richelieu,  426. 


Z. 


Zagal.     See  Mdallah. 

Zahara,  surprised  by  the  Moors,  i.  317. 

Zamora,  defection  of,  i.  151.  Ferdinano 
passes  to,  156.  King  of  Portugal  aj- 
rives  before,  157.  Surrender  of,  166. 

Zamora,  Alfonso,  employed  in  the  cc«n- 
pilation  of  the  Complutensian  Poly- 
glot, in.  323. 

Zegri,  a  Moor,  his  conversion,  u.  412. 

Zeli,  Hamet,  the  defender  of  Ronda,  in- 
trusted with  the  command  of  Gebal- 
faro,  ii.  17.  His  remark  after  his  sur- 
render, 38. 


INDEX. 


531 


Zcnctc,  Abrahen,  a  noble  Moor,  gen- 
erosity of,  ii.  31. 

Zoraya,  the  sultana,  jealous  of  the  sul- 
tan, Abul  Hacen,  i.  348.  Her  succoss, 
349  Her  embassy  to  Cordova  for  the 
redemption  of  Abdallah,  379.  Her 


reproof  of  Abdallah  for  his  weakness, 
ii.  99. 

ZuSiga,  Lopez  de,  employed  in  the  com* 
pilation  of  the  Complutensian  Poly- 
glot, in.  323,  note. 

Zurita,  Geronimo,  his  life  and  writing^ 
ii.  2U2. 


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